THE  GIFT  OF 

FLORENCE  V.  V.  DICKEY 

TO  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

AT  LOS  ANGELES 


THE  DONALD-R.  DICKEY 

LIBRARY 

OF  VERTEBRATE  ZOOLOGY 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO 


VOL.   1. 


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HISTORY 


OF    THE 


OONaUEST  OF  MEXICO, 


WITH  A  PREIJMINARY  VIEW 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION, 

AND    THE 

LIFE  OF  THE  CONQUEROR, 

HERNANDO   CORTES. 


WILLIAM   H.   PRESCOTT, 

AUTHOR   OF  THE   "HISTORY   OF   FERDINAND    AND   ISABELLA.' 


"Victrices  aquilaa  alium  laturua  in  orbem." 

Ldcan,  Pharsalia,  lib.  r.,  v.  238 


IN    THREE    VOLUMES. 
VOLUME   I. 

EIGHTH      EDITION. 

NEW  YORK: 
IIAKPER   AND   BROTHERS,  82,  CLIFF  STREET 

M  DCX'C   XLVIII. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1843,  by 

William  H.  Prescott, 

n  tlie  Clerk's  ofiice  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  Massachusetts 


PREFACE. 


As  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  has  occupied  the 
pens  of  Solis  and  of  Robertson,  two  of  the  ablest 
historians  of  their  respective  nations,  it  might 
seem  that  little  could  remain  at  the  present  day 
to  be  gleaned  by  the  historical  inquirer.  But 
Robertson's  narrative  is  necessarily  brief,  forming 
only  part  of  a  more  extended  work ;  and  neither 
the  British,  nor  the  Castilian  author,  was  provided 
with  the  important  materials  for  relating  this  event, 
which  have  been  since  assembled  by  the  industry 
of  Spanish  scholars.  The  scholar  who  led  the 
way  in  these  researches  was  Don  Juan  Baptista 
Munoz,  the  celebrated  historiographer  of  the  In- 
dies, who,  by  a  royal  edict,  was  allowed  free  access 
to  the  national  archives,  and  to  all  libraries,  public, 
private,  and  monastic,  in  the  kingdom  and  its  col- 
onies. The  result  of  his  long  labors  was  a  vast 
body  of  materials,  of  which  unhappily  he  did  not 


VI  PREFACE. 

live  10  reap  the  benefit  himself.  His  manuscripts 
were  deposited,  after  his  death,  in  the  archives  of 
the  Royal  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid ;  and 
that  collection  was  subsequently  augmented  by  the 
manuscripts  of  Don  Vargas  Pon9e,  President  of 
the  Academy,  obtained,  like  those  of  Munoz,  from 
different  quarters,  but  especially  from  the  archives 
of  the  Indies  at  Seville. 

On  my  application  to  the  Academy,  in  1838, 
for  permission  to  copy  that  part  of  this  inestima- 
ble collection  relating  to  Mexico  and  Peru,  it  was 
freely  acceded  to,  and  an  eminent  German  schol- 
ar, one  of  their  own  number,  was  appointed  to 
superintend  the  collation  and  transcription  of  the 
manuscripts ;  and  this,  it  may  be  added,  before 
I  had  any  claim  on  the  courtesy  of  that  respecta- 
ble body,  as  one  of  its  associates.  This  conduct 
shows  the  advance  of  a  liberal  spirit  in  the  Pen- 
insula since  the  time  of  Dr.  Robertson,  who  com- 
plains that  he  was  denied  admission  to  the  most 
important  public  repositories.  The  favor  with  which 
my  own  application  was  regarded,  however,  must 
chiefly  be  attributed  to  the  kind  offices  of  the  ven- 
erable President  of  the  Academy,  Don  Martin  Fer- 
nandez de  Navarrete ;  a  scholar  whose  personal 
character  has  secured  to    him  the  same  hiuh  con- 


PREFACE.  VU 

sideration  at  home,  which  his  hterary  labors  have 
obtained  abroad.  To  this  eminent  person  1  am 
under  still  further  obligations,  for  the  free  use  which 
he  has  allowed  me  to  make  of  his  own  manuscripts, 
—  the  fruits  of  a  life  of  accumulation,  and  the 
basis  of  those  valuable  publications,  with  which  he 
has  at  different  times  illustrated  the  Spanish  colo- 
nial  history. 

From  these  three  magnificent  collections,  the  re- 
sult of  half  a  century's  careful  researches,  I  have 
obtained  a  mass  of  unpublished  documents,  relat- 
ing to  the  Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Mexico  and 
of  Peru,  comprising  altogether  about  eight  thou- 
sand folio  pages.  They  consist  of  instructions  of 
the  Court,  military  and  private  journals,  corres- 
pondence of  the  great  actors  in  the  scenes,  legal 
instruments,  contemporary  chronicles,  and  the  like, 
drawn  from  all  the  principal  places  in  the  exten- 
sive colonial  empire  of  Spain,  as  well  as  from  the 
public  archives  in  the  Peninsula. 

I  have  still  further  fortified  the  collection,  by 
gleaning  such  materials  from  Mexico  itself  as  had 
been  overlooked  by  my  illustrious  predecessors  in 
these  researches.  For  these  I  am  indebted  to  the 
courtesy  of  Count  Cortina,  and,  yet  more,  to  that 
of  Don  Lucas  Alaman,  Minister  of  Foreign  Aflairs 


▼IM  PREFACE. 

in  Mexico ;  but,  above  all,  to  my  excellent  friend, 
Don  Angel  Calderon  de  hi  Barca,  late  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  that  country  from  the  Court  of 
Madrid,  —  a  gentleman  whose  high  and  estima- 
ble qualities,  even  more  than  his  station,  secured 
him  the  public  confidence,  and  gained  him  free 
access  to  every  place  of  interest  and  importance  in 
Mexico. 

1  have  also  to  acknowledge  the  very  kind  offices 
rendered  to  me  by  the  Count  CamaldoH  at  Naples ; 
by  the  Duke  of  Serradifalco  in  Sicily,  a  nobleman, 
whose  science  gives  additional  lustre  to  his  rank; 
and  by  the  Duke  of  Monteleone,  the  present  rep- 
resentative of  Cortes,  who  has  courteously  opened 
the  archives  of  his  family  to  my  inspection.  To 
these  names  must  also  be  added  that  of  Sir  Thom- 
as Phillips,  Bart.,  whose  precious  collection  of  man- 
uscripts probably  surpasses  in  extent  that  of  any 
private  gentleman  in  Great  Britain,  if  not  in  Eu- 
rope ;  that  of  Mons.  Ternaux-Compans,  the  pro- 
prietor of  the  valuable  literary  collection  of  Don 
Antonio  Uguina,  including  the  papers  of  Muiloz, 
the  fruits  of  which  he  is  giving  to  the  world  in 
his  excellent  translations ;  and,  lastly,  that  of  my 
friend  and  countryman,  Arthur  Middleton,  Esq., 
late  Charge  d'Affaires    from  the   United   States  at 


PREFACE.  IX 

the  Couri  of  Madrid,  for  the  efficient  aid  he  has 
afforded  me  in  prosecuting  my  inquiries  in  that 
capital. 

In  addition  to  this  stock  of  original  documents 
obtained  through  these  various  sources,  1  have  dili- 
gently provided  myself  with  such  printed  works  as 
have  reference  to  the  subject,  including  the  mag- 
nificent publications,  which  have  appeared  both  in 
France  and  England,  on  the  Antiquities  of  Mexi- 
co, which,  from  their  cost  and  colossal  dimensions, 
would  seem  better  suited  to  a  public  than  to  a 
private  library. 

Having  thus  stated  the  nature  of  my  materials, 
and  the  sources  whence  they  are  derived,  it  remains 
for  me  to  add  a  few  observations  on  the  general 
plan  and  composition  of  the  work.  —  Among  the 
remarkable  achievements  of  the  Spaniards  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  there  is  no  one  more  striking  to 
the  imagination  than  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  The 
subversion  of  a  great  empire  by  a  handful  of  ad- 
venturers, taken  with  all  its  strange  and  pictur- 
esque accompaniments,  has  the  air  of  romance 
rather  than  of  sober  history ;  and  it  is  not  easy  to 
treat  such  a  theme  according  to  the  severe  rules 
prescribed  by  historical  criticism.  But,  notwith- 
standing the  seductions  of  the  subject,  I  have  con- 


X  PREFACE. 

scientiously  endeavoured  to  distinguish  fact  from 
fiction,  and  to  establish  the  narrative  on  as  broad 
a  basis  as  possible  of  contemporary  evidence  ;  and 
I  have  taken  occasion  to  corroborate  the  text  b\ 
ample  citations  from  authorities,  usually  in  the  orig- 
mal,  since  few  of  them  can  be  very  accessible  to 
the  reader.  In  these  extracts  I  have  scrupulously 
conformed  to  the  ancient  orthography,  however  ob- 
solete and  even  barbarous,  rather  than  impair  in 
any  degree  the  integrity  of  the  original  document. 
Although  the  subject  of  the  work  is,  properly, 
only  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  I  have  prepared  the 
way  for  it  by  such  a  view  of  the  Civilization  of 
the  ancient  Mexicans,  as  might  acquaint  the  reader 
with  the  character  of  this  extraordinary  race,  and 
enable  him  to  understand  the  difficulties  which  the 
Spaniards  had  to  encounter  in  their  subjugation. 
This  Introductory  pai't  of  the  work,  with  the  essay 
in  the  Appendix  which  properly  belongs  to  the 
Introduction,  although  both  together  making  only 
half  a  volume,  has  cost  me  as  much  labor,  and 
nearly  as  much  time,  as  the  remainder  of  the  his- 
tory. If  I  shall  have  succeeded  in  giving  the  read- 
er a  just  idea  of  the  true  nature  and  extent  of  the 
civilization  to  which  the  Mexicans  had  attained,  it 
will  not  be  labor  lost. 


PREFACE.  Xi 

The  story  of  the  Conquest  terminates  with  the 
fall  of  the  capital.  Yet  I  have  preferred  to  con- 
tinue the  narrative  to  the  death  of  Cortes,  relying 
on  the  interest  which  the  development  of  his  char- 
acter in  his  military  career  may  have  excited  in  the 
reader.  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  hazard  I  incur 
by  such  a  course.  The  mind,  previously  occupied 
with  one  great  idea,  that  of  the  subversion  of  the 
capital,  may  feel  the  prolongation  of  the  story  be- 
yond that  point  superfluous,  if  not  tedious  ;  and  may 
find  it  difficult,  after  the  excitement  caused  by  wit- 
nessing a  great  national  catastrophe,  to  take  an 
interest  in  the  adventures  of  a  private  individual. 
Soils  took  the  more  politic  course  of  concluding  his 
narrative  with  the  fall  of  Mexico,  and  thus  leaves 
his  readers  with  the  full  impression  of  that  memo- 
rable event,  undisturbed,  on  their  minds.  To  pro- 
long the  narrative  is  to  expose  the  historian  to  the 
error  so  much  censured  by  the  French  critics  in 
some  of  their  most  celebrated  dramas,  where  the 
author  by  a  premature  denouement  has  impaired  the 
interest  of  his  piece.  It  is  the  defect  that  neces- 
sarily attaches,  though  in  a  greater  degree,  to  the 
history  of  Columbus,  in  which  p^tty  adventures 
anjong  a  group  of  islands  make  up  the  sequel  of 
a  life  that  opened  with  the   magnificent  discovery 

VOL.    I.  B 


XW  PREFACE. 

of  a  World  ;  a  defect,  in  short,  which  has  required 
all  the  genius  of  Irving  and  the  magical  charm  of 
his  style  perfectly  to  overcome. 

Notwithstanding  these  objections,  I  have  been 
induced  to  continue  the  narrative,  partly  from  defe- 
rence to  the  opinion  of  several  Spanish  scholars, 
who  considered  that  the  biography  of  Cortes  had 
not  been  fully  exhibited,  and  partly  from  the  cir- 
cumstance of  my  having  such  a  body  of  original 
materials  for  this  biography  at  my  command.  And 
I  cannot  regret  that  I  have  adopted  this  course ; 
since,  whatever  lustre  the  Conquest  may  reflect  on 
Cortes  as  a  military  achievement,  it  gives  but  an 
imperfect  idea  of  his  enlightened  spirit,  and  of  his 
comprehensive  and  versatile  genius. 

To  the  eye  of  the  critic  there  may  seem  some 
incongruity  in  a  plan  which  combines  objects  so 
dissimilar  as  those  embraced  by  the  present  history ; 
where  the  Introduction,  occupied  with  the  antiqui- 
ties and  origin  of  a  nation,  has  somewhat  the  char- 
acter of  a  philosophic  theme,  while  the  conclusion 
is  strictly  biographical^  and  the  two  may  be  sup- 
posed to  match  indifferently  with  the  main  body, 
or  historical  portion  of  the  work.  But  I  may  hope 
that  such  objections  will  be  found  to  have  less 
weight  in  practice  than  in  theory ;  and,  if  j)roper]y 


PREFACE.  Xlli 

managed,  that  the  general  views  of  the  Introduc- 
tion will  prepare  the  reader  for  the  particulars  of 
the  Conquest,  and  that  the  great  public  events 
narrated  in  this  will,  without  violence,  open  the 
way  to  the  remaining  personal  history  of  the  hero 
who  is  the  soul  of  it.  Whatever  incongmity  may 
exist  in  other  respects,  I  may  hope  that  the  imity 
of  interest,  the  only  unity  held  of  much  importance 
by  modern  critics,  will  be  found  still  to  be  pre- 
served. 

The  distance  of  the  present  age  from  the  period 
of  the  narrative  might  be  presumed  to  secure  the 
historian  from  undue  prejudice  or  partiality.  Yet 
to  American  and  English  readers,  acknowledging 
so  different  a  moral  standard  from  that  of  the  six- 
t^enth  century,  I  may  possibly  be  thought  too  in- 
dulgent to  the  errors  of  the  Conquerors  ;  while 
to  a  Spaniard,  accustomed  to  the  undiluted  pane- 
gyric of  Soils,  I  may  be  deemed  to  have  dealt  too 
hardly  with  them.  To  such  I  can  only  say,  that, 
while,  on  the  one  hand,  I  have  not  hesitated  to 
expose  in  their  strongest  colors  the  excesses  of  the 
Conquerors  ;  on  the  other,  I  have  given  them  the 
benefit  of  such  mitigating  reflections  as  might  be 
suggested  by  the  circumstances  and  the  period  in 
which  they  lived.     I  have  endeavoured  not  only  to 


XIV  PREFACE. 

present  a  picture  true  in  itself,  but  to  place  it  in 
its  proper  light,  and  to  put  the  spectator  in  a 
proper  point  of  view  for  seeing  it  to  the  best  ad- 
vantage. I  have  endeavoured,  at  the  expense  of 
some  repetition,  to  surround  him  with  the  spirit 
of  the  times,  and,  in  a  word,  to  make  him,  if  I 
may  so  express  myself,  a  contemporary  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Whether,  and  how  far,  I  have  suc- 
ceeded  in  this,   he  must  determine. 

For  one  thing,  before  I  conclude,  I  may  reason- 
ably ask  the  reader's  indulgence.  Owing  to  the 
state  of  my  eyes,  I  have  been  obliged  to  use  a 
writing-case  made  for  the  blind,  which  does  not 
permit  the  writer  to  see  his  own  manuscript.  Nor 
have  I  ever  corrected,  or  even  read,  my  own  origi- 
nal draft.  As  the  chirography,  under  these  disad- 
vantages, has  been  too  often  careless  and  obscure, 
occasional  errors,  even  with  the  utmost  care  of 
my  secretary,  must  have  necessarily  occurred  in  the 
transcription,  somewhat  increased  by  the  barbarous 
phraseology  imported  from  my  Mexican  authorities. 
I  cannot  expect  that  these  errors  have  always  been 
detected  even  by  the  vigilant  eye  of  the  perspic.a- 
cious  critic  to  whom  the  proof-sheets  have  be(3n 
subjected. 

In  the  Preface  to  the  "  History  of  Ferdinand  and 


PREFACE.  XV 

Isabella,"  I  lamented,  that,  while  occupied  with 
that  subject,  two  of  its  most  attractive  parts  had 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  most  popular  of  Amer- 
ican authors,  Washington  Irving.  By  a  singular 
chance,  something  like  the  reverse  of  this  has  ta- 
ken place  in  the  composition  of  the  present  his- 
tory, and  I  have  found  myself  unconsciously  taking 
up  ground  which  he  was  preparing  to  occupy. 
It  was  not  till  I  had  become  master  of  my  rich 
collection  of  materials,  that  I  was  acquainted  with 
this  circumstance  ;  and,  had  he  persevered  in  his 
design,  I  should  unhesitatingly  have  abandoned  my 
own,  if  not  from  courtesy,  at  least  from  policy  ; 
for,  though  armed  with  the  weapons  of  Achilles, 
this  could  give  me  no  hope  of  success  in  a  com- 
petition with  Achilles  himself.  But  no  sooner  was 
that  distinguished  writer  informed  of  the  prepara- 
tions I  had  made,  than,  with  the  gentlemanly  spirit 
which  will  surprise  no  one  who  has  the  pleasure 
of  his  acquaintance,  he  instantly  announced  to  me 
liis  intention  of  leaving  the  subject  open  to  me. 
While  I  do  but  justice  to  Mr.  Irving  by  this  state- 
ment, I  feel  the  prejudice  it  does  to  myself  in  the 
unavailing  regret  1  am  exciting  in  the  bosom  of 
the  reader. 

I  must  not  conclude  this  Preface,  too  long  pro- 


Xvi  PREFACE. 

traded  as  it  is  already,  without  a  word  of  ac- 
knowledgment to  my  friend  George  Ticknor,  Esq., 
—  the  friend  of  many  years, — for  his  patient  re- 
vision of  my  manuscript ;  a  labor  of  love,  the  wortii 
of  which  those  only  can  estimate,  who  are  acquaint- 
ed with  his  extraordinary  erudition  and  his  nice 
critical  taste.  If  I  have  reserved  his  name  for  the 
last  in  the  list  of  those  to  whose  good  offices  I 
am  indebted,  it  is  most  assuredly  not  because  I 
value  his  services  least. 

WILLIAM  H.   PRESCOTT 
Boston,  October  1,  1843. 


GENERAL  CONTENTS. 


BOOK   I. 

INTRODUCTION.  — VIEW  OF  THE   AZTEC  CIVILIZATION 

BOOK   II. 

DISCOVERY  OF   MEXICO 

BOOK   III 

MARCH   TO   MEXICO. 

BOOK   IV. 

RESIDENCE   IN   MEXICO. 

BOOK   V. 

EXPULSION   FROM   MEXICO 

BOOK   VI. 

SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER  OF   MEXICO. 

BOOK  VII. 

CONCLUSION.  —  SUBSEQUENT   CAREER  OF  CORTES. 

APPENDIX. 


CONTENTS 


VOLUME   FIRST 


BOOK   I. 

INTRODUCTION.  —  VIEW  OF  THE  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION. 


CHAPTER  L 

Page 

Ancient  Mexico.  —  Climate  and    Products.  —  Primitive 

Racks.  —  Aztec  Empire                   3 

Extent  of  the  Aztec  Territory                     ....  4 

The  Hot  Region    ...                  5 

Volcanic  Scenery      ....                  ...  7 

Cordillera  of  the  Andes         ...                  ...  8 

Table-land  in  the  Days  of  the  Aztecs         .                  .         .  9 

Valley  of  Mexico 10 

TheToltecs 11 

Their  mysterious  Disappearance     .         .         .         .         .         .13 

Races  from  the  North-west 14 

Their  Hostilities 15 

Foundation  of  Mexico        .......  IG 

Domestic  Feuds    .........  17 

League  of  the  kindred  Tribes 18 

Rapid  Rise  of  Mexico 20 

Prosperity  of  the  Empire 21 

Criticism  on  Veytia's  History 22 


CHAPTER  11. 

Succession   to  the  Crown.  —  Aztec   Nobilitt.  —  Judicial 
System. — Laws  and  Revenues. —  Military  Institutions     23 

Election  of  the  Sovereign 23 

His  Coronation 24 

VOL.  I.  C 


XX  CONTENTS. 

Pago 

Aztec  Nobles 25 

Their  barbaric  Pomp 26 

Tenure  of  their  Estates                                    ....  27 

Legislative  Power     .....•••  28 

Judicial  System     .....-•••  29 

Independent  Judges           .....••  «>1 

Their  Mode  of  Procedure       ....                  .         .  32 

Showy  Tribunal        ........  33 

Hieroglyphical  Paintings        .......  35 

Marriage  Rites          .....•••  36 

Slavery  in  Mexico .36 

Royal  Revenues 38 

Burdensome  Imposts      .         .         .         .         •         •         •         .41 

Public  Couriers          ........  42 

Military  Enthusiasm 43 

Aztec  Ambassadors 44 

Orders  of  Knighthood 45 

Gorgeous  Armor 45 

National  Standards         ........  46 

Military  Code 47 

Hospitals  for  the  Wounded 48 

Influence  of  Conquest  on  a  Nation     .....  50 
Criticism  on  Torquemada's  History         .         .         .         .         .51 

Ahh6  Clavigero 52 


CHAPTER  III. 

Mexican  Mythology. — The  Sacerdotal  Order. —  The  TeM' 
PLES.  —  Human  Sacrifices 

Systems  of  Mythology 
Mythology  of  the  Aztecs 
Ideas  of  a  God 
Sanguinary  War-god     . 
God  of  the  Air 
Mystic  Legends     . 
Division  of  Time 
Future  State 
Funeral  Ceremonies 
Baptismal  Rites     . 
Monastic  Orders 
Fasts  and  Flagellation  . 
Aztec  Confessional     . 


54 
54 
56 
57 
58 
59 
GO 
61 
62 
63 
64 
66 
67 
68 


CONTENTS. 


Education  of  the  Youth 
Revenue  of  the  Priests 
Mexican  Temples 
Religious  Festivals    . 
Human  Sacrifices 
The  Captive's  Doom 
Ceremonies  of  Sacrifice 
Torturing  of  the  Victim 
Sacrifice  of  Infants 
Cannibal  Banquets     . 
Number  of  Victims 
Houses  of  Skulls 
Cannibalism  of  the  Aztecs 
Criticism  on  Sahagun's  History 


CHAPTER  IV 

Mexican    Hieroglyphics.  —  Manuscripts 
Chronology. — Astronomy 

Dawning  of  Science 

Picture-writing      .... 

Aztec  Hieroglyphics 

Manuscripts  of  the  Mexicans 

Emblematic  Symbols 

Phonetic  Signs      .... 

Materials  of  the  Aztec  Manuscripts 

Form  of  their  Volumes 

Destruction  of  most  of  them 

Remaining  Manuscripts 

Difficulty  of  decyphering  them  . 

Minstrelsy  of  the  Aztecs 

Theatrical  Entertainments 

System  of  Notation 

Their  Chronology 

The  Aztec  Era      .... 

Calendar  of  the  Priests 

Science  of  Astrology     . 

Astrology  of  the  Aztecs    . 

Their  Astronomy  .... 

Wonderful  Attainments  in  this  Science 

Remarkable  Festival 

Carnival  of  the  Aztecs 


XXI 

69 
71 

72 
73 

74 
75 
76 
77 
78 
79 
79 
83 
84 
86 


—  Arithmetic.  — 


90 

90 

91 

93 

94 

95 

96 

99 

100 

101 

103 

106 

108 

109 

109 

110 

114 

117 

120 

121 

122 

123 

125 

127 


xxil  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Lord  Kingsborough's  Work 128 

Criticism  on  Gama 130 

CHAPTER  V. 

Aztec   Agriculture. — Mechanical   Arts.  —  Merchants. — 

Domestic  Manners .131 

Mechanical  Genius •  131 

Agriculture .         .         .         .133 

Mexican  Husbandry           .......  134 

Vegetable  Products 135 

Mineral  Treasures 138 

Skill  of  the  Aztec  Jewellers 139 

Sculpture 141 

Huge  Calendar-stone 142 

Aztec  Dyes       .........  143 

Beautiful  Feather-work 144 

Fairs  of  Mexico 145 

National  Currency 145 

Trades 146 

Aztec  Merchants 147 

Militant  Traders 148 

Domestic  Life 150 

Kindness  to  Children 151 

Polygamy 151 

Condition  of  the  Sex 152 

Social  Entertainments 152 

Use  of  Tobacco 153 

Culinary  Art 155 

Agreeable  Drinks 156 

Dancing 156 

Intoxication 157 

Criticism  on  Boturini's  Work 158 

CHAPTER  VL 

Tezcucans.  —  Their  Golden  Age.  —  Accomplished  Princes. 

—  Decline  of  their  Monarchy 161 

The  Acolhuans  or  Tezcucans    ......  161 

Prince  Nezahualcoyotl 162 

His  Persecution         ........  163 

His  Hair-breadth  Escapes 164 


CONTENTS. 


His  wandering  Life  . 

Fidelity  of  liis  Subjects 

Triumphs  over  his  Enemies 

Remarkable  League 

General  Amnesty 

The  Tezcucan  Code 

Departments  of  Government 

Council  of  Music  . 

Its  Censorial  Office    . 

Literary  Taste 

Tezcucan  Bards 

Royal  Ode     .... 

Resources  of  Nezahualcoyotl 

His  magnificent  Palace 

His  Gardens  and  Villas 

Address  of  the  Priest    . 

His  Baths 

Luxurious  Residence     . 

Existing  Remains  of  it 

Royal  Amours 

Marriage  of  the  King 

Forest  Laws 

Strolling  Adventures 

Munificence  of  the  Monarch  . 

His  Religion 

Temple  to  the  Unknown  God 

Philosophic  Retirement 

His  plaintive  Verses 

Last  Hours  of  Nezahualcoyotl 

His  Character 

Succeeded  by  Nezahualpilli 

The  Lady  of  Tula 

Executes  his  Son 

Efieminacy  of  the  King 

His  consequent  Misfortunes 

Death  of  Nezahualpilli 

Tezcucan  Civilization 

Criticism  on  Ixtlilxochitl's  Writings 


xxm 

Page 
165 
166 
167 
168 
168 
169 
170 
170 
171 
172 
173 
174 
176 
177 
178 
181 
183 
184 
185 
186 
188 
189 
190 
191 
192 
193 
194 
195 
197 
200 
201 
201 
202 
203 
203 
204 
205 
206 


XXIV 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK   11. 

DISCOVERY  OF  MEXICO. 


Pa»e 


CHAPTER  I. 

Spain  under  Charles  V. — Progress  of  Discovery.  —  Colo- 
nial Policy. — Conquest  of  Cuba. — Expeditions  to 
Yucatan 211 


Condition  of  Spain    . 

Increase  of  Empire 

Cardinal  Ximenes 

Arrival  of  Charles  the  Fifth  , 

Swarm  of  Flemings  . 

Opposition  of  the  Cortes 

Colonial  Administration 

Spirit  of  Chivalry 

Progress  of  Discovery 

Advancement  of  Colonization 

System  of  Repartimientos  . 

Colonial  Policy 

Discovery  of  Cuba    . 

Its  Conquest  by  Velasquez 

Cordova's  Expedition  to  Yucatan 

His  Reception  by  the  Natives 

Grijalva's  Expedition 

Civilization  in  Yucatan  . 

Traffic  with  the  Indians 

His  Return  to  Cuba 

His  cool  Reception    . 

Ambitious  Schemes  of  the  Governor 

Preparations  for  an  Expedition  . 


CHAPTER  II 


211 

212 
212 
213 
213 
214 
215 
216 
217 
218 
218 
219 
220 
221 
222 
223 
224 
225 
226 
228 
228 
228 
229 


Hernando  Cortes.  —  His  Early  Life.  —  Visits  the  New 
World.  —  His  Residence  in  Cuba. — Difficulties  with 
Velasquez. — Aumada  intrusted  to  Cortes  .         .     230 

Hernando  Cortes 230 

His  Education 231 

Choice  of  a  Profession       . 232 


CONTENTS. 


XXV 

Page 


Departure  for  America 233 

Arrival  at  Hispaniola 

His  Mode  of  Life 

Enlists  under  A^elasquez     . 

Habits  of  Gallantry 

Disaffected  towards  Velasquez 

Cortes  in  Confinement    . 

Flies  into  a  Sanctuary 

Again  put  in  Irons 

His  perilous  Escape  . 

His  Marriage 

Reconciled  with  the  Governor 

Retires  to  his  Plantation 

Armada  intrusted  to  Cortes 

Preparations  for  the  Voyage  . 

Instructions  to  Cortes 


234 
235 
236 
237 
237 
238 
239 
240 
240 
241 
242 
243 
245 
246 
247 


CHAPTER  III 

Jealousy  of  Velasquez.  —  Cortes  embarks.  —  Equipment  of 
HIS  Fleet. — His  Person  and  Character.  —  Rendezvous 
AT  Havana.  —  Strength  of  his  Armament  .         .         .     251 
Jealousy  of  Velasquez       .         .         .         .         .         .         .  251 

Intrigues  against  Cortes  .......     252 

His  clandestine  Embarkation 253 

Arrives  at  Macaca  ........     254 

Accession  of  Volunteers    .......  255 

Stores  and  Ammunition         .......     256 

Orders  from  Velasquez  to  arrest  Cortes       ....         257 

He  raises  the  Standard  at  Havana 257 

Person  of  Cortes       ........  258 

His  Character .         .         .259 

Strength  of  the  Armament         .         .         .         .         .         .  261 

Stirring  Address  to  his  Troops 263 

Fleet  weighs  Anchor    .      .         .         .         .         .         .         .  264 

Remarks  on  Estrella's  Manuscript 265 


CHAPTER  IV. 
V'oyage  to  Cozumel. — Conversion  of  the  Natives. — Jero- 

NIMO    DE  AgUILAR. ArMY  ARRIVES  AT  TaBASCO. GrEAT 

Battle  with  the  Indians.  —  Christianity  introduced     266 
Disastrous  Voyage  to  Cozumel  ....  .         266 


XXVI 


CONTENTS. 


Humane  Policy  of  Cortes 
Cross  found  in  the  Island  . 
Religious  Zeal  of  the  Spaniards 
Attempts  at  Conversion 
Overthrow  of  the  Idols 
Jeronimo  de  Aguilar 
His  Adventures     . 
Employed  as  an  Interpreter 
Fleet  arrives  at  Tabasco 
Hostile  Reception 
Fierce  Defiance  of  the  Natives 
Desperate  Conflict     . 
Effect  of  the  Fire-arms 
Cortes  takes  Tabasco 
Ambush  of  the  Indians 
The  Country  in  Arms 
Preparations  for  Battle  . 
March  on  the  Enemy 
Joins  Battle  with  the  Indians 
Doubtful  Struggle     . 
Terror  at  the  War-horse 
Victory  of  the  Spaniards  . 
Number  of  Slain  . 
Treaty  with  the  Natives    . 
Conversion  of  the  Heathen    . 
Catholic  Communion 
Soaniards  embark  for  Mexico 


267 
268 
269 
271 
272 
273 
274 
275 
276 
277 
278 
279 
279 
280 
281 
282 
283 
284 
285 
286 
287 
287 
288 
289 
290 
291 
292 


CHAPTER  V. 

Voyage  ALONG  the  Coast.  —  Dona  Marina.  —  Spaniakds  land 

IN  Mexico. — Intehvievv  with  the  Aztecs    .         .         .  293 

Voyage  along  the  Coast 293 

Natives  come  on  Board           .......  294 

Doiia  Marina 295 

Her  History 296 

Her  Beauty  and  Character 297 

First  Tidings  of  Montezuma 298 

Spaniards  land  in  Mexico .  299 

First  Interview  with  the  Aztecs      .         .         .         .         .         .301 

Their  magnificent  Presents         ......  302 

Cupidity  of  the  Spaniards      .....                .         .  303 


CONTENTS. 


xxvn 


Cortes  displays  his  Cavalry 
Aztec  Paintings     . 


304 
304 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Account  of  Montezuma.  —  State  of  his  Empire.  —  Strange 
Prognostics.  —  Embassy  and  Presents.  —  Spanish  En 

campment .  306 

Montezuma  then  upon  the  Throne 306 

Inaugural  Address         ........  307 

The  Wars  of  Montezuma 308 

His  civil  Policy .309 

Oppression  of  his  Subjects         ......  310 

Foes  of  his  Empire 311 

Superstition  of  Montezuma 312 

Mysterious  Prophecy 313 

Portentous  Omens     .                   ......  314 

Dismay  of  the  Emperor 316 

Embassy  and  Presents  to  the  Spaniards     .         .         .         .  317 

Life  in  the  Spanish  Camp 318 

Rich  Present  from  Montezuma 319 

Large  gold  Wheels 320 

Message  from  Montezuma          .         .         .         .       '  .         .  322 

Effects  of  the  Treasure  on  the  Spaniards         ....  323 

Return  of  the  Aztec  Envoys 324 

Prohibition  of  Montezuma      .......  325 

Preaching  of  Father  Olmedo 326 

Desertion  of  the  Natives 326 


CHAPTER  VII 

Troubles  in  the  Camp.  —  Plan  of  a  Colont.  — Management 
OF  Cortes.  —  March  to  Cempoalla.  —  Proceedings  with 

the  Natives. — Foundation  of  Vera  Cruz            .         .  328 

Discontent  of  the  Soldiery 328 

Envoys  from  the  Totonacs     .......  329 

Dissensions  in  the  Aztec  Empire 330 

Proceedings  in  the  Camp        .......  331 

Cortes  prepares  to  return  to  Cuba      .....  332 

Army  remonstrate          ........  332 

Cortes  yields     .........  333 

Foundation  of  Villa  Rica        .....••  334 

VOL.    I.  D 


XXVUl 


CONTENTS. 


Resignation  and  Reappointment  of  Cortfe 

Divisions  in  the  Camp   .... 

General  Reconciliation 

March  to  Cempoalla      .... 

Picturesque  Scenery 

Remains  of  Victims       .... 

Terrestrial  Paradise 

Love  of  Flowers  by  the  Natives    . 

Their  splendid  Edifices 

Hospitable  Entertainment  at  Cempoalla 

Conference  with  the  Cacique 

Proposals  of  Alliance    .... 

Advance  of  the  Spaniards 

Arrival  of  Aztec  Nobles 

Artful  Policy  of  Cortes     . 

Allegiance  of  the  Natives 

City  of  Villa  Rica  built      . 

Infatuation  of  the  Indians 


Page 
335 
336 
337 
338 
339 
341 
341 
342 
343 
344 
345 
346 
348 
349 
350 
351 
352 
353 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Another  Aztec  Embassy.  —  Destruction  of  the  Idols.  — 
Despatches  sent  to  Spain.  —  Conspiracy  in  the  Camp. 

—  The  Fleet  sunk 354 

Embassy  from  Montezuma         ......  354 

Its  Results 355 

Severe  Discipline  in  the  Army  ......  356 

Gratitude  of  the  Cempoallan  Cacique 357 

Attempt  at  Conversion       ......  358 

Sensation  among  the  Natives          ....                   .  359 

The  Idols  burned .360 

Consecration  of  the  Sanctuary        .         .         .         .         .         ,361 

News  from  Cuba 362 

Presents  for  Charles  the  Fifth         ......  363 

First  Letter  of  Cortds 364 

Despatclies  to  Spain      ........  360 

Agents  for  the  Mission       .......  367 

Departure  of  the  Ship  ........  368 

It  touches  at  Cuba     ........  309 

Rage  of  Velasquez 369 

Ship  arrives  in  Spain 370 

Conspiracy  in  the  Camp 371 


CONTENTS.  ■  xxix 

Paga 

Destruction  of  the  Fleet 373 

Oration  of  Cortes .     374 

Enthusiasm  of  the  Army .         375 

Notice  of  Las  Casas 377 

His  Life  and  Character 373 

Criticism  on  his  Works 38^ 


BOOK   III. 

MARCH   TO   MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  L 

Proceedings   at  Cempoalla.  —  The    Spaniards  climb  the 
Table-land.  —  Picturesque    Scenery.  —  Transactions 

WITH  THE  Natives.  —  Embassy  to  Tlascala         .         .  389 

Squadron  off  the  Coast 389 

Stratagem  of  Cortes      . 391 

Arrangement  at  Villa  Rica 392 

Spaniards  begin  their  March            ......  393 

Climb  the  Cordilleras 395 

Wild  Mountain  Scenery 397 

Immense  Heaps  of  human  Skulls 399 

Transactions  with  the  Natives 400 

Accounts  of  Montezuma's  Power 401 

Moderation  of  Father  Olmedo 403 

Indian  Dwellings       . 405 

Cortes  determines  his  Route         •  .         .         .         .         .         .  406 

Embassy  to  Tlascala 407 

Remarkable  Fortification        .......  408 

Arrival  in  Tlascala    . 409 


CHAPTER  II. 

Republic  of  Tlascala.  —  Its  Institutions. — Early  Histo- 
ry.—  Discussions  in  the  Senate. — Desperate  Battles  410 
The  Tlascalans  ........  410 

Their  Migrations 411 

Their  Government .        .         411 


XXX 


CONTENTS. 


Public  Games        .         .         . 
Order  of  Knighthood 
Internal  Resources 
Their  Civilization 
Struggles  with  the  Aztecs     . 
Means  of  Defence     . 
Sufferings  of  the  Tlascalans  . 
Their  hardy  Character 
Debates  in  the  Senate    . 
Spaniards  advance     . 
Desperate  Onslaught 
Retreat  of  the  Indians 
Bivouac  of  the  Spaniards 
The  Army  resumes  its  March 
Immense  Host  of  Barbarians 
Bloody  Conflict  in  the  Pass 
Enemy  give  Ground 
Spaniards  clear  the  Pass   . 
Cessation  of  Hostilities 
Results  of  the  Conflict 
Troops  encamp  for  the  Night 


Page 
413 

414 
414 
415 
416 
417 
418 
419 
420 
421 
422 
423 
424 
425 
427 
428 
429 
430 
431 
432 
433 


CHAPTER  III. 


EcisivE  Victory.  —  Indian   Council. 

—  Night   Attack.  - 

- 

Negotiations  with  the  Enemy.  — 

-Tlascalan  Hero 

434 

Envoys  to  Tlascala 

... 

434 

Foraging  Party     .... 

435 

Bold  Defiance  by  the  Tlascalans 

. 

436 

Preparations  for  Battle 

437 

Appearance  of  the  Tlascalans    '. 

.        . 

438 

Showy  Costume  of  (he  Warriors 

440 

Their  Weapons         .... 

441 

Desperate  Engagement 

443 

The  Combat  thickens 

.... 

444 

Divisions  among  the  Enemy 

445 

Decisive  Victory       .... 

. 

446 

Triumph  of  Science  over  Numbers 

.     44? 

Dread  of  the  Cavalry 

.... 

448 

Indian  Council       .... 

449 

Night  Attack 

. 

450 

Spaniards  victorious 

451 

CONTENTS. 


Embassy  to  Tlascala 
Peace  with  the  Enemy 
Patriotic  Spirit  of  their  Chief 


XXXI 

Page 
452 
453 
453 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Discontents  in  the  Army. — Tlascalan  Spies. — Peace  with 

THE  Republic.  —  Embassy  from  Montezuma  .         .         .  455 

Spaniards  scour  the  Country 455 

Success  of  the  Foray 456 

Discontents  in  the  Camp    .......  457 

Representations  of  the  Malecontents 458 

Reply  of  Cortes 459 

Difficulties  of  the  Enterprise 461 

Mutilation  of  the  Spies 462 

Interview  with  the  Tlascalan  Chief 464 

Peace  with  the  Republic 466 

Embassy  from  Montezuma      .......  467 

Declines  to  receive  the  Spaniards       .....  468 

They  advance  towards  the  City »  470 


CHAPTER  V. 

Spaniards  enter  Tlascala. — Description  of  the  Capital. 
—  Attempted  Conversion.  —  Aztec  Embassy.  —  Invited 
TO  Cholula 471 

472 
.  472 

473 
.  474 

475 
.  475 

476 

477 

477 
.  473 

479 
.  479 

480 
,  481 

482 
.  482 


Spaniards  enter  Tlascala  . 
Rejoicings  on  their  Arrival     . 
Description  of  Tlascala 
Its  Houses  and  Streets  . 
Its  Fairs  and  Police  . 
Divisions  of  the  City 
Wild  Scenery  round  Tlascala 
Character  of  the  Tlascalans  . 
Vigilance  of  Cortes  . 
Attempted  Conversion   . 
Resistance  of  the  Natives 
Zeal  of  Cortes 
Prudence  of  the  Friar 
Character  of  Olmedo 
Mass  celebrated  in  Tlascala 
The  Indian  Maidens 


xxxii  CONTENTS. 

Aztec  Embassy         ; 483 

Power  of  Montezuma 484 

Embassy  from  Ixtlilxochitl 485 

Deputies  from  Cholula 486 

Invitation  to  Cholula  .......  487 

Prepare  to  leave  Tlascala 489 


MAPS   AND   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


MAPS. 

The  maps  for  this  work  are  the  result  of  a  laborious  investigation  by  a 
skilful  and  competent  hand.  Humboldt's  are  the  only  maps  of  New  Spain 
which  can  lay  claim  to  the  credit  even  of  tolerable  accuracy.  They  have 
been  adopted  as  the  basis  of  those  for  the  present  history ;  and  an  occasional 
deviation  from  them  has  been  founded  on  a  careful  comparison  with  the 
verbal  accounts  of  Gomara,  Bernal  Diaz,  Clavigero,  and,  above  all,  of 
Cortes,  illustrated  by  his  meagre  commentator,  Lorenzana.  Of  these, 
Cortes  is  generally  the  most  full  and  exact  in  his  statement  of  distances, 
though  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  he  does  not  more  frequently  afford  a  hint 
as  to  the  bearings  of  the  places.  As  it  is  desirable  to  present  the  reader 
with  a  complete  and  unembarrassed  view  of  the  route  of  Cortes,  the  names 
of  all  other  places  than  those  which  occur  in  this  work  have  been  dis- 
carded, while  a  considerable  number  have  been  now  introduced  which 
are  not  to  be  found  on  any  previous  chart.  The  position  of  these  must 
necessarily  be,  in  some  degree,  hypothetical ;  but,  as  it  has  been  determined 
by  a  study  of  the  narratives  of  contemporary  historians,  and  by  the  meas- 
urement of  distances,  the  result,  probably,  cannot  in  any  instance  be  much 
out  of  the  way.  The  ancient  names  have  been  retained,  so  as  to  present 
a  map  of  the  country  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest. 


PORTRAIT  PREFIXED   TO  VOLUME   FIRST. 

This  engraving  of  Cortes  was  taken  from  a  full-length  portrait,  present- 
ed to  me  by  my  friend  Don  Angel  Calderon  de  la  Barca,  during  his 
residence  as  minister  to  Mexico.  It  is  a  copy,  and,  as  I  am  assured,  a 
very  faithful  one,  from  the  painting  in  the  Hospital  of  Jesus.  This  paint- 
ing is  itself  a  copy  from  one  taken,  probably,  a  few  years  before  the  death 
of  Cortes,  on  his  last  visit  to  Spain.  What  has  become  of  the  original  is 
not  known.  That  in  Mexico  was  sent  there  by  one  of  the  family  of  Monte- 
leone,  descendants  of  the  Conqueror,  as  appears  from  his  arms,  which  the 
painter  has  introduced  in  a  corner  of  the  picture.  This  seems  to  be  re- 
garded by  the  family  as  the  best  portrait  of  the  Conqueror,  and  a  copy,  like 
that  in  my  possession,  has  been  recently  made  for  the  present  Duke  ot 
Monteleone  in  Italy.     It  has  never  before  been  engraved. 


XXHV  MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PORTRAIT  PREFIXED  TO  VOLUME  SECOND. 

The  original  portrait  was  said  to  have  heen  painted  by  an  artist  named 
Maldonado,  who  came  over  to  Mexico  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest.  It 
belonged  to  the  Counts  of  Miravalle,  and,  not  many  years  since,  came  into 
the  possession  of  Mr.  Smith  Wilcox,  consul  from  the  United  States  to 
Mexico.  Of  the  authenticity  of  this  portrait  I  have  received  opposite 
opinions,  and  these,  too,  from  the  most  respectable  sources  in  Mexico ;  the 
one  representing  it  as  undoubtedly  genuine,  the  other  regarding  it  as  an 
ideal  portrait,  painted  after  the  Conquest,  to  adorn  the  halls  of  the  Counts 
of  Miravalle,  and  to  flatter  their  pride  by  the  image  of  their  royal  progeni- 
tor. The  countenance  must  be  admitted  to  wear  a  tinge  of  soft  and  not 
unpleasing  melancholy,  quite  in  harmony  with  the  fortunes  of  the  unhappy 
monarch. 

PORTRAIT  PREFIXED   TO  VOLUME  THIRD 

This  likeness  of  Cortes  was  originally  engraved  for  that  inquisitive 
scholar  and  industrious  collector,  Don  Antonio  Uguina,  of  Madrid,  from 
what  he  considered  the  best  portrait  of  Cortes.  The  original  is,  I  am 
informed,  the  same  portrait  which  now  hangs  in  the  Musco,  among  the 
series  of  viceroys,  at  Mexico.  It  must  have  been  taken  at  a  much  earlier 
period  of  life  than  the  portrait  in  the  Hospital  of  Jesus,  in  which  both  the 
hair  and  beard  are  somewhat  grizzled  with  years.  The  expression  of  the 
countenance,  of  a  higher  and  more  intellectual  cast  than  the  preceding,  has 
a  quiet,  contemplative  air,  not  to  have  been  expected  in  one  of  the  stirring 
character  of  Cortes. 

ARMS  OF  CORTES. 

The  t*amp  on  the  back  of  the  work  represents  the  arms  granted  by  letters 
patent  to  Cortes  by  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  March  7, 1525.  In  the  instru- 
ment, it  is  stated,  that  the  double-headed  eagle  is  given  as  the  arms  of  the 
empire ;  the  golden  lion,  in  memory  of  the  courage  and  constancy  shown 
by  Cortes  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico;  the  three  gold  crowns  indicate  the 
three  monarchs  whom  lie  successively  opposed  in  the  capital  of  Mexico; 
the  city  represents  that  capital ;  and  the  seven  heads  held  together  by  a 
chain,  on  the  border  of  the  shield,  denote  so  many  Indian  princes  whom 
he  subdued  in  the  Valley. 


IJ1-'  -iwrn  €iDr>"i';irr 'PPvA'v;i.rrus:K:i.)  in' "ri.i:!!; 


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BOOK    FIRST. 
INTRODUCTION. 

PRELIMINARY  VIEW  OF  THE  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION 


VOL.      L 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. 


BOOK  I. 

INTRODUCTION. 
VIEW  OF  THE  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ancient  Mexico. — Climate  and  Products.  —  Primitive  Races. 
—  Aztec  Empire. 

Of  all  that  extensive  empire  which  once  acknowl- 
edged the  authority  of  Spain  in  the  New  World,  no 
portion,  for  interest  and  importance,  can  be  com- 
pared with  Mexico ;  —  and  this  equally,  whether  we 
consider  the  variety  of  its  soil  and  climate ;  the  in- 
exhaustible stores  of  its  mineral  wealth  ;  its  scenery, 
grand  and  picturesque  beyond  example  ;  the  charac- 
ter of  its  ancient  inhabitants,  not  only  far  surpassing 
in  intelligence  that  of  the  other  North  American 
races,  but  reminding  us,  by  their  monuments,  of 
the  primitive  civilization  of  Egypt  and  Hindostan  ; 
or  lastly,  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  its  Con- 
quest, adventurous  and  romantic  as  any  legend  de- 
vised by  Norman  or  Italian  bard  of  chivalry.  It  is 
the  purpose  of  the  present  narrative  to  exhibit  the 


4  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

histor)'  of  this  Conquest,  and  that  of  the  remarkable 
man  by  whom  it  was  achieved. 

But,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  have  a  bettei 
understanding  of  the  subject,  it  will  be  well,  before 
entering  on  it,  to  take  a  general  survey  of  the  politi- 
cal and  social  institutions  of  the  races  who  occu- 
pied the  land  at  the  time  of  its  discovery. 

The  country  of  the  ancient  Mexicans,  or  Aztecs 
as  they  were  called,  formed  but  a  very  small  part  of 
the  extensive  territories  comprehended  in  the  mod- 
ern republic  of  Mexico.^  Its  boundaries  cannot  be 
defined  with  certainty.  They  were  much  enlarged 
in  the  latter  days  of  the  empire,  when  they  may  be 
considered  as  reaching  from  about  the  eighteenth  de- 
gree north,  to  the  twenty-first,  on  the  Atlantic  ;  and 
from  the  fourteenth  to  the  nineteenth,  including  a 
very  narrow  strip,  on  the  Pacific.^     In  its  greatest 

1  Extensive  indeed,  if  we  may  informed  his  readers  on  what  frail 
trust  Archbishop  Lorenzana,  who  foundations  his  conclusions  rest, 
tells  us,  "  It  is  doubtful  if  the  coun-  The  extent  of  the  Aztec  empire  is 
try  of  New  Spain  does  not  border  to  be  gathered  from  the  writings  of 
on  Tartary  and  Greenland  ;  —  by  historians  since  the  arrival  of  the 
the  way  of  California,  on  the  for-  Spaniards,  and  from  the  picture- 
mer,  and  by  New  Mexico,  on  the  rolls  of  tribute  paid  by  the  con- 
latter  " !  Historia  de  Nueva  Es-  quered  cities  ;  both  sources  ex- 
pafia,  (Mexico,  1770,)  p.  38,  nota.  tremely  vague  and  defective.    See 

2  I  have  conformed  to  tlie  limits  the  MSS.  of  the  Mendoza  collec- 
fixed  by  Clavigero.  He  has,  prob-  tion,  in  Lord  Kingsborough's  mag- 
ably,  examined  the  subject  with  nificent  publication  (Antiquities  of 
more  tlioroughness  and  fidelity  Mexico,  comprising  Facsimiles  o/ 
than  most  of  his  countrymen,  who  Ancient  Paintings  and  Hieroglyph- 
differ  from  liim,  and  who  assign  a  ics,  together  with  the  Monuments 
more  liberal  extent  to  the  monar-  of  New  Spain.  London,  1830). 
chy.  (See  his  Storia  Antica  del  The  difficulty  of  the  inquiry  is 
Messico,  (Cesena,  1780,)  dissert,  much  increased  by  the  fact  of  the 
7.)     The  Abbe,  however,  has  not  conquests   having  been  made,  as 


Ch.  I.]  .        ANCIENT   MEXICO.  5 

breadth,  it  could  not  exceed  five  degrees  and  a  half, 
dwindling,  as  it  approached  its  south-eastern  limits, 
to  less  than  two.  It  covered,  probably,  less  than 
sixteen  thousand  square  leagues.^  Yet  such  is  the 
remarkable  formation  of  this  country,  that,  thougli 
not  more  than  twice  as  large  as  New  England,  it 
presented  every  variety  of  climate,  and  was  capable 
of  yielding  nearly  every  fruit,  found  between  the 
equator  and  the  Arctic  circle. 

All  along  the  Atlantic,  the  country  is  bordered 
by  a  broad  tract,  called  the  tierra  caliente,  or  hot 
region,  which  has  the  usual  high  temperature  of 
equinoctial  lands.  Parched  and  sandy  plains  are  in- 
termingled Vv^ith  others,  of  exuberant  fertility,  almost 
impervious  from  thickets  of  aromatic  shrubs  and  wild 
flowers,  in  the  midst  of  which  tower  up  trees  of  that 

will  be  seen  hereafter,  by  the  unit-  puts  in  a  sturdy  claim  for  the  par- 
ed arms  of  three  powers,  so  that  it  amount  empire  of  his  own  nation, 
is  not  always  easy  to  tell  to  which  Historia  Chichemeca,  MS.,  cap. 
party  they  eventually  belonged.  39,  53,  et  alibi. 
The  affair  is  involved  in  so  much  3  Eighteen  to  twenty  thousand, 
uncertainty,  that  Clavigero,  not-  according  to  Humboldt,  who  con- 
withstanding  the  positive  assertions  siders  the  Mexican  territory  to 
in  his  text,  has  not  ventured,  in  his  have  been  the  same  with  that  oc- 
map,  to  define  the  precise  limits  of  cupied  by  the  modern  intendancies 
the  empire,  either  towards  the  of  Mexico,  Puebla,  Vera  Cruz, 
north,  where  it  mingles  with  the  Oaxaca,  and  Valladolid.  (Essai 
Tezcucan  empire,  or  towards  the  Politique  sur  le  Royaume  de  Nou- 
south,  where,  indeed,  he  has  fallen  velle  Espagne,  (Paris,  1825,)  torn, 
into  the  egregious  blunder  of  as-  I.  p.  196.)  This  last,  however, 
serting,  that,  while  the  Mexican  was  all,  or  nearly  all,  included  in 
territory  reached  to  the  fourteenth  the  rival  kingdom  of  Mechoacan, 
degree,  it  did  not  include  any  por-  as  he  himself  more  correctly  states 
tion  of  Guatemala.  (See  torn.  I.  p.  in  another  part  of  his  work.  Comp. 
29,  and  tom.  IV.  dissert.  7.)  The  torn.  II.  p.  164. 
Tezcucan  chronicler,  Ixtlilxochitl, 


6  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

magnificent  growth  which  is  found  only  within  the 
tropics.  In  this  wilderness  of  sweets  lurks  the  fatal 
malaria,  engendered,  probably,  by  the  decomposition 
of  rank  vegetable  substances  in  a  hot  and  humi^ 
soil.  The  season  of  the  bilious  fever,  —  vomito,  as 
it  is  called,  —  which  scourges  these  coasts,  continues 
from  the  spring  to  the  autumnal  equinox,  when  it  is 
checked  by  the  cold  winds  that  descend  from  Hud- 
son's Bay.  These  winds  in  the  vdnter  season  fre- 
quently freshen  into  tempests,  and,  sweeping  down 
the  Atlantic  coast,  and  the  winding  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
burst  with  the  fury  of  a  hurricane  on  its  unprotected 
shores,  and  on  the  neighbouring  West  India  islands. 
Such  are  the  mighty  spells  with  which  Nature  has 
surrounded  this  land  of  enchantment,  as  if  to  guard 
the  golden  treasures  locked  up  within  its  bosom. 
The  genius  and  enterprise  of  man  have  proved  more 
potent  than  her  spells. 

After  passing  some  twenty  leagues  across  this 
burning  region,  the  traveller  finds  himself  rising  into 
a  purer  atmosphere.  His  limbs  recover  their  elas- 
ticity. He  breathes  more  freely,  for  his  senses  are 
not  now  oppressed  by  the  sultry  heats  and  intoxi- 
cating perfumes  of  the  valley.  The  aspect  of  nature, 
too,  has  changed,  and  his  eye  no  longer  revels  among 
the  gay  variety  of  colors  with  which  the  landscape 
was  painted  there.  The  vanilla,  the  indigo,  and  the 
flowering  cacao-groves  disappear  as  he  advances. 
The  sugar-cane  and  the  glossy-leaved  banana  still 
accompany  him  ;  and,  when  he  has  ascended  about 
four  thousand  feet,  he  sees  in  the  unchanging  verd- 


Ch.  I.]  CLIMATE   AND   PRODUCTS.  7 

ure,  and  the  rich  foliage  of  the  liquid-amber  tree, 
that  he  has  reached  the  height  where  clouds  and 
mists  settle,  in  their  passage  from  the  Mexican  Gulf. 
This  is  the  region  of  perpetual  humidity ;  but  he 
welcomes  it  with  pleasure,  as  announcing  his  es- 
cape from  the  influence  of  the  deadly  vdmito.^  He 
has  entered  the  tierra  templada,  or  temperate  re- 
gion, whose  character  resembles  that  of  the  temper- 
ate zone  of  the  globe.  The  features  of  the  scenery 
become  grand,  and  even  terrible.  His  road  sweeps 
along  the  base  of  mighty  mountains,  once  gleaming 
with  volcanic  fires,  and  still  resplendent  in  their 
mantles  of  snow,  which  serve  as  beacons  to  the 
mariner,  for  many  a  league  at  sea.  All  around  he 
beholds  traces  of  their  ancient  combustion,  as  his 
road  passes  along  vast  tracts  of  lava,  bristling  in  the 
innumerable  fantastic  forms  into  which  the  fiery 
torrent  has  been  thrown  by  the  obstacles  in  its 
career.  Perhaps,  at  the  same  moment,  as  he  casts 
his  eye  down  some  steep  slope,  or  almost  unfathom- 
able ravine,  on  the  margin  of  the  road,  he  sees  their 
depths  glowing  with  the  rich  blooms  and  enamelled 
vegetation  of  the    tropics.     Such  are   the   singular 

*  The  traveller,  who  enters  the  who  came  on  shore  at  Tampico ; 

country  across  the  dreary  sand-hills  (Rambler  in  Mexico,  (New  York, 

of  Vera  Cruz,  will  hardly  recog-  1836,)  chap.  1 ;)  a  traveller,  it  may 

nise  the  truth  of  the   above  de-  be   added,  whose  descriptions  of 

scription.     He  must  look  for  it  in  man  and  nature,  in  our  own  coun- 

other  parts  of  the  tierra  cahente.  try,  where  we  can  judge,  are  dis- 

Of  recent  tourists,  no  one  has  given  tinguished  by  a  sobriety  and  fair- 

a  more   gorgeous  picture  of  the  ness  that  entitle  him  to  confidence 

impressions  made  on  his  senses  by  in   his  delineation  of  other  coun- 

these  sunny  regions  than  Latrobe,  tries. 


8  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

coiiuasts  presented,  at  the  same  time,  to  the  senses, 
in  this  picturesque  region  I 

Still  pressing  upwards,  the  traveller  mounts  into 
other  chmates,  favorable  to  other  kinds  of  cultiva- 
tion. The  yellow  maize,  or  Indian  corn,  as  we  usu- 
ally call  it,  has  continued  to  follow  him  up  from  the 
lowest  level ;  but  he  now  first  sees  fields  of  wheat, 
and  the  other  European  grains  brought  into  the  coun- 
try by  the  Conquerors.  Mingled  with  them,  he  views 
the  plantations  of  the  aloe  or  maguey  {agave  Ameri- 
cana), applied  to  such  various  and  important  uses  by 
the  Aztecs.  The  oaks  now  acquire  a  sturdier  growth, 
and  the  dark  forests  of  pine  announce  that  he  has 
entered  the  tierra  fria,  or  cold  region,  —  the  third 
and  last  of  the  great  natural  terraces  into  which  the 
country  is  divided.  When  he  has  climbed  to  the 
height  of  between  seven  and  eight  thousand  feet,  the 
weary  traveller  sets  his  foot  on  the  summit  of  the 
Cordillera  of  the  Andes,  —  the  colossal  range,  that, 
after  traversing  South  America  and  the  Isthmus  of 
Darien,  spreads  out,  as  it  enters  Mexico,  into  that 
vast  sheet  of  table-land,  which  maintains  an  eleva- 
tion of  more  than  six  thousand  feet,  for  the  distance 
of-  nearly  two  liundred  leagues,  until  it  gradually 
declines  in  the  higher  latitudes  of  the  north.° 

Across  this  mountain  rampart  a  chain  of  volcanic 


5  This  long  extent  of  country  land  stretches  still  three  hundred 

varies  in  elevaiion  from  5570  to  leagues  further,  before  it  declines 

8850  feet, — equal  to  the  height  to   a   level  of  2624   feet.     Hum- 

of  the  passes  of  Mount  Cenis,  or  boldt,    Essai    Politique,     torn.    I. 

the  Great  St.  Bernard.  The  tabic-  pp.  157,  255. 


Ch.  I.]  CLIMATE  AND   PRODUCTS.  9 

hills  Stretches,  in  a  westerly  dii'ection,  of  still  more 
stupendous  dimensions,  forming,  indeed,  some  of  the 
highest  land  on  the  globe.  Their  peaks,  entering 
the  limits  of  perpetual  snow,  diffiise  a  grateful  cool- 
ness over  the  elevated  plateaus  below ;  for  these  last, 
though  termed  '  cold ',  enjoy  a  climate,  the  mean 
temperature  of  which  is  not  lower  than  that  of  the 
central  parts  of  Italy.^  The  air  is  exceedingly  dry ; 
the  soil,  though  naturally  good,  is  rarely  clothed 
with  the  luxuriant  vegetation  of  the  lower  regions. 
It  frequently,  indeed,  has  a  parched  and  barren  as- 
pect, owing  partly  to  the  greater  evaporation  which 
takes  place  on  these  lofty  plains,  through  the  dimin- 
ished pressure  of  the  atmosphere ;  and  partly,  no 
doubt,  to  the  want  of  trees  to  shelter  the  soil  from 
the  fierce  influence  of  the  summer  sun.  In  the  time 
of  the  Aztecs,  the  table-land  was  thickly  covered 
with  larch,  oak,  cypress,  and  other  forest  trees,  the 
extraordinary  dimensions  of  some  of  which,  remain- 
ing to  the  present  day,  show  that  the  curse  of  bar- 
renness in  later  times  is  chargeable  more  on  man 
than  on  nature.  Indeed,  the  early  Spaniards  made 
as  indiscriminate  war  on  the  forest  as  did  our  Puri- 
tan ancestors,  though  with  much  less  reason.  After 
once  conquering  the  country,  they  had  no  lurking 

6  About  62°  Fahrenheit,  or  17°  during  a  great  part  of  the  day, 

Reaumur.     (Humboldt,  Essai  Po-  rarely  rises  beyond  45°  F.     Idem, 

litique,  torn  I.  p.  273.)    The  more  (loc.  cit.,)  and  Malte-Brnn,  (Uni- 

elevated  plateaus  of  the  table-land,  versal   Geography,   Eng.   Trans., 

as  the  Valley  of  Toluca,  about  8500  book  83,)   who  is,  indeed,  in  this 

feet  above  the  sea,  have  a  stem  part  of  his  work,  but  an  echo  of 

climate,  in  which  the  thermometer,  the  former  writer. 

VOL.    T.  2 


10  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book   1. 

ambush  to  fear  from  the  submissive,  semicivilizcd 
Indian,  and  were  not,  like  our  forefathers,  obliged  to 
keep  watch  and  ward  for  a  century.  This  spoliation 
of  the  ground,  however,  is  said  to  have  been  pleas- 
ing to  their  imaginations,  as  it  reminded  them  of  the 
plains  of  their  own  Castile, — the  table-land  of  Eu- 
rope ; ''  where  the  nakedness  of  the  landscape  forms 
the  burden  of  every  traveller's  lament,  who  visits 
that  country. 

Midway  across  the  continent,  somewhat  nearer 
the  Pacific  than  the  Atlantic  ocean,  at  an  elevation 
of  nearly  seven  thousand  five  hundred  feet,  is  the 
celebrated  Valley  of  Mexico.  It  is  of  an  oval  form, 
about  sixty-seven  leagues  in  circumference,"^  and  is 
encompassed  by  a  towering  rampart  of  porphyritic 
rock,  which  nature  seems  to  have  provided,  though 
ineffectually,  to  protect  it  from  invasion. 

The  soil,  once  carpeted  with  a  beautiful  verdure, 
and  thickly  sprinkled  with  stately  trees,  is  often  bare, 


"  The  elevation  of  the  Castiles,  suit  of  M.  de  Humboldt's  meas- 
according  to  the  authority  repeat-  urement,  cited  in  the  text.  Its 
edly  cited,  is  about  350  toises,  or  length  is  about  eighteen  leagues, 
2100  feet  above  the  ocean.  (Hum-  by  twelve  and  a  half  in  breadth, 
boldt's Dissertation,  apud  Labordc,  (Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  torn. 
Ttineraire  Dcscriptif  do  I'Espagne,  H.  p.  29. — Lorenzana,  Hist,  de 
(Paris,  1827,)  torn  I.  p.  5.)  It  is  Nueva  Espana,  p.  101.)  Hum- 
rare  to  find  plains  in  Europe  of  so  boldt's  map  of  the  Valley  of  Mex- 
great  a  height.  ico  forms  the  third  in  his  "  Atlas 

8  Archbishop    Lorenzana    esti-  G^ographique  et  Physique,"  and, 

mates  the  circuit  of  the  Valley  at  like  all  the  others  in  the  collection, 

ninety  leagues,  correcting  at  the  will  be  found  of  inestimable  val- 

,same  time  the  statement  of  Cortes,  ue  to  the  traveller,  the  geologist, 

which  puts  it  at  seventy,  very  near  and  the  historian, 
tlie  truth,  as  appears  from  the  re- 


Ch.  I.]  PRIMITIVE   RACES.  H 

and,  in  many  places,  white  with  the  incrustation  of 
salts,  caused  by  the  draining  of  the  waters.  Five 
lakes  are  spread  over  the  Valley,  occupying  one  tenth 
of  its  surface.^  On  the  opposite  borders  of  the  lar- 
gest of  these  basins,  much  shrunk  in  its  dimensions'" 
since  the  days  of  the  Aztecs,  stood  the  cities  of 
Mexico  and  Tezcuco,  the  capitals  of  the  two  most 
potent  and  flourishing  states  of  Anahuac,  whose  his- 
tory, with  that  of  the  mysterious  races  that  preceded 
them  in  the  country,  exhibits  some  of  the  nearest 
approaches  to  civilization  to  be  met  with  anciently 
on  the  North  American  continent. 

Of  these  races  the  most  conspicuous  were  the 
Toltecs.  Advancing  from  a  northerly  direction,  but 
from  what  region  is  uncertain,  they  entered  the  ter- 
ritory of  Anahuac,"  probably  before  the  close  of  the 

9  Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  reconciliation,  after  the  idolatrous 
tona.  II.  pp.  29,  44-49.  —  Malta  races  of  the  land  had  been  de- 
Brun,  book  85.  This  latter  geog-  stroyed  by  the  Spaniards  I  (Mo- 
rapher  assigns  only  6700  feet  for  narchia  Indiana,  (Madrid,  1723.) 
the  level  of  the  Valley,  contradict-  torn.  I.  p.  309.)  Quite  as  prob- 
ing himself,  (comp.  book  83,)  or  able,  if  not  as  orthodox  an  expla- 
rather,  Humboldt,  to  whose  pages  nation,  may  be  found  in  the  active 
he  helps  himself,  plenis  manibus,  evaporation  of  these  upper  regions, 
somewhat  too  liberally,  indeed,  for  and  in  the  fact  of  an  immense 
the  scanty  references  at  the  bottom  drain  having  been  constructed, 
of  his  page.  during   the   lifetime  of  the   good 

10  Torquemada  accounts,  in  part,  father,  to  reduce  the  waters  of  the 
for  this  diminution,  by  supposing,  principal  lake,  and  protect  the  ca;-- 
that,  as  God  permitted  the  waters,  ital  from  inundation. 

which    once    covered    the   whole  ii  Anahuac,  according  to  Hum 

earth,  to  subside,   after   mankind  boldt,  comprehended  only  the  coun- 

had  been  nearly  exterminated  for  try  between  the  14th  and  21st  de- 

their  iniquities,  so  he  allowed  the  grees  of  N.  latitude.     (Essai  Po- 

watersof  the  Mexican  lake  to  sub-  litique,  tom.  I.  p.  197.)     Accord 

side    in  token   of   good-will  and  ing  to  Clavigero,  it  included  nearl 


12 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book  I. 


seventh  century.  Of  course,  little  can  be  gleaned, 
with  certainty,  respecting  a  people,  whose  written 
records  have  perished,  and  who  are  known  to  us  only 
through  the  traditionary  legends  of  the  nations  that 
succeeded  them.'^  By  the  general  agreement  of 
these,  however,  the  Toltecs  were  well  instructed  in 
agriculture,  and  many  of  the  most  useful  mechanic 
arts ;  were  nice  workers  of  metals ;  invented  the 
complex  arrangement  of  time  adopted  by  the  Aztecs ; 
and,  in  short,  were  the  true  fountains  of  the  civili- 
zation which  distinguished  this  part  of  the  continent 


all  since  known  as  New  Spain. 
(Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  I.  p.  27.) 
Veytia  uses  it,  also,  as  synonymous 
with  New  Spain.  (Historia  An- 
tigua de  Mejico,  (Mejico,  1836,) 
torn.  I.  cap.  12.)  The  first  of  these 
writers  probably  allows  too  little, 
as  the  latter  do  too  much,  for  its 
boundaries.  Ixtlilxochiil  says  it 
extended  four  hundred  leagues 
south  of  the  Otomie  countr}'. 
(Hist.  Chichemeca,  MS.,  cap.  73.) 
The  word  Anahuac  signifies  near 
the  water.  It  was,  probably,  first 
applied  to  the  country  around  the 
lakes  in  the  Mexican  Valley,  and 
gradually  extended  to  the  remoter 
regions  occupied  by  the  Aztecs, 
and  the  other  semicivilized  races. 
Or,  possibly,  the  name  may  have 
been  intended,  as  Veytia  suggests, 
(Ilist.  Antig.,  lib.  1,  cap.  1,)  to 
denote  the  land  between  the  wa- 
ters of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific. 

'2  Clavigero  talks  of  Boturini's 
having  written  "on  the  faith  of 


the  Toltec  historians.*'  (Stor.  del 
Messico,  torn.  I.  p.  128.)  But 
that  scholar  does  not  pretend  to 
have  ever  met  with  a  Toltec  man- 
uscript, himself,  and  had  heard  of 
only  one  in  the  possession  of  Ix- 
tlilxochitl.  (See  his  Idea  de  una 
Nueva  Historia  General  de  la 
America  Septentrional,  (Madrid, 
17-lG,)  p.  110.)  The  latter  writer 
tells  us,  that  his  account  of  the 
Toltec  and  Chichemec  races  was 
"derived  from  interpretation," 
(probably,  of  the  Tezcucan  paint- 
ings,) "  and  from  the  traditions  of 
old  men";  poor  authority  for 
events  which  had  passed,  centu- 
ries before.  Indeed,  he  acknowl- 
edges that  their  narratives  were 
so  full  of  absurdity  and  falsehood, 
that  he  was  obliged  to  reject  nino- 
tenths  of  them.  (See  his  Rela- 
clones,  MS.,  no.  5.)  The  cause 
of  truth  would  not  have  suffered 
much,  probably,  if  he  had  rejected 
nine-tenths  of  the  remainder. 


CH.  l.J  PRIMITIVE   RACES.  13 

in  later  times. '^  They  established  thek  capital  at 
Tula,  north  of  the  Mexican  Valley,  and  the  remains 
of  extensive  buildings  were  to  be  discerned  there  at 
the  time  of  the  Conquest.  ^^  The  noble  ruins  of  re- 
ligious and  other  edifices,  still  to  be  seen  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  New  Spain,  are  referred  to  this  people, 
whose  name,  Toltec,  has  passed  into  a  synonyme 
for  architect ^^'  Their  shadowy  history  reminds  us 
of  those  primitive  races,  who  preceded  the  ancient 
Egj^ptians  in  the  march  of  civilization ;  fragments 
of  whose  monuments,  as  they  are  seen  at  this  day, 
incorporated  with  the  buildings  of  the  Egyptians 
themselves,  give  to  these  latter  the  appearance  of 
almost  modern  constructions.^^ 

After  a  period  of  four  centuries,  the  Toltecs,  who 
had  extended  their  sway  over  the  remotest  borders 
of  Anahuac,^'  having  been  greatly  reduced,  it  is 
said,  by  famine,  pestilence,  and  unsuccessfiil  wars, 
disappeared  from  the  land  as  silently  and  mysteri- 
ously as  they  had  entered  it.  A  few  of  them  still 
lingered  behind,  but  much  the  greater  number,  prob- 
ably, spread   over   the    region   of  Central  America 

'3  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  '6  Description  de  I'Egypte, 
MS.,  cap.  2. — Idem,  Relaciones,  (Paris,  1809,)  Antiquites,  torn. 
MS.,  no.  2.  —  Sahagun,  Historia  I.  cap.  1.  Veytia  has  traced  the 
General  de  las  Cosas  de  Nueva  migrations  of  the  Toltecs  with 
Espafia,  (Mexico,  1829,)  lib.  10,  sufficient  industry,  scarcely  re- 
cap. 29. — Veytia,  Hist.  Antig.,  warded  by  the  necessarily  doubtful 
lib.  1,  cap.  27.  credit  of  the  results.    Hist.  Antig., 

14  Sahagun,   Hist,    de    Nueva  lib.  2,  cap.  21-33. 

Espana,  lib.  10,  cap.  29.  17   Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich., 

15  Idem,   ubi  supra.  —  Torque-     MS.,  cap.  73. 
mada,  Monarch.  Ind., lib.  1, cap.  14. 


14  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book   I. 

and  the  neighbouring  isles  ;  and  the  traveller  now 
speculates  on  the  majestic  ruins  of  Mitla  and  Pa- 
lenque,  as  possibly  the  w^ork  of  this  extraordinary 
people.'^ 

After  the  lapse  of  another  hundred  years,  a  nu- 
merous and  rude  tribe,  called  the  Chichemecs,  en- 
tered the  deserted  country  from  the  regions  of  the  far 
Northwest.  They  were  speedily  followed  by  other 
races,  of  higher  civilization,  perhaps  of  the  same 
family  with  the  Toltecs,  whose  language  they  appear 
to  have  spoken.  The  most  noted  of  these  were  the 
Aztecs  or  Mexicans,  and  the  Acolhuans.  The  latter, 
better  known  in  later  times  by  the  name  of  Tezcu- 
cans,  from  their  capital,  Tezcuco,"^  on  the  eastern 
border  of  the  Mexican  lake,  were  peculiarly  fitted, 
by  their  comparatively  mild  religion  and  manners, 
for  receiving  the  tincture  of  civilization  which  could 
be  derived  from  the  few  Toltecs  that  still  remained 
in  the  country.  This,  in  their  turn,  they  communi- 
cated to  the  barbarous  Chichemecs,  a  large  portion 
of  whom  became  amalgamated  with  the  new  settlers 
as  one  nation.^ 


18  Veytia,  Hist.  Antig.,  lib.  1,  fully  equal  to  that  of  any  of  his 

cap.    33.  —  Ixtlilxochitl,     Hist,  calling.      See  his  Monarch.  Ind., 

Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  3.  —  Idem,  Re-  lib.  1,  cap.  14. 

iaciones,  MS.,  no.  4,  5. — Father  ^9   Tezcvco  signifies  "place  of 

Torquemada  — perhaps  misinter-  detention";  as  several  of  the  tribes 

preting  the  Tczcucan  hieroglyph-  who   successively   occupied   Ana- 

ics — has  accounted  for  this  mys-  huac    were    said   to  have   halted 

terious  disappearance  of  the  Tol-  some  time  at  the  spot.     Ixtlilxo- 

tecs,  by  such  fee-faw-fum  stories  chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  10. 

of  giants  and  demons,  as  show  his  ^o  The  historian  speaks,  in  one 

appetite    for  the   man-ellous   was  page,  of  the  Chichemecs'  burrow- 


Ca.  I.]  PRIMITIVE   RACES.  15 

Availing  themselves  of  the  strength  derived,  not 
only  from  this  increase  of  numbers,  but  from  their 
own  superior  refinement,  the  Acolhuans  gradually 
stretched  then  empire  over  the  ruder  tribes  in  the 
north  ;  while  their  capital  was  filled  with  a  numerous 
population,  busily  employed  in  many  of  the  more 
useful  and  even  elegant  arts  of  a  civilized  commu- 
nity. In  this  palmy  state,  they  were  suddenly  as- 
saulted by  a  warlike  neighbour,  the  Tepanecs,  their 
own  kindred,  and  inhabitants  of  the  same  valley  as 
themselves.  Their  provinces  were  overrun,  their 
armies  beaten,  their  kmg  assassinated,  and  the  flour- 
ishing city  of  Tezcuco  became  the  prize  of  the 
victor.  From  this  abject  condition  the  uncommon 
abilities  of  the  young  prince,  Nezahualcoyotl,  the 
rightful  heir  to  the  crown,  backed  by  the  efficient 
aid  of  his  Mexican  allies,  at  length,  redeemed  the 
state,  and  opened  to  it  a  new  career  of  prosperity, 
even  more  brilliant  than  the  former.^' 

The  Mexicans,  with  whom  our  history  is  princi- 
pally concerned,  came,  also,  as  we  have  seen,  from 
the  remote  regions  of  the  North,  —  the  populous 
hive  of  nations  in  the  New  World,  as  it  has  been  in 
the  Old.  They  arrived  on  the  borders  of  Anahuac, 
towards  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  some 
time  after  the  occupation  of  the  land  by  the  kindred 


ing^  in  caves,  or,  at  best,  in  cabins  cap.    1-10. — Camargo,  Historia 

of  straw  ; — and,  in  the  next,  talks  de  Tlascala,  MS. 

gravely  of  their  senoras,  infantas,  21    Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich., 

and  caballeros!     Ibid.,  cap.  9,  et  MS.,  cap.  9-20.  —  Veytia,  Hist. 

seq. — Veytia,  Hist.  Antig., lib.  2,  Antig.,  lib.  2,  cap.  29-54 


1(5  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

races.  For  a  long  time  they  did  not  establish  them- 
selves in  any  permanent  residence ;  but  continued 
shifting  their  quarters  to  different  parts  of  the  Mex- 
ican Valley,  enduring  all  the  casualties  and  hardships 
of  a  migratory  life.  On  one  occasion,  they  were 
enslaved  by  a  more  powerful  tribe  ;  but  their  ferocit}' 
soon  made  them  formidable  to  their  masters.^^  After 
a  series  of  wanderings  and  adventures,  which  need 
not  shrink  from  comparison  with  the  most  extrava- 
gant legends  of  the  heroic  ages  of  antiquity,  they 
at  length  halted  on  the  southwestern  borders  of 
the  principal  lake,  in  the  year  1325.  They  there 
beheld,  perched  on  the  stem  of  a  prickly  pear,  which 
shot  out  from  the  crevice  of  a  rock  that  was  washed 
by  the  waves,  a  royal  eagle  of  extraordinary  size 
and  beauty,  with  a  serpent  in  his  talons,  and  his 
broad  wings  opened  to  the  rising  sun.  They  hailed 
the  auspicious  omen,  announced  by  the  oracle,  as 
indicating  the  site  of  their  future  city,  and  laid  its 
foundations  by  sinking  piles  into  the  shallows ;  for 
the  low  marshes  were  half  buried  under  water.  On 
these  they  erected  their  light  fabrics  of  reeds  and 
rushes ;  and  sought  a  precarious  subsistence  from 
fishing,  and  from  the  wild  fowl  which  frequented 
the  waters,  as  well  as  from  the  cultivation  of  such 
simple  vegetables  as  they  could  raise  on  their  float- 
ing gardens.  The  place  was  called  Tenochtitlan, 
in  token  of  its  miraculous  origin,  though  only  known 

22  These  were  the  Colliuans,  have  confounded  them.  See  his 
not  Acolhuans,  with  whom  Hum-  Essai  Politique,  torn.  I.  p.  414; 
boldt,    and    most    writers     since,     II.  p.  37. 


Ch.  I] 


PRIMITIVE   RACES. 


17 


to  Europeans  by  its  other  name  of  Mexico,  derived 
from  their  war-god,  Mexitli.^  The  legend  of  its 
foundation  is  still  further  commemorated  by  tlie  de- 
vice of  the  eagle  and  the  cactus,  which  form  the 
arms  of  the  modern  Mexican  republic.  Such  were 
the  humble  beginnings  of  the  Venice  of  the  Western 
VVorld.^ 

The  forlorn  condition  of  the  new  settlers  was 
made  still  worse  by  domestic  feuds.  A  part  of  the 
citizens  seceded  from  the  main  body,  and  formed  a 
separate  community  on  the  neighbouring  marshes. 
Thus  divided,  it  was  long  before  they  could  aspire 
to  the  acquisition  of  territory  on  the  main  land. 
They  gradually  increased,  however,  in  numbers,  and 


23  Clavigero  gives  good  reasons 
for  preferring  the  etymology  of 
Mexico  above  noticed,  to  varions 
others.  (See  his  Stor.  del  Messico, 
torn.  I.  p.  168,  nota.)  The  name 
Tenochtitlan  signifies  tunal  (a  cac- 
tus) 071  a  stone.  Esplicacion  de  la 
Col.  de  Mendoza,  apud  Antiq.  of 
Mexico,  vol.  IV. 

24  "  Datur  haec  venia  antiqui- 
tati,"  says  Livy,  "  ut,  miscendo 
humana  divinis,  primordia  urbium 
augustiora  faciat."  Hist.,Pr8ef. — 
See,  for  the  above  paragraph,  Col. 
de  Mendoza,  plate  1,  apud  Antiq. 
of  Mexico,  vol.1.,  —  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  10,  — To- 
ribio,  Historia  de  los  Indios,  MS., 
Parte  3,  cap.  8,  —  Veytia,  Hist. 
Antig.,lib.  2,  cap.  15. — Clavige- 
ro,  after  a  laborious  examination, 
assigns  the  following  dates  to  some 

VOL.    I  3 


of  the  prominent  events  noticed 
in  the  text.  No  two  authorities 
agree  on  them  ;  and  this  is  not 
strange,  considering  that  Clavige- 
ro  —  the  most  inquisitive  of  all 
—  does  not  always  agree  with 
himself.  (Compare  his  dates  for 
the  coming  of  the  Acolhuans  ; 
torn.  1.  p.  147,  and  torn.  IV.  dis- 
sert. 2.)  — 


A.  D. 

The  Toltecs  arrived  in  Anahuar 

.     .       648 

They  abandoned  the  country 

.     .     1051 

The  Chichemecs  arrived  .     . 

.     .     1170 

The  Acolhuans  arrived  about 

.     .     12(10 

The  Blexicans  reached  Tula 

.     .      119C 

Thev  founded  Mexico .    .    . 

.     .     1325 

See  his  dissert.  3,  sec.  12.  In 
the  last  date,  the  one  of  most  im- 
portance, he  is  confirmed  by  the 
learned  Veytia,  who  differs  from 
him  in  all  the  others.  Hist.  Antig., 
lib.  2,  cap.  15. 


18  AZTEC   nVILIZATION.  [Book   I. 

Strengthened  themselves  yet  more  by  various  im- 
provements in  their  polity  and  military  discipline, 
w  hile  they  established  a  reputation  for  courage  as 
well  as  cmelty  in  war,  which  made  their  name 
terrible  throughout  the  Valley.  In  the  early  part  of 
the  iifteenth  century,  nearly  a  hundred  years  from 
the  foundation  of  the  city,  an  event  took  place 
which  created  an  entire  revolution  in  the  circum- 
stances, and,  to  some  extent,  in  the  character  of  the 
Aztecs.  This  was  the  subversion  of  the  Tezcucan 
monarchy  by  the  Tepanecs,  already  noticed.  When 
the  oppressive  conduct  of  the  victors  had  at  length 
aroused  a  spirit  of  resistance,  its  prince,  Nezahual- 
coyotl,  succeeded,  after  incredible  perils  and  escapes, 
in  mustering  such  a  force,  as,  with  the  aid  of  the 
Mexicans,  placed  him  on  a  level  with  his  enemies. 
In  two  successive  battles,  these  were  defeated  with 
great  slaughter,  their  chief  slain,  and  their  territory, 
by  one  of  those  sudden  reverses  which  characterize 
the  wars  of  petty  states,  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  conquerors.  It  was  awarded  to  Mexico,  in  re- 
turn for  its  important  services. 

Then  was  formed  that  remarkable  league,  which, 
indeed,  has  no  parallel  in  history.  It  was  agreed 
between  the  states  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  the 
neighbouring  little  kingdom  of  Tlacopan,  that  they 
.should  nnitually  support  each  other  in  their  wars, 
offensive  and  dc^fensive,  and  that,  in  the  distribution 
of  the  spoil,  one  fifth  should  be  assigned  to  Tlaco- 
pan, and  the  remainder  be  divided,  in  what  propor- 
tions is  uncertain,  between  the  other  powers.     The 


Ch.  I.]  AZTEC   EMPIRE.  19 

Tezcucan  writers  claim  an  equal  share  for  their 
nation  with  the  Aztecs.  But  this  does  not  seem  to 
be  warranted  bj  the  immense  increase  of  territory 
subsequently  appropriated  by  the  latter.  And  we 
may  account  for  any  advantage  conceded  to  them  by 
the  treaty,  on  the  supposition,  that,  however  inferior 
they  may  have  been  originally,  they  were,  at  the 
time  of  making  it,  in  a  more  prosperous  condition 
than  their  allies,  broken  and  dispirited  by  long 
oppression.  What  is  more  extraordinary  than  the 
treaty  itself,  however,  is  the  fidelity  with  which  il 
was  maintained.  During  a  century  of  uninterrupted 
warfare  that  ensued,  no  instance  occurred  where  the 
parties  quarrelled  over  the  division  of  the  spoil,  which 
so  often  makes  shipwreck  of  similar  confederacies 
among  civilized  states.^' 

The  alhes  for  some  time  found  sufficient  occupa- 
tion for  their  arms  in  their  own  Aalley;  but  they  soon 
overleaped  its  rocky  ramparts,  and  by  the  middle  of 
the  fifteenth  century,   under  the  first  Montezuma, 

'■^5  The  loyal  Tezcucan  chroni-  Espagne,  trad,  de  To rnaux, (Paris, 

cler  claims  the   supreme   dignity  1840,)  p.  11),  both  very  compe- 

Ibr  his  own  sovereign,  if  not  the  tent  critics,  acquiesce  in  an   equal 

greatest  share  of  the  spoil,  by  this  division  between  the  two  principal 

imperial  compact.     (Hist.  Chich.,  states  in  the  confederacy.  Anode, 

cap.   33.)      Torquemada,   on   the  still  extant,  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  in 

other  hand,  claims  one  half  of  all  its  Castilian  version,  bears   testi- 

ihe  conquered  lands  for  j\Iexico.  mony  to  the  singular  union  of  the 

(Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.   2,   cap.  40.)  three  powers. 

All  agree  in  assigning  only  one     ,     ,  ,   ,        ,     >.,    • 

='  o        t)  J  '-solo  se  acordaran  en  las  Naciones 

fifth     to     Tlacopan  ;     and     Veytia        lo  bien  que  gobemaron 

(Hist.  Antig.,  lib.    3,  cap.  3)    and        las/res  Caftezfwqueel  ImperiohonrAion.' 

Zurita  (Rapport  sur  les  Differentes  Cantares  del  Emperadob 

1     >„     ,.     ,      ,      -.T  ,,  Nkzahdalcovotl,  IMS. 

Classes  de  Chefs  de  la  Nouvelle 


20  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

nad  spread  down  the  sides  of  the  table-land  to  the 
Dorders  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Tenochtitlan,  the 
Aztec  capital,  gave  evidence  of  the  public  prosperity. 
Its  frail  tenements  were  supplanted  by  solid  struc- 
tures of  stone  and  lime.  Its  population  rapidly 
increased.  Its  old  feuds  were  healed.  The  citizens 
who  had  seceded  were  again  brought  under  a  com- 
mon government  with  the  main  body,  and  the  quar- 
ter they  occupied  was  permanently  connected  with 
the  parent  city ;  the  dimensions  of  which,  covering 
the  same  ground,  were  much  larger  than  those  of 
the  modern  capital  of  Mexico."*^ 

Fortunately,  the  throne  was  filled  by  a  succession 
of  able  princes,  who  knew  how  to  profit  by  their 
enlarged  resources  and  by  the  martial  enthusiasm  of 
the  nation.  Year  after  year  saw  them  return,  loaded 
with  the  spoils  of  conquered  cities,  and  with  throngs 
of  devoted  captives,  to  their  capital.  No  state  was 
able  long  to  resist  the  accumulated  strength  of  the 
confederates.  At  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  just  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  the 
Aztec  dominion  reached  across  the  continent,  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific ;  and,  under  the  bold 
and  bloody  Ahuitzotl,  its  arms  had  been  carried  far 
over  the  limits  already  noticed  as  defining  its  perma- 

'•*  See  the  plans  of  the  ancient  turini ;  if,  as  seems  probable,  it  is 

and  modern   capital,  in  Bullock's  the  one  indicated  on  page  13  of 

"  Mexico,''     first    edition.      The  his  Catalogue,  I  find   no  warrant 

original  of  the  ancient   map  was  for  Mr.  Bullock's  statement,  that 

obtained  by  that  traveller  from  the  it  was  the  same  prepared   for  Cor- 

coUection  of  the  unfortunate  Bo-  t^.s  by  the  order  of  Montezuma 


Ch.  I.]  VEYTIA.  21 

nent  territory,  into  the  farthest  corners  of  Guatemala 
and  Nicaragua.  This  extent  of  empire,  however 
limited  in  comparison  with  that  of  many  other 
states,  is  truly  wonderful,  considering  it  as  the  ac- 
quisition of  a  people  whose  whole  population  and 
resources  had  so  recently  been  comprised  within  the 
walls  of  their  own  petty  city ;  and  considering, 
moreover,  that  the  conquered  territory  was  thickly 
settled  by  various  races,  bred  to  arms  like  the  Mex- 
icans, and  little  inferior  to  them  in  social  organiza- 
tion. The  history  of  the  Aztecs  suggests  some 
strong  points  of  resemblance  to  that  of  the  ancient 
Romans,  not  only  in  their  military  successes,  but  in 
the  policy  which  led  to  them.^^ 


27  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  wars,  with  other  states,  as  the 
torn.  I.  lib.  2. — Torquemada,  Mon-  principal";  and  expresses  his  as- 
arch.  Ind.,  torn.  I.  lib.  2. — Boturini,  tonishment  that  a  similar  policy 
Idea,  p.  146.  —  Col.  of  Mendoza,  should  not  have  been  adopted  by 
Parti,  and  Codex  Telleriano-Re-  ambitious  republics  in  later  times, 
mensis,  apud  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  (See  his  Discorsi  sopra  T.  Livio, 
\ols.  I., VI.  lib.  2,  cap.  4,  apud  Opere  (Gene- 

Machiavelli  has  noticed  it  as  one  va,    1798).)      This,   as    we  have 

{Treat  cause  of  the  military  sue-  seen  above,  was  the  very  course 

cfisses  of  the  Romans,  "  that  they  p'uaurxl  by  the  Mexicans, 
associated     themselves,    in     their 


The  most  impoilant  contribution,  of  late  years,  to  the  early  history 
of  Mexico  is  the  Historia  Antigna  of  the  Lie.  Don  Mariano  Veytia, 
published  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  in  1836.  This  scholar  was  born  of 
an  ancient  and  highly  respectable  family  at  Puebla,  1718.  After  finish- 
ing his  academic  education,  he  went  to  Spain,  where  he  was  kindly 
received  at  court.  He  afterwards  visited  several  other  countries  of 
Europe,  made  himself  acquainted  with  their  languages,  and  retuni-ed 
hoir.e  well  stond  with  the  fruits  of  a  discriminating  observation  and 


22  VEYTIA.  [Book  1. 

diligent  study.  The  rest  of  his  life  he  devoted  to  letters ;  especially 
ti)  the  illustration  of  the  national  history  and  antiquities.  As  the 
3xecutor  of  the  unfortunate  Boturini,  with  whom  he  had  contracted  an 
intimacy  in  Madrid,  he  obtained  access  to  his  valuable  collection  of 
"Tianuscripts  ia  Mexico,  and  from  them,  and  every  other  source  which 
nis  position  in  society  and  his  eminent  character  opened  to  him,  he 
romposed  various  works,  none  of  which,  however,  except  the  one 
Defore  us,  has  been  admitted  to  the  honors  of  the  press.  The  time 
of  his  death  is  not  given  by  his  editor,  but  it  was  probably  not  later 
han  1780. 

Veytia's  history  covers  the  whole  period,  from  the  first  occupation 
of  Anahuac  to  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  at  which  point  his 
labors  were  unfortunately  terminated  by  his  death.  In  the  early  portion 
jie  has  endeavoured  to  trace  the  migratory  movements  and  historical 
annals  of  the  principal  races  who  entered  the  country.  Every  page 
Dears  testimony  to  the  extent  and  fidelity  of  his  researches  ;  and,  if  we 
feel  but  moderate  confidence  in  the  results,  the  fault  is  not  imputable 
to  him,  so  much  as  to  the  dark  and  doubtful  nature  of  the  subject.  As 
he  descends  to  later  ages,  he  is  more  occupied  with  the  fortunes  of  the 
Tezcucan  than  with  those  of  the  Aztec  dynasty,  which  have  been  amply 
discussed  by  others  of  his  countrymen.  The  premature  close  of  his  la- 
bors prevented  him,  probably,  from  giving  that  attention  to  the  domestic 
institutions  of  the  people  he  describes,  to  which  they  are  entitled  as 
the  most  important  subject  of  inquiry  to  the  historian.  The  deficiency 
has  been  supplied  by  his  judicious  editor,  Orteaga,  from  other  sources. 
In  the  early  part  of  his  work,  A'eytia  has  explained  the  chronological 
system  of  the  Aztecs,  but,  like  most  writers  preceding  the  accurate 
Gama,  with  indifferent  success.  As  a  critic,  he  certainly  ranks  much 
iiigher  than  the  annalists  who  preceded  him  ;  and,  when  his  own 
religion  is  not  involved,  shows  a  discriminating  judgment.  When  it 
is,  he  betrays  a  full  measure  of  the  credulity  which  still  maintains  its 
Iiold  on  too  many  even  of  the  well  informed  of  his  countrymen.  The 
editor  of  the  work  has  given  a  very  interesting  letter  from  the  Abbe 
(JIavigero  to  A'eytia,  written  when  the  former  was  a  poor  and  hum- 
nle  exile,  and  in  the  tone  of  one  addressing  a  person  of  high  stand- 
ing and  literary  eminence.  Both  were  employed  on  the  same  subject 
The  writings  of  the  poor  Abbe,  published  again  and  again,  and  trans 
lated  into  various  languages,  have  spread  his  fame  throughout  Europe 
while  the  name  of  Veytia,  whose  works  have  been  locked  up  in  theii 
primitive  manuscript,  is  scarcely  known  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
Mexico. 


CHAPTER    II. 

Succession  to  the  Crowm.  —  Aztec   Nobility. — Judicial    Sys- 
tem.—  Laws  and  Revenues.  —  Military  Institutions. 

The  form  of  government  differed  in  the  different 
states  of  Anahuac.  With  the  Aztecs  and  Tezcucans 
it  was  monarchical  and  nearly  absolute.  The  two 
nations  resembled  each  other  so  much,  in  their  politi- 
cal institutions,  that  one  of  their  historians  has  re- 
marked, in  too  unqualified  a  manner  indeed,  that 
what  is  told  of  one  may  be  always  understood  as 
applying  to  the  other.'  I  shall  direct  my  inquiries 
to  the  JNIexican  polity,  borrowing  an  illustration  oc 
casionally  from  that  of  the  rival  kingdom. 

The  government  was  an  elective  monarchy.  Four 
of  the  principal  nobles,  who  had  been  chosen  by 
their  own  body  in  the  preceding  reign,  filled  the 
ofifice  of  electors,  to  whom  were  added,  with  merely 
an  honorary  rank  however,  the  two  royal  allies  of 
Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan.  The  sovereign  was  select- 
ed from  the  brothers  of  the  deceased  prince,  or,  in 
default  of  them,  from  his  nephews.  Thus  the  elec- 
tion was  always  restricted  to  the  same  family.  T!ic 
candidate  preferred  must  have  distinguished  himself 
in  war,  though,  as  in  the  case  of  the  last  Montezuma, 

I  Ixllilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  36. 


24  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book    1. 

he  were  a  member  of  the  priesthood."  This  singu- 
lar mode  of  supplying  the  throne  had  some  advan- 
tages. The  candidates  received  an  education  which 
fitted  them  for  the  royal  dignity,  while  the  age,  at 
which  they  were  chosen,  not  only  secured  the  nation 
against  the  evils  of  minority,  but  afforded  ample 
means  for  estimating  their  qualifications  for  the  office. 
The  result,  at  all  events,  was  favorable  ;  since  the 
throne,  as  already  noticed,  was  filled  by  a  succession 
of  able  princes,  well  qualified  to  rule  over  a  warlike 
and  ambitious  people.  The  scheme  of  election, 
however  defective,  argues  a  more  refined  and  calcu- 
lating policy  than  was  to  have  been  expected  from 
a  barbarous  nation.^ 

The  new  monarch  was  installed  in  his  regal  dig- 
nity with  much  parade  of  religious  ceremony;  but 
not  until,  by  a  victorious  campaign,  he  had  obtained 
a  sufficient  number  of  captives  to  grace  his  trium- 
j)hal  entry  into  the  capital,  and  to  furnish  victims  for 
the  dark  and  bloody  rites  which  stained  the  Aztec 
superstition.  Amidst  this  pomp  of  human  sacrifice, 
he  was  crowned.     The  crown,  resembling  a  mitre 


2  This  was  an  exception. — In  II.  p.  112.  —  Acosta,  Naturall 
l*'?ypt,  also,  the  kin^  was  fre-  and  Morall  Historie  of  the  East 
fluently  taken  from  the  warrior  and  West  Indies,  Eng.  trans, 
caste,  though  obliged  afterwards  (London,  1604.) 

to  be  instructed  in  the  mysteries         According   to  Zurita,   an   elec- 

of  the  priesthood  :  «  2i  U  ju.uxi/ta>r  tion  by  the  nobles  took  place  only 

aTaiihiyftifit  iwSw;  iyiura  rut  li^u;  in  default  of  heirs  of  the  deceased 

Plutarch,  de  Isid.  et  Osir.,  sec.  9.  monarch.   (Rapport,  p.  15.)     The 

3  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  minute  historical  investigation  of 
lib.  2,  cap.  18  ;  lib.  11,  cap.  27. —  Clavigero  may  be  permitted  to 
Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn,  outweigh  this  general  assertion. 


Ch.  II.]  AZTEC   NOBILITY.  25 

111  its  form,  and  curiously  ornamented  with  gold, 
gems,  and  feathers,  was  placed  on  his  head  by  the 
lord  of  Tezcuco,  the  most  powerful  of  his  royal  allies. 
The  title  of  King,  by  which  the  earlier  Aztec  prin- 
ces are  distinguished  by  Spanish  writers,  is  supplant- 
ed by  that  of  Emperor  in  the  later  reigns,  intimat- 
ing, perhaps,  his  superiority  over  the  confederated 
monarchies  of  Tlacopan  and  Tezcuco.^ 

The  Aztec  princes,  especially  towards  the  close  of 
the  dynasty,  lived  in  a  barbaric  pomp,  truly  Oriental. 
Their  spacious  palaces  were  provided  with  halls  for 
the  different  councils,  who  aided  the  monarch  in  the 
transaction  of  business.  The  chief  of  these  was  a 
sort  of  privy  council,  composed  in  part,  probably, 
of  the  four  electors  chosen  by  the  nobles  after  the 
accession,  whose  places,  when  made  vacant  by  death, 
were  immediately  supplied  as  before.  It  was  the 
business  of  this  body,  so  far  as  can  be  gathered  from 
the  very  loose  accounts  given  of  it,  to  advise  the 
king,  in  respect  to  the  government  of  the  provinces, 
the  administration  of  the  revenues,  and,  indeed,  on 
all  great  matters  of  public  interest.'' 


*  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es-  other  writer  whom  I  have   con- 

pana,  lib.  6,  cap.  9,  10,  14  ;  lib.  8,  suited. 

cap.  31,  34.  —  See,  also,  Zurita,         5  Sahagun,  who  places  the  elec- 

Rapport,  pp.  20-23.  tive  power  in  a  much  larger  body, 

Ixtlilxochitl  stoutly  claims  this  speaks  of  four  senators,  who  form- 
supremacy  for  his  own  nation,  ed  a  state  council.  (Hist,  de  Nue- 
(Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  34.)  His  va  Espana,  lib.  8,  cap.  30.)  Acos- 
assertions  are  at  variance  with  ta  enlarges  the  council  beyond  the 
facts  stated  by  himself  elsewhere,  number  of  the  electors.  (Lib.  6, 
and  are  not  countenanced  by  any  ch.  26.)     No  two  writers  agree. 

VOL.    I.  4 


26  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

In  the  royal  buildings  were  accommodations,  also, 
for  a  numerous  body-guard  of  the  sovereign,  made 
up  of  the  chief  nobility.  It  is  not  easy  to  deter- 
!nine  with  precision,  in  these  barbarian  governments, 
the  limits  of  the  several  orders.  It  is  certain,  there 
was  a  distinct  class  of  nobles,  with  large  landed 
possessions,  who  held  the  most  important  offices 
near  the  person  of  the  prince,  and  engrossed  the 
administration  of  the  provinces  and  cities.^  Many 
of  these  could  trace  their  descent  from  the  founders 
of  the  Aztec  monarchy.  According  to  some  writers 
of  authority,  there  were  thirty  great  caciques,  who 
had  their  residence,  at  least  a  part  of  the  year,  in  the 
capital,  and  who  could  muster  a  hundred  iliousand 
vassals  each  on  their  estates.^  Without  relying  on 
such  wild  statements,  it  is  clear,  from  the  testimony 
of  the  Conquerors,  that  the  country  was  occupied  by 
numerous  powerful  chieftains,  who  lived  like  inde- 
pendent princes  on  their  domains.  If  it  be  true 
that  the  kings  encouraged,  or,  indeed,  exacted,  the 
residence  of  these  nobles  in  the  capital,  and  required 
hostages  in  their  absence,  it  is  evident  that  their 
power  must  have  been  very  formidable.^ 

*>  Zurita  enumerates  four  orders  Firme  del  Mar  Oceano,  (Madrid, 

of  chiefs,  all  of  whom  were  ex-  1730,)  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  12. 

empted  from  imposts,  and  enjoyed  8  Carta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenza- 

very  considerable  privileges.     He  na,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espana,  p.  110. 

does  not  discriminate  the  several  —  Torquemada,    Monarch.    Ind., 

ranks  with  much  precision.     Rap-  lib.  2,  cap.  89  ;  lib.  14,  cap.  6.  — 

port,  p.  47,  et  seq.  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn. 

"  See,   in   particular,   Herrera,  H.    p.     121.  —  Zurita,    Rapport, 

Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de  pp.  48,  65. 

los Castellanos  en  las  Islas  y  Tierra  Ixtlilxochitl  (Hist.  Chich.,  MS.. 


Cq.  II.]  AZTEC  NOBILITY.  27 

Their  estates  appear  to  have  been  held  by  various 
tenures,  and  to  have  been  subject  to  different  restric- 
tions. Some  of  them,  earned  by  their  own  good 
sw^ords,  or  received  as  the  recompense  of  pubhc  ser- 
vices, were  held  without  any  limitation,  except  that 
the  possessors  could  not  dispose  of  them  to  a  plebe- 
ian.^ Others  were  entailed  on  the  eldest  male  issue, 
and,  in  default  of  such,  reverted  to  the  crown.  Most 
of  them  seem  to  have  been  burdened  with  the  obli- 
gation of  military  service.  The  principal  chiefs  of 
Tezcuco,  according  to  its  chronicler,  were  expressly 
obliged  to  support  their  prince  Avith  their  armed 
vassals,  to  attend  his  court,  and  aid  him  in  the  coun- 
cil. Some,  instead  of  these  services,  were  to  provide 
for  the  repairs  of  his  buildings,  and  to  keep  the  royal 
demesnes  in  order,  with  an  annual  offering,  by  way 
of  homage,  of  fruits  and  flowers.  It  was  usual,  if 
we  are  to  believe  historians,  for  a  new  king,  on  his 
accession,  to  confirm  the  investiture  of  estates  derived 
from  the  crown. "^ 


cap.  34)    speaks   of  thirty   great  '0   Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich., 

feudal  chiefs,  some  of  them  Tez-  MS.,  ubi  supra. — Zurita,  Rapport, 

cucan   and    Tlacopan,    whom    he  ubi  supra.  —  Clavigero,  Stor.  del 

styles  "  grandees  of  the  empire  "  !  Messico,  tom.  II.  pp.  122  -  124.  — 

He  says  nothing  of  the  great  tail  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib. 

of  100,000  vassals  to  each,  men-  14,  cap.  7.  —  Gomara,  Cronica  de 

tioned  by  Torquemada  and  Her-  Nueva  Espafia,  cap.  199,  ap.  Bar- 

rera.  cia,  tom.  II. 

^  Macehual,  —  a  word  equivalent  Boturini  (Idea,  p.   165)  carries 

to  the  French  word  roturier.    Nor  back  the  origin  oifiefs  in  Anahuac, 

could  fiefs  originally  be   held   by  to  the  twelfth  century.    Carli  says, 

plebeians  in  France.  See  Hallam's  "  Le  systeme  politique  y  etoit  feo- 

Middle    Ages,     (London,    1819,)  dal."     In  the  next  page  he  tells 

vol.  II.  p.  207.  us,  "  Personal  merit  alone  made 


28  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  we  recognise,  in  all  this, 
several  features  of  the  feudal  system,  which,  no 
doubt,  lose  nothing  of  their  effect,  under  the  hands 
of  the  Spanish  writers,  who  are  fond  of  tracing 
analogies  to  European  institutions.  But  such  analo- 
gies lead  sometimes  to  very  erroneous  conclusions. 
The  obligation  of  military  ser\dce,  for  instance,  the 
most  essential  principle  of  a  fief,  seems  to  be  natu- 
rally demanded  by  every  government  from  its 
subjects.  As  to  minor  points  of  resemblance,  they 
fall  far  short  of  that  harmonious  system  of  reciprocal 
service  and  protection,  which  embraced,  in  nice 
gradation,  every  order  of  a  feudal  monarchy.  The 
kingdoms  of  Anahuac  were,  in  their  nature,  despotic, 
attended,  indeed,  with  many  mitigating  circum- 
stances, unknown  to  the  despotisms  of  the  East; 
but  it  is  chimerical  to  look  for  much  in  common  — 
beyond  a  few  accidental  forms  and  ceremonies  — 
with  those  aristocratic  institutions  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  which  made  the  court  of  every  petty  baron 
the  precise  image  in  miniature  of  that  of  his  sovereign. 

The  legislative  power,  both  in  Mexico  and  Tez- 
cuco,  resided  wholly  with  the  monarch.  This  feature 
of  despotism,  however,  was,  in  some  measure,  coun- 
teracted by  the  constitution  of  the  judicial  tribunals, 
—  of  more  importance,  among  a  rude  people,  than 
the  legislative,  since  it  is  easier  to  make  good  laws 
for  such  a  community,  than  to  enforce  them,  and  the 

the  distinction  of  the  nobiUty  "  !     Carli  was  a  writer  of  a  lively  ima- 
(Lettres  Americaines,  trad.    Fr.,     gination. 
(Paris,    1788,)    torn.  I.  let.    11.) 


Ch.  II.]  JUDICIAL   SYSTEM.  29 

best  laws,  badly  administered,  are  but  a  mockery. 
Over  each  of  the  principal  cities,  with  its  dependent 
territories,  was  placed  a  supreme  judge,  appointed 
by  the  crown,  with  original  and  final  Jurisdiction  in 
both  civil  and  criminal  cases.  There  was  no  appeal 
from  his  sentence  to  any  other  tribunal,  nor  even  to 
the  king.  He  held  his  office  during  life  ;  and  any 
one,  who  usurped  his  ensigns,  was  punished  with 
death.  ^^ 

Below  this  magistrate  was  a  court,  established  in 
each  province,  and  consisting  of  three  members.  It 
held  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  supreme  judge 
in  civil  suits,  but,  in  criminal,  an  appeal  lay  to  his 
tribunal.  Besides  these  courts,  there  was  a  body  of 
inferior  magistrates,  distributed  through  the  country, 
chosen  by  the  people  themselves  in  their  several 
districts.  Their  authority  was  limited  to  smaller 
causes,  while  the  more  important  were  carried  up 
to  the  higher  courts.  There  was  still  another  class 
of  subordinate  officers,  appointed  also  by  the  peo- 
ple, each  of  whom  was  to  watch  over  the  conduct 
of  a  certain  number  of  families,  and  report  any 
disorder  or  breach  of  the  laws  to  the  higher  au- 
thorities.'~ 

1^    This  magistrate,   who   was  Montezuma,  who  introduced  great 

called  cihuacoatl,  was  also  to  audit  changes  in  them.    (Antiq.  of  Mex- 

the  accounts  of  the  collectors  of  ico,  vol.  I.,  Plate  70.)     According 

the  taxes  in  his  district.     (Clavi-  to  the  interpreter,  an  appeal  lay 

gero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  II.  from  them,  in  certain  cases,  to  the 

p.  127. — Torquemada,  Monarch,  king's  council.  Ibid.,  vol.  VI.  p. 79. 
Ind.,  lib.  11,  cap.  25.)    The  Men-        12  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico, 

doza  Collection  contains  a  painting  tom.  11.  pp.   127,  128.  —  Torque- 

of   the   courts   of  justice,   under  mada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  ubi  supra. 


30  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book    I 

In  Tezcuco  the  judicial  arrangements  were  of  a 
more  refined  character ;  '^  and  a  gradation  of  tri- 
bunals finally  terminated  in  a  general  meeting  or 
parliament,  consisting  of  all  the  Judges,  great  and 
petty,  throughout  the  kingdom,  held  every  eighty 
days  in  the  capital,  over  which  the  king  presided 
in  person.  This  body  determined  all  suits,  which, 
from  their  importance,  or  difficulty,  had  been  re- 
served for  its  consideration  by  the  lower  tribunals. 
It  served,  moreover,  as  a  council  of  state,  to  assist 
the  monarch  in  the  transaction  of  public  business.'^ 

Such  are  the  vague  and  imperfect  notices  that 
can  be  gleaned,  respecting  the  Aztec  tribunals,  from 
the  hieroglyphical  paintings  still  preserved,  and  from 
the  most  accredited  Spanish  writers.  These,  being 
usually  ecclesiastics,  have  taken  much  less  interest 

In  this  arrangement  of  the  more  ''*  Botuvini,  Idea,  p.  87.     Tor- 

hiimble  magistrates  we  are  remind-  quemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  11, 

ed  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  hundreds  cap.  26. 

and  tithings,  especially  the  lat-  Zurita  compares  this  body  to  the 
ter,  the  members  of  which  were  Castilian  cortes.  It  would  seem, 
to  watch  over  the  conduct  of  the  however,  according  to  him,  to 
families  in  their  districts,  and  bring  have  consisted  only  of  twelve 
the  offenders  t,o  justice.  The  hard  principal  judges,  besides  the  king, 
penalty  of  mutual  responsibility  Ilis  meaning  is  somewhat  doubt- 
was  not  known  to  the  Mexicans.  ful.    (Rapport,  pp.  94,  101,  106.) 

•^  Zurita,  so  temperate,  usually,  M.   de  Humboldt,  in  his  account 

in  his  language,  remarks,  that,  in  of  the  Aztec  courts,  has  confound- 

the  capital,  "  Tribunals  were  insti-  ed  them  with  the  Tezcucan.  Comp. 

tuted  which  might  compare  in  their  Vues  des  Cordilleres  et  Monumens 

organization  with  the  royal  audi-  des  Peuples  Indigenes  do  I'Amer- 

ences  of  Castile."     (Rapport,  p.  ique,   (Paris,    1810,)   p.    55,   and 

93.)     His  observations  are  chiefly  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn, 

drawn  from  the  Tezcucan  courts,  II.  pp.  128,  129. 
which,  in  their  forms  of  procedure, 
he   says,   were    like    the    Aztec. 
(Log.  cit.) 


Ch.  II.]  JUDICIAL   SYSTEM.  31 

in  this  subject,  than  in  matters  connected  with 
religion.  They  find  some  apology,  certainly,  in  the 
early  destruction  of  most  of  the  Indian  paintings, 
from  which  their  information  was,  in  part,  to  be 
gathered. 

On  the  whole,  however,  it  must  be  inferred,  that 
the  Aztecs  were  sufficiently  civilized  to  evince  a 
solicitude  for  the  rights  both  of  property  and  of 
persons.  The  law,  authorizing  an  appeal  to  the 
highest  judicature  in  criminal  matters  only,  shows 
an  attention  to  personal  security,  rendered  the  more 
obligatory  by  the  extreme  severity  of  their  penal 
code,  which  would  naturally  have  made  them  more 
cautious  of  a  wrong  conviction.  The  existence  of  a 
number  of  coordinate  tribunals,  without  a  central 
one  of  supreme  authority  to  control  the  whole,  must 
have  given  rise  to  very  discordant  interpretations  of 
the  law  in  different  districts.  But  this  is  an  evil 
which  they  shared  in  common  with  most  of  the 
nations  of  Europe. 

The  provision  for  making  the  superior  judges 
wholly  independent  of  the  crown  was  worthy  of 
an  enlightened  people.  It  presented  the  strongest 
barrier,  that  a  mere  constitution  could  afford,  against 
tyranny.  It  is  not,  indeed,  to  be  supposed,  that,  in 
a  government  otherwise  so  despotic,  means  could 
not  be  found  for  influencing  the  magistrate.  But 
it  was  a  great  step  to  fence  round  his  authority  with 
the  sanction  of  the  law ;  and  no  one  of  the  Aztec 
monarch?,  as  far  as  I  know,  is  accused  of  an  attempt 
to  \iolate  it. 


32  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

To  receive  presents  or  a  bribe,  to  be  guilty  of 
collusion  in  any  way  with  a  suitor,  was  punished, 
in  a  judge,  with  death.  Who,  or  what  tribunal, 
decided  as  to  his  guilt,  does  not  appear.  In  Tezcu- 
co  this  was  done  by  the  rest  of  the  court.  But 
the  king  presided  over  that  body.  The  Tezcucan 
prince,  Nezahualpilli,  who  rarely  tempered  Justice 
with  mercy,  put  one  judge  to  death  for  taking  a 
bribe,  and  another  for  determining  suits  in  his  own 
house,  —  a  capital  offence,  also,  by  law.^"' 

The  judges  of  the  higher  tribunals  were  main- 
tained from  the  produce  of  a  part  of  the  crown 
lands,  reserved  for  this  purpose.  They,  as  well  as 
the  supreme  judge,  held  their  offices  for  life.  The 
proceedings  in  the  courts  were  conducted  with  de- 
cency and  order.  The  judges  wore  an  appropriate 
dress,  and  attended  to  business  both  parts  of  the 
day,  dining,  always,  for  the  sake  of  despatch,  in  an 
apartment  of  the  same  building  where  they  held 
their  session ;  a  method  of  proceeding  much  com- 
mended by  the  Spanish  chroniclers,  to  whom  de- 
spatch was  not  very  familiar  in  their  own  tribunals. 
Officers  attended  to  preserve  order,  and  others 
summoned  the  parties,  and  produced  them  in  court. 
No  counsel  was  employed ;  the  parties  stated  their 
own  case,  and  supported  it  by  their  witnesses.  The 
oath  of  the  accused  was  also  admitted  in  evideflce. 


'•>  "  Ah  !    si   esta  se   repitiera  iiota. — Zurita,  Rapport,;).  102. 

hoy,  que  bueno  seria !  "  exclaims  Torquemada,    Monarch    Ind.,  ubi 

Sahagun's  Mexican  editor.     Hist,  supra. — Ixtlil.\ochitl,Kist.  Chich.. 

de  Nueva  EspaHa,  torn.  II.  p.  301,  MS.,  cap.  67. 


Ch.  II.]  JUDICIAL   SYSTEM.  53 

The  statement  of  the  case,  the  testimony,  and  the 
proceedings  of  the  trial,  were  all  set  forth  by  a  clerk, 
in  hieroglyphical  paintings,  and  handed  over  to  the 
court.  The  paintings  were  executed  with  so  much 
accuracy,  that,  in  all  suits  respecting  real  property, 
they  were  allowed  to  be  produced  as  good  authority 
in  the  Spanish  tribunals,  very  long  after  the  Con- 
quest ;  and  a  chair  for  their  study  and  interpretation 
was  established  at  Mexico  in  1553,  which  has  long 
since  shared  the  fate  of  most  other  pro\isions  for 
learning  in  that  unfortunate  country. ^^ 

A  capital  sentence  was  indicated  by  a  line  traced 
with  an  arrow  across  the  portrait  of  the  accused 
In  Tezcuco,  where  the  king  presided  in  the  comt, 
this,  according  to  the  national  chronicler,  was  done 
with  extraordinary  parade.  His  description,  which 
is  of  rather  a  poetical  cast,  I  give  in  his  own  words. 
"  In  the  royal  palace  of  Tezcuco  was  a  court-yard, 
on  the  opposite  sides  of  which  were  two  halls  of 
justice.  In  the  principal  one,  called  the  '  tribu- 
nal of  God,'  was  a  throne  of  pure  gold,  inlaid  with 
turquoises  and  other  precious  stones.  On  a  stool, 
in  front,  was  placed  a  human  skull,  crowned  with  an 
immense  emerald,  of  a  pyramidal  form,  and  sur- 
mounted by  an  aigrette  of  brilliant  plumes  and 
precious  stones.     The  skull  was  laid  on  a  heap  of 

16  Zurita,  Rapport,  pp.  95,  100,  Clavigero     says,    the     accused 

103. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  might  free  himself  by  oath;  "II 

Espafia,     loc.     cit.  —  Humboldt,  reo  poteva  purgarsi  col  giuramen- 

Vuesdes  Cordilleres,  pp.  55,  56. —  to."     (Stoi.  del  Messico,  torn.  H. 

Torquemada,  Monarch.   Ind.,  lib.  p.  129.)    What  rogue,  then,  could 

11 ,  cap.  25.  ever  have  been  convicted  T 
VOL.    I.                       5 


34  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

military  weapons,  shields,  quivers,  bows,  and  ar- 
rows. The  walls  were  hung  with  tapestry,  made 
of  the  hair  of  different  wild  animals,  of  rich  and 
various  colors,  festooned  by  gold  rings,  and  embroi- 
dered with  figures  of  birds  and  flowers.  Above  the 
throne  was  a  canopy  of  variegated  plumage,  from 
the  centre  of  which  shot  forth  resplendent  rays  of 
gold  and  jewels.  The  other  tribunal,  called  '  the 
King's,'  was  also  surmounted  by  a  gorgeous  canopy 
of  feathers,  on  which  were  emblazoned  the  royal 
arms.  Here  the  sovereign  gave  public  audience, 
and  communicated  his  despatches.  But,  when  he 
decided  important  causes,  or  confirmed  a  capital 
sentence,  he  passed  to  the  '  tribunal  of  God,'  at- 
tended by  the  fourteen  great  lords  of  the  realm, 
marshalled  according  to  their  rank.  Then,  putting 
on  his  mitred  crown,  incrusted  with  precious  stones, 
and  holding  a  golden  arrow,  by  way  of  sceptre,  in 
his  left  hand,  he  laid  his  right  upon  the  skull,  and 
pronounced  judgment."  ^^  All  this  looks  rather  fine 
for  a  court  of  justice,  it  must  be  owned.  But  it  is 
certain,  that  the  Tezcucans,  as  we  shall  see  here- 
after, possessed  both  the  materials,  and  the  skill 
requisite  to  work  them  up  in  this  manner.  Had 
they  been  a  little  further  advanced  in  refinement, 
one  might  well  doubt  their  having  the  bad  taste 
to  do  so. 

The  laws  of  the  Aztecs  were  registered,  and  ex- 

i"'    Ixtlilxochitl,   Hist.    Chich.,     bolical  meaning,  according  to  Bot 
MS.,  cap.  36.  iirini,  Idea,  p.  84. 

These  various  objects  had  a  .sym- 


Ch.  II.]  LAWS  AND   REVENUES.  35 

hibited  to  the  people,  in  their  hierogljphical  paint- 
ings. Much  the  larger  part  of  them,  as  in  every 
nation  imperfectly  civilized,  relates  rather  to  the 
security  of  persons,  than  of  property.  The  great 
crimes  against  society  were  all  made  capital.  Even 
the  murder  of  a  slave  was  punished  with  death. 
Adulterers,  as  among  the  Jews,  were  stoned  to  death. 
Thieving,  according  to  the  degree  of  the  offence,  was 
punished  by  slavery  or  death.  Yet  the  Mexicans 
could  have  been  under  no  great  apprehension  of  this 
crime,  since  the  entrances  to  their  dwellings  were 
not  secured  by  bolts,  or  fastenings  of  any  kind.  It 
was  a  capital  offence  to  remove  the  boundaries  of 
another's  lands;  to  alter  the  established  measures; 
and  for  a  guardian  not  to  be  able  to  give  a  good 
account  of  his  ward's  property.  These  regulations 
evince  a  regard  for  equity  in  dealings,  and  for  pri- 
vate rights,  which  argues  a  considerable  progress 
in  civilization.  Prodigals,  who  squandered  their 
patrimony,  were  punished  in  like  manner ;  a  severe 
sentence,  since  the  crime  brought  its  adequate  pun- 
ishment along  with  it.  Intemperance,  which  was 
the  burden,  moreover,  of  their  religious  homilies, 
was  visited  with  the  severest  penalties  ;  as  if  they 
had  foreseen  in  it  the  consuming  canker  of  their 
own,  as  well  as  of  the  other  Indian  races  in  later 
times.  It  was  punished  in  the  young  with  death, 
and  in  older  persons  with  loss  of  rank  and  confisca- 
tion of  property.  Yet  a  decent  conviviality  was  not 
meant  to  be  proscribed  at  their  festivals,  and  they 
possessed  the  means  of  indulging  it,  in  a  mild  fer- 


36  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

merited  liquor,  called  pulque,  which  is  still  popular, 
not  only  with  the  Indian,  but  the  European  popula- 
tion of  the  country. ^"^ 

The  rites  of  marriage  were  celebrated  with  as 
nmch  formality  as  in  any  Christian  country ;  and 
the  institution  was  held  in  such  reverence,  that  a 
tribunal  was  instituted  for  the  sole  purpose  of  de- 
termining questions  relating  to  it.  Divorces  could 
not  be  obtained,  until  authorized  by  a  sentence  of 
this  court,  after  a  patient  hearing  of  the  parties. 

But  the  most  remarkable  part  of  the  Aztec  code 
was  that  relating  to  slavery.  There  were  several 
descriptions  of  slaves :  prisoners  taken  in  war,  who 
were  almost  always  reserved  for  the  dreadful  doom 
of  sacrifice  ;  criminals,  public  debtors,  persons  who, 
from  extreme  poverty,  voluntarily  resigned  their 
freedom,  and  children  who  were  sold  by  their  own 
parents.  In  the  last  instance,  usually  occasioned 
also  by  poverty,  it  was  common  for  the  parents, 
with  the  master's  consent,   to  substitute  others  of 


18  Paintings  of  the  Mendoza  Col-  112.)  Mons.  Ternaux's  traiisla- 
lection,  PI.  72,  and  Interpretation,  tion  of  a  passage  of  the  Anony- 
ap.  Anliq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI.  p.  mous  Conqueror,  "  aucun  peuple 
Vl. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  n'est  aussi  sobre,''  (Recueil  de 
_b.  12,  cap.  7.  —  Clavigero,  Stor.  Pieces  Relatives  a  la  Conquete  du 
del  Messico,  torn.  II.  pp.  130-  Mexique, ap. Voyages,  &c., (Paris, 
134.  —  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlasca-  1838,)  p.  54,)  may  give  a  more  fa- 
la,  MS.  vorable  impression,  however,  than 

They  could  scarcely  have  been  thatintendedby  his  original,  whose 
an  intemperate  people,  with  these  remark  is  confined  to  abstemious- 
heavy  penalties  hanging  over  them,  ness  in  eating.  See  the  Relatione, 
Indeed,  Zurita bears  testimony  tliat  ap.  Ramusio,  Raccolta  delle  Navi- 
those  Spaniards,  who  tlioiiglit  they  gationi  et  Viaggi.  (Venetia,  1554 
were,  greatly  erred.    (Rapport,  p.  -  1565.) 


Ch.  II.]  LAWS  AND   REVENUES.  37 

their  children  successively,  as  they  grew  up  ;  thus 
distributing  the  burden,  as  equally  as  possible, 
among  the  different  members  of  the  family.  The 
willingness  of  freemen  to  incur  the  penalties  of  this 
condition  is  explained  by  the  mild  form  in  which 
it  existed.  The  contract  of  sale  was  executed  in 
the  presence  of  at  least  four  witnesses.  The  ser- 
vices to  be  exacted  were  limited  with  great  precis- 
ion. The  slave  was  allowed  to  have  his  own  family, 
to  hold  property,  and  even  other  slaves.  His  chil- 
dren were  free.  No  one  could  be  born  to  slavery  in 
Mexico  ;  ^^  an  honorable  distinction,  not  known,  I 
believe,  in  any  civilized  community  where  slavery 
has  been  sanctioned.^"  Slaves  were  not  sold  by 
their  masters,  unless  when  these  were  driven  to  it 
by  poverty.  They  were  often  liberated  by  them  at 
their  death,  and  sometimes,  as  there  was  no  natural 
repugnance  founded  on  difference  of  blood  and  race, 
were  married  to  them.  Yet  a  refractory  or  vicious 
slave  might  be  led  into  the  market,  with  a  collar 
round  his  neck,  which  intimated  his  bad  character. 


'9  In  Ancient  Egypt  the  child  of  so  cheap  in  the  eye  of  the  Mex- 

a  slave  was  born  free,  if  the  father  ican    law,   that    one    might    kill 

were  free.    (Diodorus,  Bibl.  Hist.,  them  with  impunity.     (History  of 

lib.   1,  sec.    80.)      This,   though  America,  (ed.  London,  1776,)  vol. 

more  liberal  than  the  code  of  most  IH.  p.  164.)     This,  however,  was 

countries,  fell  short  of  the  Mexi-  not  in  Mexico,  but  in  Nicaragua, 

can.  (see  his  own  authority,  Herrera, 

20  In  Egypt  the  same   penalty  Hist.  General,  dec.  3,  lib.  4,  cap. 

was  attached  to  the  murder  of  a  2,)  a  distant  country,  not  incorpo- 

slave,  as  to  that  of  a   freeman,  rated  in  the  Mexican  empire,  and 

(Ibid.,  lib.  1,  sec.  77.)    Robertson  with   laws   and   institutions    very 

speaks  of  a  c^ass  of  slaves  held  different  from  those  of  the  latter. 


58  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

and  there  be  publicly  sold,  and,  on  a  second  sale, 
reserved  for  sacrifice.^^ 

Such  are  some  of  the  most  striking  features  of 
the  Aztec  code,  to  which  the  Tezcucan  bore  great 
resemblance/'''  With  some  exceptions,  it  is  stamped 
with  the  severity,  the  ferocity,  indeed,  of  a  rude  peo- 
ple, hardened  by  familiarity  with  scenes  of  blood, 
and  relying  on  physical,  instead  of  moral  means,  for 
the  correction  of  evil.""  Still,  it  evinces  a  profound 
respect  for  the  great  principles  of  morality,  and  as 
clear  a  perception  of  these  principles  as  is  to  be 
found  in  the  most  cultivated  nations. 

The  royal  revenues  were  derived  from  various 
sources.  The  crown  lands,  which  appear  to  have 
been  extensive,  made  their  returns  in  kind.  The 
places  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital  were 
bound  to  supply  workmen  and  materials  for  build- 
ing the  king's  palaces,  and  keeping  them  in  re- 
pair. They  were  also  to  furnish  fuel,  provisions, 
and  whatever  was  necessary  for  his  ordinary  domes- 
tic expenditure,  which  was  certainly  on  no  stinted 
scale. ^'     The  principal  cities,  which  had  numerous 

21  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  Mexican,  in  the  latter  days  of  the 

lib.  12,  cap.  15;  lib.  14,  cap.  16,  empire.     Zurita,  Rapport,  p.  95. 
17.  —  Sahagun,   Hist,  de   Nueva        23  Jn  this,  at  least,  they  did  not 

EspaiTa,  lib.  8,  cap.   14. — Clavi-  resemble  the  Romans;  of  whom 

pero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  II.  their     countryman     could    boast, 

pp.  134-  136.  "  Gloriari  licet,  nulli  gentium  mi- 

^  Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.     Chich.,  tiores    placuisse   poenas."     Livy, 

MS.,cap.  38,  andRelaciones,  MS.  Hist.,  lib.  1,  cap.  28. 

The  Tezcucan  code,  indeed,  as        ^4  Xhe  Tezcucan  revenues  were, 

digested  under  the  great  Nezahu-  in  like  manner,  paid  in  the  prod- 

alcoyoil,  formed  the  basis  of  the  uce  of  the  country.     The  various 


CK.    II.] 


LAWS  AND   REVENUES. 


39 


villages  and  a  large  territory  dependent  on  them, 
were  distributed  into  districts,  with  each  a  share  of 
the  lands  allotted  to  it,  for  its  support.  The  inhab- 
itants paid  a  stipulated  part  of  the  produce  to  the 
crown.  The  vassals  of  the  great  chiefs,  also,  paid  a 
portion  of  their  earnings  into  the  public  treasury  ; 
an  arrangement  not  at  all  in  the  spirit  of  the  feudal 
institutions.^' 

In  addition  to  this  tax  on  all  the  agricultural 
produce  of  the  kingdom,  there  was  another  on  its 
manufactures.  The  nature  and  variety  of  the  trib- 
utes will  be  best  shown  by  an  enumeration  of  some 
of  the  principal  articles.  These  wer-^  cotton  dresses, 
and  mantles  of  featherwork  exquisit  el  y  made  ;  orna- 
mented armor ;  vases  and  plates  of  gold  ;  gold  dust, 
bands  and  bracelets ;  crystal,  gilt,  and  varnished  jars 


branches  of  the  royal  expenditure 
were  defrayed  by  specified  towns 
and  districts ;  and  the  whole  ar- 
rangements here,  and  in  Mexico, 
bore  a  remarkable  resemblance  to 
the  financial  regulations  of  the 
Persian  empire,  as  reported  by  the 
Greek  writers;  (see  Herodotus, 
Clio,  sec.  192 ; )  with  this  differ- 
ence, however,  that  the  towns  of 
Persia  proper  were  not  burdened 
with  tributes,  like  the  conquered 
cities.       Idem,  Thalia,  sec.  97. 

25  Lorenzana,  Hist,  de  Nueva 
Espaiia,  p.  172.  — Torquemada, 
Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  2,  cap.  89; 
lib.  14,  cap.  7. — Boturini,  Idea, 
p.  166. —  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlas- 
cala,  MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  Gen- 
eral, dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  13. 


The  people  of  the  provinces 
were  distributed  into  calpulli  or 
tribes,  who  held  the  lands  of  the 
neighbourhood  in  common.  Offi- 
cers of  their  own  appointment  par- 
celled out  these  lands  among  the 
several  families  of  the  calpulli  : 
and,  on  the  extinction  or  removal 
of  a  family,  its  lands  reverted  to 
the  common  stock,  to  be  again 
distributed.  The  individual  pro- 
prietor had  no  power  to  alienate 
them.  The  laws  regulating  these 
matters  were  very  precise,  ami 
had  existed  ever  since  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  country  by  the  Aztec.-i. 
Zurita,  Rapport,  pp.  51-62. 


40 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book  i. 


and  goblets ;  bells,  arms,  and  utensils  of  copper ; 
reams  of  paper ;  grain,  fruits,  copal,  amber,  cochi- 
neal, cacao,  wild  animals  and  birds,  timber,  lime, 
mats,  &c.^^  In  this  curious  medley  of  the  most 
homely  commodities,  and  the  elegant  superfluities 
of  luxury,  it  is  singular  that  no  mention  should 
be  made  of  silver,  the  great  staple  of  the  country 
in  later  times,  and  the  use  of  which  was  certainly 
known  to  the  Aztecs. ^^ 


26  The  following  items  of  the 
tribute  furnished  by  different  cities 
will  give  a  more  precise  idea  of 
its  nature  :  —  20  chests  of  ground 
chocolate ;  40  pieces  of  armor, 
of  a  par^.icular  device  ;  2400  loads 
of  large  mantles,  of  twisted  cloth  ; 
800  loads  of  small  mantles,  of  rich 
wearing  apparel  ;  5  pieces  of  ar- 
mor, of  rich  feathers  ;  60  pieces 
of  armor,  of  common  feathers ; 
a  chest  of  beans  ;  a  chest  of  cliian ; 
a  chest  of  maize  ;  8000  reams  of 
paper ;  likewise  2000  loaves  of 
very  white  salt,  refined  in  the 
shape  of  a  mould,  for  the  con- 
sumption only  of  the  lords  of  Mex- 
ico ;  8000  lumps  of  unrefined  co- 
pal ;  400  small  baskets  of  white 
refined  copal ;  100  copper  axes ; 
80  loads  of  red  chocolate  ;  800 
Acaras,  out  of  which  they  drank 
chocolate  ;  a  little  vessel  of  small 
turquoise  stones  ;  4  chests  of  tim- 
ber, full  of  maize  ;  4000  loads  of 
lime  ;  tiles  of  gold,  of  the  size  of 
an  oyster,  and  as  ihick  as  the  fin- 
ger ;  40  bags  of  cochineal  ;  20 
bags  of  gold   dust,  of  the  finest 


quality  ;  a  diadem  of  gold,  of  a 
specified  pattern ;  20  lip-jewels 
of  clear  amber,  ornamented  with 
gold  ;  200  loads  of  chocolate ; 
100  pots  or  jars  of  liquid-amber  ; 
8000  handfuls  of  rich  scarlet 
feathers  ;  40  tiger-skins  ;  1600 
bundles  of  cotton,  &c.,  &c.  Col. 
de  Mendoza,  part  2,  ap.  Antiq. 
of  Mexico,  vols.  I.,  VI. 

-^  Mapa  de  Tributes,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana.  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espafia. 
—  Tribute-roll,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mex- 
ico, vol.  I.,  and  Interpretation,  vol. 
VI.,  pp.  17-44. 

The  Mendoza  Collection,  in  the 
Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford,  con- 
tains a  roll  of  the  cities  of  the 
Mexican  empire,  with  the  specific 
tributes  exacted  from  them.  It  is 
a  copy  made  after  the  Conquest, 
with  a  pen,  on  European  paper 
(See  Foreign  Quarterly  Review, 
No.  XVII.  Art.  4.)  An  original 
painting  of  the  same  roll  was  in 
Boturini's  museum.  Ijorenzana 
has  given  us  engravings  of  it,  in 
which  the  outlines  of  the  Oxford 
copy  aio  filled  up,  though  some- 


Ch.  II.]  LAWS  AND   REVENUES.  41 

Garrisons  were  established  in  the  larger  cities,  — 
probably  those  at  a  distance,  and  recently  conquered, 
—  to  keep  down  revolt,  and  to  enforce  the  payment 
of  the  tribute. ^^  Tax-gatherers  were  also  distrib- 
uted throughout  the  kingdom,  who  were  recognised 
by  their  official  badges,  and  dreaded  from  the  mer- 
ciless rigor  of  their  exactions.  By  a  stern  law, 
every  defaulter  was  liable  to  be  taken  and  sold  as 
a  slave.  In  the  capital  were  spacious  granaries 
and  warehouses  for  the  reception  of  the  tributes. 
A  receiver-general  was  quartered  in  the  palace,  who 
rendered  in  an  exact  account  of  the  various  con- 
tributions, and  watched  over  the  conduct  of  the 
inferior  agents,  in  whom  the  least  malversation  was 
summarily  punished.  This  functionary  was  fur- 
nished with  a  map  of  the  whole  empire,  with  a 
minute  specification  of  the  imposts  assessed  on  every 
part  of  it.  These  imposts,  moderate  under  the  reigns 
of  the  early  princes,  became  so  burdensome  under 
those  at  the  close  of  the  dynasty,  being  rendered  still 
more  oppressive  by  the  manner  of  collection,  that 


what  rudely.     Clavigero  considers        ^8  Xhe  caciques,  who  submitted 

the    explanations  in  Lorenzana's  to  the  allied  arms,  were  usually 

edition  very  inaccurate,  (Stor.  del  confirmed  in  their  authority,  and 

Messico,  torn.  I.  p.  25,)  a  judg-  the  conquered   places  allowed  to 

ment  confirmed  by  Aglio,  who  has  retain  their  laws  and  usages.    (Zu- 

transcribed  the  entire  collection  of  rita,  Rapport,  p.  67.)     The  con- 

the  Mendoza  papers,  in  the  first  quests  were  not  always  partitioned, 

volume  of  the  Antiquities  of  Mex-  but  sometimes,  singularly  enough, 

ico.     It  would  have  much  facili-  were  held  in  common  by  the  three 

tated  reference  to  his  plates,  if  powers.     Ibid.,  p.  11. 
they    had    been    numbered  ;  —  a 
strange  omission ! 

VOL.    I.  6 


42  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

they  bred  disaffection  throughout  the  land,  and  pre 
pared  the  way  for  its  conquest  by  the  Spaniards.^^ 

Communication  was  maintained  with  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  country  by  means  of  couriers.  Post- 
houses  were  estabHshed  on  the  great  roads,  about 
two  leagues  distant  from  each  other.  The  courier, 
bearing  his  despatches  in  the  form  of  a  hieroglyphi- 
cal  painting,  ran  with  them  to  the  first  station,  where 
they  were  taken  by  another  messenger  and  earned 
forward  to  the  next,  and  so  on  till  they  reached  the 
capital.  These  couriers,  trained  from  childhood, 
travelled  with  incredible  swiftness  ;  not  four  or  five 
leagues  an  hour,  as  an  old  chronicler  would  make 
us  believe,  but  with  such  speed  that  despatches 
were  carried  from  one  to  two  hundred  miles  a  day.^ 
Fresh  fish  was  frequently  served  at  Montezuma's 
table  in  twenty-four  hours  from  the  time  it  had 
been  taken  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  two  hundred 
miles  from  the   capital.      In  this  way  intelligence 

29  Collec.  of  Mendoza,  ap.  An-  Indian  of  his  party  travelled  a 
tiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI.  p.  17.  —  hundred  miles  in  four  and  twenty 
Carta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  hours.  (Travels  in  N.  America, 
Hist,  de  Nueva  Espana,  p.  110.  (New  York,  1839,)  vol.  I.  p.  193.) 
—  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  The  Greek,  who,  according  to 
lib.  14,  cap.  6,  8. —  Herrera,  Hist.  Plutarch,  brought  the  news  of 
General,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  13. —  victory  to  Platsea,  a  hundred  and 
Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espana,  twenty-five  miles,  in  a  day,  was  a 
lib.  8,  cap.  18,  19.  better  traveller  still.  Some  inter- 
s'* The  Hon.  C.  A.  Murray,  esting  facts  on  the  pedestrian  capa- 
vhose  imperturbable  good-humor  bilities  of  man  in  the  savage  state 
under  real  troubles  forms  a  con-  are  collected  by  Buffon,  who  con- 
trast, rather  striking,  to  the  sensi-  eludes,  truly  enough,  "  L'homme 
tiveness  of  some  of  his  predeces-  civilise  ne  connait  pas  ses  forces." 
sors  to  imaginary  ones,  tells  us,  (Histoire  Naturelle  ;  De  la  Jeu- 
among    other    marvels,    that    an  nesse.) 


Ch.  ii]  military  institutions.  4^ 

of  the  movements  of  the  royal  armies  was  rapidly 
brought  to  court ;  and  the  dress  of  the  courier,  de- 
noting by  its  color  that  of  his  tidings,  spread  joy 
or  consternation  in  the  towns  through  which  he 
passed.^^ 

But  the  great  aim  of  the  Aztec  institutions,  to 
which  private  discipline  and  public  honors  were 
alike  directed,  was  the  profession  of  arms.  In 
Mexico,  as  in  Egypt,  the  soldier  shared  with  the 
priest  the  highest  consideration.  The  king,  as  we 
have  seen,  must  be  an  experienced  warrior.  The 
tutelary  deity  of  the  Aztecs  was  the  god  of  war.  A 
great  object  of  their  military  expeditions  was,  to  gath- 
er hecatombs  of  captives  for  his  altars.  The  sol- 
dier, who  fell  in  battle,  was  transported  at  once  to 
the  region  of  ineffable  bliss  in  the  bright  mansions  of 
the  Sun.^^  Every  war,  therefore,  became  a  crusade  ; 
and  the  warrior,  animated  by  a  religious  enthusiasm, 
like  that  of  the  early  Saracen,  or  the  Christian  cru- 


31  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  Marco  Polo.     Their  stations  were 

lib.  14,  cap.  1.  only  three  miles  apart,  and  they 

The  same  wants  led  to  the  same  accomplished  five  days'  journey  in 

expedients  in  ancient  Rome,  and  one.     (Viaggi  di  Marco  Polo,  lib. 

still  more  ancient  Persia.    "  Noth-  2,  cap.  20,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  II.) 

ing  in  the  world  is  borne  so  swift-  A  similar  arrangement  for  posts 

ly,"  says   Herodotus,   "  as  mes-  subsists  there  at  the  present  day, 

sages  by  the  Persian  couriers  "  ;  and   excites  the   admiration  of  a 

which  his  commentator,  Valcke-  modern  traveller.  (Anderson,  Brit- 

naer,   prudently   qualifies   by   the  ish  Embassy  to  China,  (London, 

exception   of  the   carrier   pigeon.  1796,)  p.  282.)  In  all  these  cases, 

(Herodotus,  Hist.,  Urania,  sec.  98,  the  posts  were  for  the  use  of  gov- 

nec  non  Adnot.  ed.  Schweighau-  ernment  only, 
ser.)     Couriers  are  noticed,  in  the        ^^  Sahagun,    Hist,    de    Nueva 

thirteenth  century,  in  China,  by  Espana,  lib.  3,  Apend.,  cap.  3. 


44.  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION  [Book  I. 

sader,  was  not  only  raised  to  a  contempt  of  danger, 
but  courted  it,  for  the  imperishable  crown  of  mar- 
tyrdom. Thus  we  find  the  same  impulse  acting  in 
the  most  opposite  quarters  of  the  globe,  and  the 
Asiatic,  the  European,  and  the  American,  each 
earnestly  invoking  the  holy  name  of  religion  in  the 
perpetration  of  human  butchery. 

The  question  of  war  was  discussed  in  a  council 
of  the  king  and  his  chief  nobles.  Ambassadors 
were  sent,  previously  to  its  declaration,  to  require 
the  hostile  state  to  receive  the  Mexican  gods,  and  to 
pay  the  customary  tribute.  The  persons  of  ambas- 
sadors were  held  sacred  throughout  Anahuac.  They 
were  lodged  and  entertained  in  the  great  towns  at 
the  public  charge,  and  were  everywhere  received 
with  courtesy,  so  long  as  they  did  not  deviate  from 
the  highroads  on  their  route.  When  they  did, 
they  forfeited  their  privileges.  If  the  embassy 
proved  unsuccessful,  a  defiance,  or  open  declaration 
of  war,  was  sent ;  quotas  were  drawn  from  the 
conquered  provinces,  which  were  always  subjected 
to  military  service,  as  well  as  the  payment  of  taxes ; 
and  the  royal  army,  usually  with  the  monarch  at  its 
head,  began  its  march.*^ 

The  Aztec  princes  made  use  of  the  incentives 
employed  by  European  monarchs  to  excite  the  am- 
bition of  their  followers.     They  established  various 

33  Zurita,  Rapport,  pp.  68,  120.  The  reader  will  find  a  remark- 

—  Col.  of  Mendoza,  ap.  Antiq.  of  able  resemblance  to  these  military 

Mexico,  vol.  I.  PI.  67  ;    vol.  VI.  usages,  in  those  of  the  early  Ro- 

p.    74.  —  Torquemada,   Monarch,  mans.     Comp.  Liv.,  Hist.,  lib.  1, 

End.,  lib.  14,  cap.  1.  cap.  32  ;  lib.  4,  cap.  30,  et  alibi 


ch.  ii]  military  institutions.  45 

military  orders,  each  having  its  privileges  and  pecu- 
liar insignia.  There  seems,  also,  to  have  existed  a 
sort  of  knighthood,  of  inferior  degree.  It  was  the 
cheapest  reward  of  martial  prowess,  and  whoever 
had  not  reached  it  was  excluded  from  using  orna- 
ments on  his  arms  or  his  person,  and  obliged  to 
wear  a  coarse  white  stuff,  made  from  the  threads 
of  the  aloe,  called  nequen.  Even  the  members  of 
the  royal  family  were  not  excepted  from  this  law, 
which  reminds  one  of  the  occasional  practice  of 
Christian  knights,  to  wear  plain  armor,  or  shields 
without  device,  till  they  had  achieved  some  doughty 
feat  of  chivalry.  Although  the  military  orders  were 
thrown  open  to  all,  it  is  probable  that  they  were 
chiefly  filled  with  persons  of  rank,  who,  by  their 
previous  training  and  connexions,  were  able  to 
come  into  the  field  under  peculiar  advantages.^ 

The  dress  of  the  higher  warriors  was  picturesque 
and  often  magnificent.  Their  bodies  were  covered 
with  a  close  vest  of  quilted  cotton,  so  thick  as  to  be 
impenetrable  to  the  light  missiles  of  Indian  warfare. 
This  garment  was  so  light  and  serviceable,  that  it 
was  adopted  by  the  Spaniards.  The  wealthier 
chiefs  sometimes  wore,  instead  of  this  cotton  mail, 
a  cuirass  made  of  thin  plates  of  gold,  or  silver.  Over 
it  was  thrown  a  surcoat  of  the  gorgeous  feather- 
work   in    which    they   excelled.^^      Their    helmets 

^  Ibid.,    lib.    14,   cap.   4,   5. 33  "Their  mail,  if  mail  it  may  be  called. 

Acosta,  lib.  6,  ch.  26.  — CoUec.  nr^'^Tr",        ,-.,  «     t«. 

Of  vegetable  down,  like  finest  flax, 
of  Mendoza,ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico,               Bleached  to    the  whiteness  of    new- 
vol.  I.   PI.  65  ;    vol.  VI.  p.  72.  —                  fallen  snow. 
Camargo,  Hist,  de  TIascala,  MS.  


46  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

were  sometimes  of  wood,  fashioned  like  the  heads 
of  wild  animals,  and  sometimes  of  silver,  on  the 
top  of  which  waved  a  panache  of  variegated  plumes, 
sprinkled  with  precious  stones  and  ornaments  of 
gold.  They  wore  also  collars,  bracelets,  and  ear- 
rings, of  the  same  rich  materials.^^ 

Their  armies  were  divided  into  bodies  of  eight 
thousand  men ;  and  these,  again,  into  companies  of 
three  or  four  hundred,  each  with  its  own  comman- 
der. The  national  standard,  which  has  been  com- 
pared to  the  ancient  Roman,  displayed,  in  its  em- 
broidery of  gold  and  feather-work,  the  armorial  en- 
signs of  the  state.  These  were  significant  of  its 
name,  which,  as  the  names  of  both  persons  and 
places  were  borrowed  from  some  material  object, 
was  easily  expressed  by  hieroglyphical  symbols. 
The  companies  and  the  great  chiefs  had  also  their 
appropriate  banners  and  devices,  and  the  gaudy  hues 
of  their  many-colored  plumes  gave  a  dazzling  splen- 
dor to  the  spectacle. 

Their  tactics  were  such  as  belong  to  a  nation, 
with  whom  war,  though  a  trade,  is  not  elevated  to 
the  rank  of  a  science.     They  advanced  singing,  and 


Others,  of  higher  office,  were  arrayed  doubt,   however,   ihc    propriety  of 

In  feathery  breastplates,  of  more  gorgeous  .,      tut  i  ,  ,  ^    i_   /■        .i_ 

jijjg  ^   "  the  Welshman  s  vaunt,  before  the 

Than  the  gay  plumage  of  the  mountain-  use  of  fire-arms. 

cock,  36    Sahagun,   Hist,   de    Nueva 

Than  the  pheasant's  glittering  pride.    But  j,        -^     jjj,_    g  ^       ^^     g 

what  were  these,  tS 

Or  what  the  thin  gold  hauberk,  when  op-  cap.  12.  —  Relatione  d'  un   gentil' 

posed  huomo,   ap.    Ramusio,    tom.   III. 

To  arms  like  ours  in^battle ,  >■   ^^^^  ^  p.  3^5.  _Torquemada,  Monarch. 

Beautiful   painting!     One  may  Ind-,  "bi  supra. 


Ch.  II.]  MILITARY   INSTITUTIONS.  47 

shouting  their  war-cries,  briskly  charging  the  enemy, 
as  rapidly  retreating,  and  making  use  of  ambuscades, 
sudden  surprises,  and  the  light  skirmish  of  guerilla 
warfare.  Yet  their  discipline  was  such  as  to  draw 
forth  the  encomiums  of  the  Spanish  conquerors. 
"  A  beautiful  sight  it  was,"  says  one  of  them,  "  to 
see  them  set  out  on  their  march,  all  moving  forward 
so  gayly,  and  in  so  admirable  order !  "  ^'^  In  battle, 
they  did  not  seek  to  kill  their  enemies,  so  much  as 
to  take  them  prisoners ;  and  they  never  scalped,  like 
other  North  American  tribes.  The  valor  of  a  war- 
rior was  estimated  by  the  number  of  his  prisoners ; 
and  no  ransom  was  large  enough  to  save  the  devoted 
captive.^ 

Their  military  code  bore  the  same  stern  features  as 
their  other  laws.  Disobedience  of  orders  was  pun- 
ished with  death.  It  was  death,  also,  for  a  soldier 
to  leave  his  colors,  to  attack  the  enemy  before  the 
signal  was  given,  or  to  plunder  another's  booty  or 
prisoners.  One  of  the  last  Tezcucan  princes,  in  the 
spirit  of  an  ancient  Roman,  put  two  sons  to  death,— 

^7  Relatione  d'un  gentil' huomo,  The  Father  of  History  gives  an 

ubi  supra.  account  of  it  among  the  Scythians, 

38  Col.  of  Mendoza,  ap.  Antiq.  showing  that  they  performed  the 

of  Mexico,  vol.  I.  PI.  65,  66  ;  vol.  operation,  and  wore  the  hideous 

VI.  p.   73.  —  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  trophy,  in  the  same  manner  as  our 

Nueva  Espaua,  lib.  8,  cap.  12.  —  North  American  Indians.    (Hero- 

Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  dot.,  Hist.,  Melpomene,  sec.  64.) 

Parte  I.   cap.    7.  —  Torquemada,  Traces  of  the  same  savage  custom 

Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  14,  cap.  3. —  are  also  found  in  the  laws  of  the 

Relatione  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Visigoths,  among  the  Franks,  and 

Ramusio,  loc.  cit.  even  the  Anglo-Saxons.    See  Gui- 

Scalping  may  claim  high   au-  zot,    Cours    d'Histoire    Modeme, 

thority,    or,    at    least,    antiquity.  (Paris,  1829,)  torn.  I.  p.  283. 


48  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

after  having  cured  their  wounds,  —  for  violating  the 
last-mentioned  law.'^^ 

I  must  not  omit  to  notice  here  an  institution, 
the  introduction  of  which,  in  the  Old  World,  is 
ranked  among  the  beneficent  fruits  of  Christianity. 
Hospitals  were  established  in  the  principal  cities,  for 
the  cure  of  the  sick,  and  the  permanent  refuge  of 
.he  disabled  soldier ;  and  surgeons  were  placed  over 
them,  "who  were  so  far  better  than  those  in  Eu- 
rope," says  an  old  chronicler,  "  that  they  did  not 
protract  the  cure,  in  order  to  increase  the  pay."^° 

Such  is  the  brief  outline  of  the  civil  and  military 
polity  of  the  ancient  Mexicans ;  less  perfect  than 
could  be  desired,  in  regard  to  the  former,  from  the 
imperfection  of  the  sources  whence  it  is  drawn. 
Whoever  has  had  occasion  to  explore  the  early  his- 
tory of  modern  Europe  has  found  how  vague  and 
unsatisfactory  is  the  political  information  which  can 
be  gleaned  from  the  gossip  of  monkish  annalists. 
How  much  is  the  difficulty  increased  in  the  present 
instance,  where  this  information,  first  recorded  in 
the  dubious  language  of  hieroglyphics,  was  inter- 
preted in  another  language,  with  which  the  Spanish 
chroniclers  were  imperfectly  acquainted,  while  it 
related  to  institutions  of  which  their  past  expe- 
rience enabled  them  to  form  no  adequate  conception ! 
Amidst  such  uncertain  lights,  it  is  in  vain  to  expect 
nice  accuracy  of  detail.     All  that  can  be  done  is,  to 

39    Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,     lib.  12,  cap.  6  ;  lib.  14,  cap.  3, — 
MS.,  cap.  07.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.    Chich.,  MS., 

*>  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,     cap.  86. 


Ch.  II.J 


AZTEC    CIVILIZATION. 


49 


attempt  an  outline  of  the  more  prominent  features, 
that  a  correct  impression,  so  far  as  it  goes,  may  be 
produced  on  the  mind  of  the  reader. 

Enough  has  been  said,  however,  to  show  that  the 
Aztec  and  Tezcucan  races  were  advanced  in  civiH- 
zation  very  far  beyond  the  wandering  tribes  of  North 
America."*'  The  degree  of  civilization  which  they 
had  reached,  as  inferred  by  their  political  institu- 
tions, may  be  considered,  perhaps,  not  much  short 
of  that  enjoyed  by  our  Saxon  ancestors,  under 
Alfred.     In  respect  to  the  nature  of  it,  they  may  bo 


4^  Zurita  is  indignant  at  the  ep- 
ithet of  barbarians  bestowed  on 
the  Aztecs ;  an  epithet,  he  says, 
"  which  could  come  from  no  one 
who  had  personal  knowledge  of 
the  capacity  of  the  people,  or  their 
institutions,  and  which,  Ir.  some  re- 
spects, is  quite  as  well  merited  by 
the  European  nations."  (Rapport, 
p.  200,  et  seq.)  This  is  strong 
language.  Yet  no  one  had  better 
means  of  knowing  than  this  emi- 
nent jurist,  who,  for  nineteen  years, 
held  a  post  in  the  royal  audiences 
of  New  Spain.  During  his  long  res- 
idence in  the  country  he  had  ample 
opportunity  of  acquainting  himself 
with  its  usages,  both  through  his 
own  personal  observation  and  in- 
tercourse with  the  natives,  and 
through  the  first  missionaries  who 
came  over  after  the  Conquest.  On 
his  return  to  Spain,  probably  about 
1560,  he  occupied  himself  with  an 
answer  to  queries  which  had  been 
propounded  by  the  government, 
on  the  character  of  the  Aztec  laws 

VOL.    I.  7 


and  institutions,  and  on  that  of  the 
modifications  introduced  by  the 
Spaniards.  Much  of  his  treatise  is 
taken  up  with  the  latter  subject. 
In  what  relates  to  the  former  he 
is  more  brief  than  could  be  wished, 
from  the  difficulty,  perhaps,  of  ob- 
taining full  and  satisfactory  infor- 
mation as  to  the  details.  As  far 
as  he  goes,  however,  he  manifests- 
a  sound  and  discriminating  judg- 
ment. He  Ls  very  rarely  betrayed 
into  the  extravagance  of  expression 
so  visible  in  the  writers  of  the 
time ;  and  this  temperance,  com- 
bined with  his  uncommon  sources 
of  information,  makes  his  work 
one  of  highest  authority  on  the 
limited  topics  within  its  range.  — 
The  original  manuscript  was  con- 
sulted by  Clavigero,  and,  indeed, 
has  been  used  by  other  writers. 
The  work  is  now  accessible  to  all, 
as  one  of  (he  series  of  translations 
from  the  pen  of  the  indefatigable 
Ternaux. 


60  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

better  compared  with  the  Egyptians ;  and  the  ex- 
amination of  their  social  relations  and  culture  may 
suggest  still  stronger  points  of  resemblance  to  that 
ancient  people. 

Those  familiar  with  the  modern  Mexicans  will 
hnd  it  difficult  to  conceive  that  the  nation  should  ever 
have  been  capable  of  devising  the  enlightened  polity 
which  we  have  been  considering.  But  they  should 
remember  that  in  the  Mexicans  of  our  day  they  see 
only  a  conquered  race ;  as  different  from  their  an- 
cestors as  are  the  modern  Egyptians  from  those  who 
built,  —  I  will  not  say,  the  tasteless  pyramids, — 
but  the  temples  and  palaces,  whose  magnificent 
wrecks  strew  the  borders  of  the  Nile,  at  Luxor  and 
Karnac.  The  difference  is  not  so  great  as  between 
the  ancient  Greek,  and  his  degenerate  descendant, 
lounging  among  the  master-pieces  of  art  which  he 
has  scarcely  taste  enough  to  admire,  —  speaking 
the  language  of  those  still  more  imperishable  monu- 
ments of  literature  which  he  has  hardly  capacity  to 
comprehend.  Yet  he  breathes  the  same  atmosphere, 
is  warmed  by  the  same  sun,  nourished  by  the  same 
scenes,  as  those  who  fell  at  Marathon,  and  won 
the  trophies  of  Olympic  Pisa.  The  same  blood 
flows  in  his  veins  that  flowed  in  theirs.  But  ages  of 
tyranny  have  passed  over  him ;  he  belongs  to  a  con- 
quered race. 

The  American  Indian  has  something  peculiarly 
sensitive  in  his  nature.  He  shrinks  instinctively 
from  the  rude  touch  of  a  foreign  hand.  Even  when 
this  foreign  influence  comes  in  the  form  of  civiliza- 


Ch.  II.]  torquemada.  51 

tion,  he  seems  to  sink  and  pine  away  beneath  it. 
It  has  been  so  with  the  Mexicans.  Under  the 
Spanish  domination,  their  numbers  have  silently 
melted  away.  Their  energies  are  broken.  They 
no  longer  tread  their  mountain  plains  with  the  con- 
scious independence  of  their  ancestors.  In  their 
faltering  step,  and  meek  and  melancholy  aspect,  we 
read  the  sad  characters  of  the  conquered  race.  The 
cause  of  humanity,  indeed,  has  gained.  They  live 
under  a  better  system  of  laws,  a  more  assured  tran- 
quillity, a  purer  faith.  But  all  does  not  avail. 
Their  civilization  was  of  the  hardy  character  which 
belongs  to  the  wilderness.  The  fierce  virtues  of 
the  Aztec  were  all  his  own.  They  refused  to  submit 
to  European  culture,  —  to  be  engrafted  on  a  foreign 
stock.  His  outward  form,  his  complexion,  his  lin- 
eaments, are  substantially  the  same.  But  the  moral 
characteristics  of  the  nation,  all  that  constituted  its 
individuality  as  a  race,  are  effaced  for  ever. 


Two  of  the  principal  authorities  for  this  Chapter  are  Torquemada 
and  Clavigero.  The  former,  a  Provincial  of  the  Franciscan  order, 
came  to  the  New  World  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
As  the  generation  of  the  Conquerors  had  not  then  passed  away,  he 
had  ample  opportunities  of  gathering  the  particulars  of  their  enterprise 
from  their  own  lips.  Fifty  years,  during  which  he  continued  in  the 
country,  put  him  in  possession  of  the  traditions  and  usages  of  the 
natives,  and  enabled  him  to  collect  their  history  from  the  earliest 
missionaries,  as  well  as  from  such  monuments  as  the  fanaticism  of  his 
own  countrymen  had  not  then  destroyed.  From  these  ample  sources 
he  compiled  his  bulky  tomes,  beginning,  after  the  approved  fashion  of 
the  ancient  Castilian  chroniclers,  with  the  creation  of  the  world,  and 
embracing  the  whole  circle  of  the  Mexican  institutions,  political,  reli- 
gious, and  social,  from  the  earliest  period  to  his  own  time.    In  handling 


52  CLAVIGERO.  [Book  I. 

these  fruitful  themes,  the  worthy  father  has  shown  a  full  measure  of 
the  bigotry  which  belonged  to  his  order  at  that  period.  Every  page, 
too,  is  loaded  with  illustrations  from  Scripture  or  profane  history,  which 
form  a  whimsical  contrast  to  the  barbaric  staple  of  his  story ;  and  he 
has  sometimes  fallen  into  serious  errors,  from  his  misconception  of  the 
chronological  system  of  the  Aztecs.  But,  notwithstanding  these  glaring 
defects  in  the  composition  of  the  work,  the  student,  aware  of  his  au- 
thor's infirmities,  will  find  few  better  guides  than  Torquemada  in  tracing 
the  stream  of  historic  truth  up  to  the  fountain  head  ;  such  is  his  man- 
ifest integrity,  and  so  great  were  his  facilities  for  information  on  the 
most  curious  points  of  Mexican  antiquity.  No  work,  accordingly, 
has  been  more  largely  consulted  and  copied,  even  by  some,  who,  like 
Herrera,  have  affected  to  set  little  value  on  the  sources  whence  its 
information  was  drawn.  —  (Hist.  General,  dec.  6,  lib.  6,  cap.  19.) 
The  Monarchia  Indiana  was  first  published  at  Seville,  1615,  (Nic. 
Antonio,  Bibliotheca  Nova,  (Matriti,  1783,)  tom.  II.  p.  787,)  and 
since,  in  a  better  style,  in  three  volumes  folio,  at  Madrid,  in  1723. 

The  other  authority,  frequently  cited  in  the  preceding  pages,  is  the 
Abbe  Clavigero's  Storia  Antica  del  Messico.  It  was  originally  printed 
towards  the  close  of  the  last  century,  in  the  Italian  language,  and  in 
Italy,  whither  the  author,  a  native  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  a  member  of  the 
order  of  the  Jesuits,  had  retired,  on  the  expulsion  of  that  body  from 
America,  in  1767.  During  a  residence  of  thirty-five  years  in  his  own 
country,  Clavigero  had  made  himself  intimately  acquainted  with  its 
antiquities,  by  the  careful  examination  of  paintings,  manuscripts,  and 
such  other  remains  as  were  to  be  found  in  his  day.  The  plan  of  his 
work  is  nearly  as  comprehensive  as  that  of  his  predecessor,  Torque- 
mada; but  the  later  and  more  cultivated  period,  in  which  he  wrote, 
is  visible  in  the  superior  address  with  which  he  has  managed  his 
complicated  subject.  In  the  elaborate  disquisitions  in  his  concluding 
volume,  he  has  done  much  to  rectify  the  chronology,  and  the  various 
inaccuracies  of  preceding  writers.  Indeed,  an  avowed  object  of  his 
work  was,  to  vindicate  his  countrymen  from  what  he  conceived  to  be 
the  misrepresentations  of  Robertson,  Raynal,  and  De  Pau.  In  regard 
to  the  last  two,  he  was  perfectly  successful.  Such  an  ostensible  de- 
sign might  naturally  suggest  unfavorable  ideas  of  his  impartiality.  But, 
on  the  whole,  he  seems  to  have  conducted  the  discussion  with  good 
feith  ;  and,  if  he  has  been  led  by  national  zeal  to  overcharge  the  pic 
ture  with  brilliant  colors,  he  will  be  found  much  more  temperate, 
on  this  score,  than  those  who  preceded  him,  while  he  has  applied 
sound  principles  of  criticism,  of  which  they  were  incapable.  In  a 
word,  the  diligence  of  his  researches  has  gathered  into  one  focus  the 
aeattered  lights  of  tradition  and  antiquarian  lore,  purified  in  a  great 


ch.  ii]  clavigero.  53 

measure  from  the  mists  of  superstition  which  obscure  the  best  produc- 
tions of  an  earlier  period.  From  these  causes,  the  work,  notwithstand- 
ing its  occasional  prolixity,  and  the  disagreeable  aspect  given  to  it  by 
the  profusion  of  uncouth  names  in  the  Mexican  orthography,  which 
bristle  over  every  page,  has  found  merited  favor  with  the  public,  and 
created  something  like  a  popular  interest  in  the  subject.  Soon  after 
its  publication  at  Cesena,  in  1780,  it  was  translated  into  English,  and 
more  lately,  into  Spanish  and  German. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Mexican  Mythology. — The  Sacerdotal  Order. — The  Temples. 
—  Human  Sacrifices. 

The  civil  polity  of  the  Atzecs  is  so  closely  blended 
with  their  religion,  that,  without  understanding  the 
latter,  it  is  impossible  to  form  correct  ideas  of  their 
government  or  their  social  institutions.  I  shall  pass 
over,  for  the  present,  some  remarkable  traditions, 
bearing  a  singular  resemblance  to  those  found  in  the 
Scriptures,  and  endeavour  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of 
their  mythology,  and  their  careful  provisions  for 
maintaining  a  national  worship. 

Mythology  may  be  regarded  as  the  poetry  of  re- 
ligion, —  or  rather  as  the  poetic  development  of  the 
religious  principle  in  a  primitive  age.  It  is  the 
effort  of  untutored  man  to  explain  the  mysteries  of 
existence,  and  the  secret  agencies  by  which  the 
operations  of  nature  are  conducted.  Although  the 
growth  of  similar  conditions  of  society,  its  character 
must  vary  with  that  of  the  rude  tribes  in  which  it 
originates  ;  and  the  ferocious  Goth,  quaffing  mead 
from  the  skulls  of  his  slaughtered  enemies,  must 
have  a  very  different  mythology  from  that  of  the 
effeminate  native  of  Hispaniola,  loitering  away  his 
hours  in  idle  pastimes,  under  the  shadow  of  his  ba- 
nanas. 


Ch.  III.]  MEXICAN   MYTHOLOGY.  55 

At  a  later  and  more  refined  period,  we  sometimes 
find  these  primitive  legends  combined  into  a  regular 
system  under  the  hands  of  the  poet,  and  the  rude 
outline  moulded  into  forms  of  ideal  beauty,  which 
are  the  objects  of  adoration  in  a  credulous  age,  and 
the  delight  of  all  succeeding  ones.  Such  were  the 
beautiful  inventions  of  Hesiod  and  Homer,  "  who," 
says  the  Father  of  History,  "  created  the  theogony  of 
the  Greeks  " ;  an  assertion  not  to  be  taken  too  liter- 
ally, since  it  is  hardly  possible  that  any  man  should 
create  a  religious  system  for  his  nation.'  They  only 
filled  up  the  shadowy  outlines  of  tradition  with  the 
bright  touches  of  their  own  imaginations,  until  the} 
had  clothed  them  in  beauty  which  kindled  the  imagi- 
nations of  others.  The  power  of  the  poet,  indeed, 
may  be  felt  in  a  similar  way  in  a  much  riper  period 
of  society.  To  say  nothing  of  the  "  Divina  Corn- 
media,"  who  is  there  that  rises  from  the  perusal  of 
"  Paradise  Lost,"  without  feeling  his  own  concep- 
tions of  the  angelic  hierarchy  quickened  by  those  of 
the  inspired  artist,  and  a  new  and  sensible  form,  as 
it  were,  given  to  images  which  had  before  floated 
dim  and  undefined  before  him  ? 

The  last-mentioned  period  is  succeeded  by  that 
of  philosophy  ;  which,  disclaiming  ahke  the  legends 
of   the  primitive  age,   and  the   poetical    embellish - 


1  woinv»*rts  dtaywiJit  "Exxti^i.  He-  supplied  the  numerous  gods  that 
rodotus,  Euterpe,  sec.  53. — Hee-  fill  her  Pantheon."  Historical  Ke- 
ren    hazards    a    remark    equally  searches,   Eng.    trans.,    (Oxford, 
strong,  respecting  the  epic  poets  1833,)  vol.  HI.  p.  139. 
of  India,  "  who,"  says  he,  "  have 


56  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  i. 

ments  of  the  succeeding  one,  seeks  to  shelter  itself 
from  the  charge  of  impiety  by  giving  an  allegorical 
interpretation  to  the  popular  mythology,  and  thus 
to  reconcile  the  latter  with  the  genuine  deductions 
of  science. 

The  Mexican  religion  had  emerged  from  the  first 
of  the  periods  we  have  been  considering,  and,  al- 
though little  affected  by  poetical  influences,  had 
received  a  peculiar  complexion  from  the  priests,  who 
had  digested  as  thorough  and  burdensome  a  cere- 
monial, as  ever  existed  in  any  nation.  They  had, 
moreover,  thrown  the  veil  of  allegory  over  early 
tradition,  and  invested  their  deities  with  attributes, 
savoring  much  more  of  the  grotesque  conceptions 
of  the  eastern  nations  in  the  Old  World,  than  of  the 
lighter  fictions  of  Greek  mythology,  in  which  the 
features  of  humanity,  however  exaggerated,  were 
never  wholly  abandoned.- 

In  contemplating  the  religious  system  of  the  Az- 
tecs, one  is  struck  with  its  apparent  incongruity, 
as  if  some  portion  of  it  had  emanated  from  a  com- 
paratively refined  people,  open  to  gentle  influences, 
while  the  rest  breathes  a  spirit  of  unmitigated  fe- 
rocity. It  naturally  suggests  the  idea  of  two  dis 
tinct  sources,  and  authorizes  the  belief  that  the  Az 


2  The  Hon.  MountstuartElphin-  philosophic  work   suggests   some 

stone  has  fallen  into  a  similar  train  curious  points   of  resemblance  to 

of  thought,  in  a  comparison  of  the  the    Aztec    religious   institutions, 

Hindoo  and  Greek  Mythology,  in  that  may  furnish  pertinent  illustra- 

his  "  History  of  India,"  published  tions  to  the  mind  bent  on  tracing 

since  the  remarks  in  the  text  were  the  aflinities  of   the   Asiatic   and 

written.      (See    Book   I.   eh.  4.)  American  races. 
The  same  chapter  of  this   truly 


Ch    III.]  MEXICAN   MYTHOLOGY  57 

tecs  had  inherited  from  their  predecessors  a  milder 
faith,  on  which  was  afterwards  engrafted  their  own 
mythology.  The  latter  soon  became  dominant,  and 
gave  its  dark  coloring  to  the  creeds  of  the  conquered 
nations,  —  which  the  Mexicans,  like  the  ancient 
Romans,  seem  willingly  to  have  incorporated  into 
their  own,  —  until  the  same  funereal  superstition 
settled  over  the  farthest  borders  of  Anahuac. 

The  Aztecs  recognised  the  existence  of  a  supreme 
Creator  and  Lord  of  the  universe.  They  addressed 
him,  in  their  prayers,  as  "  the  God  by  whom  we 
live,"  "  omnipresent,  that  knoweth  all  thoughts,  and 
giveth  all  gifts,"  "  without  whom  man  is  as  noth- 
ing," "  invisible,  incorporeal,  one  God,  of  perfect 
perfection  and  purity,"  "  under  whose  wings  we  find 
repose  and  a  sure  defence."  These  sublime  attri- 
butes infer  no  inadequate  conception  of  the  true 
God.  But  the  idea  of  unity —  of  a  being,  with  whom 
volition  is  action,  who  has  no  need  of  inferior  min- 
isters to  execute  his  purposes  —  was  too  simple,  or 
too  vast,  for  their  understandings ;  and  they  sought 
relief,  as  usual,  in  a  plurality  of  deities,  who  presided 
over  the  elements,  the  changes  of  the  seasons,  and 
the  various  occupations  of  man.^  Of  these,  there 
were  thirteen  principal  deities,  and  more  than  two 
hundred  inferior ;  to  each  of  whom  some  special  day, 
or  appropriate  festival,  was  consecrated.'* 

3  Fitter  has  well  shown,  by  the  Ancient  Philosophy,  Eng.  trans., 

example   of  the  Kindoo   system,  (Oxford,  1838,)  book  2,  ch.  1. 

how  the  idea  of  unity  suggests,  of  "*  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 

itself,  that  of  plurahty.   History  of  paiia,  lib.  6,  passim.  — Acosta,  lib 
VOL.    I.                        8 


58 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book  1. 


At  tlie  head  of  all  stood  the  terrible  Huitzilo- 
potchli,  the  Mexican  Mars ;  although  it  is  doing  in- 
justice to  the  heroic  war-god  of  antiquity  to  identify 
him  with  this  sanguinary  monster.  This  was  the 
patron  deity  of  the  nation.  His  fantastic  image 
was  loaded  with  costly  ornaments.  His  temples 
were  the  most  stately  and  august  of  the  public  ed- 
ifi^::j,  and  his  altars  reeked  with  the  blood  of  hu- 
man hecatombs  in  every  city  of  the  empire.  Dis- 
astrous, indeed,  must  have  been  the  influence  of 
such  a  superstition  on  the  character  of  the  people.'^ 


5,  ch.  9.  — Boturini,  Idea,  p.  8,  et 
seq. — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
MS.,  cap.  1.  —  Camargo,  Hist,  de 
Tlascala,  MS. 

The  Mexicans,  according  to 
Clavigero,  believed  in  an  evil  Spir- 
it, the  enemy  of  the  human  race, 
whose  barbarous  name  signified 
"  Rational  Owl."  (Stor.  del  Mes- 
sico,  torn.  H.  p.  2.)  The  curate 
Bernaldez  speaks  of  the  Devil  be- 
ing embroidered  on  the  dresses  of 
Columbus's  Indians,  in  the  likeness 
of  an  owl.  (Historia  de  los  Reyes 
Catolicos,  MS.,  cap.  131.)  This 
must  not  be  confounded,  however, 
with  the  evil  Spirit  in  the  mytholo- 
gy of  the  North  American  Indians, 
(see  Ileckewelder's  Account,  ap. 
Transactions  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  Philadel- 
phia, vol.  I.  p.  205,)  still  less, 
with  the  evil  Principle  of  the  Ori- 
ental nations  of  the  Old  World. 
It  was  only  one  among  many  dei- 
ties, for  evil  was  found  too  liberally 
mingled  in  the  natures  of  most  of 


the  Aztec  gods, — in  the  same 
manner  as  with  the  Greek,  —  to 
admit  of  its  personification  by  any 
one. 

5  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 
paiia,  lib.  3,  cap.  1,  et  seq. — Acos- 
ta,  lib.  5,  ch.  9. — Torquemada, 
Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  6,  cap.  21. — 
Boturini,  Idea,  pp.  27,  28. 

Huitzilopotchli  is  compounded  of 
two  words,  signifying  "  humming- 
bird," and  "left,"  from  his  image 
having  the  feathers  of  this  bird  on 
its  left  foot  ;  (Clavigero,  Stor.  del 
Messico,  tom.  II.  p.  17  ;)  an  amia- 
ble etymology  for  so  ruffian  a  dei- 
ty.—  The  fantastic  forms  of  the 
Mexican  idols  were  in  the  highest 
degree  symbolical.  See  Gamas 
learned  exposition  of  the  devices 
on  the  statue  of  the  goddess  found 
in  the  great  square  of  Mexico. 
(Descripcion  de  las  Dos  Piedras, 
(Mexico,  1832,)  Parte  1,  pp.  34- 
44.)  The  tradition  respecting  the 
origin  of  this  god,  or,  at  least,  his 
appearance  on   earth,  is  curious 


Ch    III.] 


MEXICAN   MYTHOLOGY. 


59 


A  far  more  interesting  personage  in  their  mvthol- 
ogj  was  Quetzalcoatl,  god  of  the  air,  a  divinity 
who,  during  his  residence  on  earth,  instructed  the 
natives  in  the  use  of  metals,  in  agriculture,  and  in 
the  arts  of  government.  He  was  one  of  those  ben- 
efactors of  their  species,  doubtless,  who  have  been 
deified  by  the  gratitude  of  jx)steritv.  Under  him, 
the  earth  teemed  with  fruits  and  flowers,  without 
the  pains  of  culture.  An  ear  of  Indian  corn  was  as 
much  as  a  single  man  could  carry.  The  cotton,  as 
it  grew,  took,  of  its  own  accord,  the  rich  dves  of 
human  art.  The  air  was  filled  with  intcxicatins: 
perfumes  and  the  sweet  melody  of  birds.  In  short, 
these  were  the  halcyon  days,  which  find  a  place 
in  the  mythic  systems  of  so  many  nations  in  the 
Old  World.     It  was  the   golden   age  of  Anahuac. 


He  was  bom  of  a  womaa.  His 
mother,  a  devout  person,  one  day, 
in  her  attendance  on  the  temple, 
saw  a  ball  of  bright-colored  feath- 
ers floating  in  the  air.  She  took 
it,  and  deposited  it  in  her  bosom. 
She  soon  after  found  herself  preg- 
nant, and  the  dread  deity  was  bom, 
coming  into  the  world,  like  Miner- 
va, all  armed,  —  with  a  spear  in 
the  right  hand,  a  shield  in  the  left, 
and  his  head  surmounted  by  a  crest 
of  green  plumes.  (See  Clavigero, 
Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  H.  p.  19, 
et  seq.)  A  similar  notion  in  re- 
spect to  the  incarnation  of  their 
principal  deity  existed  among  the 
people  of  India  beyond  the  Gan- 
ges, of  China,  and  of  Thibet. 
"  Budh,"    says    Milman,   in    his 


leamed  and  luminous  work  on  the 
History  of  Christianity,  "  accord- 
ing to  a  tradition  known  in  the 
West,  was  bom  of  a  virgin.  So 
were  the  Fohi  of  China,  and  the 
Schakaof  of  Thibet,  no  doubt  the 
same,  whether  a  mythic  or  a  real 
personage.  The  Jesuits  in  China, 
says  Barrow,  were  appalled  at 
finding  in  the  mythology  of  that 
country  the  counterpart  of  the  Vir- 
go Deipara."  (Vol.  I.  p.  99,  note.) 
The  existence  of  similar  religious 
ideas  in  remote  regions,  inhabited 
by  different  races,  is  an  interesting 
subject  of  study  ;  furnishing,  as  it 
does,  one  of  the  most  important 
links  in  the  great  chain  of  commu- 
nication which  binds  together  the 
distant  families  of  nations. 


60  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1 

From  some  cause,  not  explained,  Quetzalcoatl  in- 
curred the  wrath  of  one  of  the  principal  gods,  and 
was  compelled  to  abandon  the  country.  On  his 
way,  he  stopped  at  the  city  of  Cholula,  where  a 
temple  was  dedicated  to  his  worship,  the  massy  ru- 
ins of  which  still  form  one  of  the  most  interesting 
relics  of  antiquity  in  Mexico.  When  he  reached 
the  shores  of  the  Mexican  Gulf,  he  took  leave  of  his 
followers,  promising  that  he  and  his  descendants 
would  revisit  them  hereafter,  and  then,  entering  his 
wizard  skiff,  made  of  serpents'  skins,  embarked  on 
the  great  ocean  for  the  fabled  land  of  Tlapallan. 
He  was  said  to  have  been  tall  in  stature,  with  a 
white  skin,  long,  dark  hair,  and  a  flowing  beard. 
The  Mexicans  looked  confidently  to  the  return  of 
the  benevolent  deity ;  and  this  remarkable  tradition, 
deeply  cherished  in  their  hearts,  prepared  the  way, 
as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  for  the  future  success  of 
the  Spaniards.^ 

6  Codex  Vaticamis,  PI.  15,  and  za  to  identify  this  god  with  the 

Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  Part  apostle  Thomas,  (Didymussignify- 

2,   PI.   2,  ap.   Antiq.  of  Mexico,  ing  also  a  twin,)  who,  he  supposes, 

vols.  I.,  VI.  —  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  came  over  to  America  to  preach 

Nueva  Espafia,  lib.  3,  cap.  3,  4,  13,  the  gospel.     In  this  rather  start- 

14. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  ling  conjecture  he  is  supported  by 

lib.6,cap.  24.  —  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist,  several  of  his  devout  countrymen, 

Chich.,  MS.,  cap.    1.  —  Gomara,  who  appear  to  have  as  little  doubt 

Cr6nica  de  la  Nueva  Espafia,  cap.  of  the  fact  as  of  the  advent  of  St. 

222,     ap.    Barcia,     Historiadores  James,   for  a  similar  purpose,   in 

Primitivos  de  las  Indias  Occiden-  the  mother  country.     See  the  va- 

tales,  (Madrid,  1749,)  tom.  II.  rious   authorities   and    arguments 

Quetzalcoatl  signifies"  feathered  set  forth  with  becoming  gravity  in 

serpent."  The  last  syllabic  means,  Dr.  Mier's  dissertation   in  Busta- 

likewise,  a  "twin";  which  fur-  mante's  edition  of  Sahagun,  (lib.  3, 

nishcd  an  argument  for  Dr.  Siguen-  Suplem.,)  and  Veytia,  (tom.  I.pp 


Ch.  Ill]  MEXICAN   MYTHOLOGY.  61 

We  have  not  space  for  further  details  respecting 
the  Mexican  divinities,  the  attributes  of  many  of 
whom  were  carefully  defined,  as  they  descended,  in 
regular  gradation,  to  the  penates  or  household  gods, 
whose  little  images  were  to  be  found  in  the  humblest 
dwelling. 

The  Aztecs  felt  the  curiosity,  common  to  man 
m  almost  every  stage  of  civilization,  to  lift  the  veil 
which  covers  the  mysterious  past,  and  the  more 
awful  future.  They  sought  relief,  like  the  nations 
of  the  Old  Continent,  from  the  oppressive  idea  of 
eternity,  by  breaking  it  up  into  distinct  cycles,  or 
periods  of  time,  each  of  several  thousand  years'  du- 
ration. There  were  four  of  these  cycles,  and  at  the 
end  of  each,  by  the  agency  of  one  of  the  elements, 
the  human  family  was  SAvept  from  the  earth,  and 
the  sun  blotted  out  from  the  heavens,  to  be  again 
rekindled.'' 


160-200.)     Our  ingenious  coun-  the  key  to  llie  calculations  of  the 

tryman,  McCulloh,  carries  the  Az-  former.      (Vues   des    Cordilleres, 

tec  god  up  to  a  still  more  respectable  pp.    202-212.)      In  truth,   there 

antiquity,  by  identifying  him  with  seems  to  be  a  material  discordance 

the   patriarch    Noah.      Research-  in  the  Mexican  statements,   both 

es,  Philosophical  and  Antiquarian,  in  regard  to  the  number  of  revo- 

concerning  the  Aboriginal  History  lutions    and    their    duration.      A 

of  America,  (Baltimore,  1829,)  p.  manuscript  before  me,  of  Ixtlilxo- 

233.  chitl,  reduces  them  to  three,  before 

■^  Cod.  Yat.,  PI.  7-10,  ap.  Antiq.  the  present  state  of  the  world,  and 

of  Mexico,  vols.  I.,  VI.  — Ixtlilxo-  allows  only  4394  years  for  them  ; 

chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  1.  (Sumaria  Relacion,  MS.,  No.  1  ;) 

M.   de   Humboldt  has  been   at  Gama,  on  the  faith  of  an  ancient 

some  pains  to  trace  the  analogy  Indian  MS.,  in   Boturini's   Cata- 

between     the    Aztec    cosmogony  logue,  (VIII.  13,)  reduces  the  du- 

and   that   of   Eastern   Asia.     He  ration  still  lower ;   (Descripcion  do 

has  tried,  though  in  vain,  to  find  las  Dos  Piedras,  Parte  1,  p.  49,  et 

a  multiple  which  might  serve  as  seq. ;)  while  the  cycles  of  the  Vat 


B2  AZTEC    CIVILIZATION.'  [Book  I 

They  imagined  three  separate  states  of  existence 
in  the  future  life.  The  wicked,  comprehending  the 
greater  part  of  mankind,  were  to  expiate  their 
sins  in  a  place  of  everlasting  darkness.  Another 
class,  with  no  other  merit  than  that  of  having  died 
of  certain  diseases,  capriciously  selected,  were  to 
enjoy  a  negative  existence  of  indolent  contentment. 
The  highest  place  was  reserved,  as  in  most  warlike 
nations,  for  the  heroes  who  fell  in  battle,  or  in  sacri- 
fice. They  passed,  at  once,  into  the  presence  of  the 
Sun,  whom  they  accompanied  with  songs  and  choral 
dances,  in  his  bright  progress  through  the  heavens ; 
and,  after  some  years,  their  spirits  went  to  animate 
the  clouds  and  singing  birds  of  beautiful  plumage, 
and  to  revel  amidst  the  rich  blossoms  and  odors  of 
the  gardens  of  paradise.^  Such  was  the  heaven  of 
the  Aztecs  ;  more  refined  in  its  character  than  that 
of  the  more  polished  pagan,  whose  elysium  reflected 
only  the  martial  sports,  or  sensual  gratifications,  of 
this   life.''      In    the   destiny    they   assigned    to   the 


ican  paintings  take  up  near  18,000  Torquemada,  Monarch.   Ind.,  lib. 

years. — It  is  interesting  to  observe  13,  cap.  48. 

how  the  wild  conjectures  of  an  ig-         The    last    writer     assures    us, 

no  rant  age  have  been   confirmed  "that,  as  to  what  the  Aztecs  said 

by  the  more  recent  discoveries  in  of  their  going  to  hell,  they  were 

geology,  making  it  probable  that  right ;    for,  as  they  died  in  igno- 

the  earth  has  experienced  a  number  ranee  of  the  true  faith,  they  have, 

of  convulsions,  possibly  thousands  witnout  question,  all  gone  there  to 

of  years  distant  from  each  other,  suffer   everlasting    punishment  "  ! 

which  have  swept  away  the  races  Ubi  supra. 

then  existing,   and   given   a   new        9  It  conveys  but  a  poor  idea  of 

aspect  to  the  globe.  these  pleasures,  that  the  shade  of 

8    Sahagun,    Hist,    de    Nueva  Achilles  can  say,  "  he  had  rather 

Espana,lib.  3,Apend. — Cod.  Vat.,  be  the  slave  of  the  meanest  man 

ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  PI.  1-5. —  on   earth,  than  sovereign   among 


Oh.  Ill]  MEXICAN   MYTHOLOGY.  63 

wicked,  we  discern  similar  traces  of  refinement ; 
since  the  absence  of  all  physical  torture  forms  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  schemes  of  suffering  so  in- 
geniously de\ised  by  the  fancies  of  the  most  enlight- 
ened nations. ^°  In  all  this,  so  contrary  to  the 
natural  suggestions  of  the  ferocious  Aztec,  we  see 
the  evidences  of  a  higher  civilization,  inherited  from 
their  predecessors  in  the  land. 

Our  limits  will  allow  only  a  brief  allusion  to  one 
or  two  of  their  most  interesting  ceremonies.  On 
the  death  of  a  person,  his  corpse  was  dressed  in  the 
peculiar  habiliments  of  his  tutelar  deity.  It  was 
strewed  with  pieces  of  paper,  which  operated  as 
charms  against  the  dangers  of  the  dark  road  he  was 
to  travel.  A  throng  of  slaves,  if  he  were  rich,  was 
sacrificed  at  his  obsequies.  His  body  was  burned, 
and  the  ashes,  collected  in  a  vase,  were  preserved  in 
one  of  the  apartments  of  his  house.     Here  we  have 


the  dead."  (Odyss.  A.  488-490.)  1°  It  is  singular  that  the  Tuscan 
The  Mahometans  believe  that  the  bard,  while  exhausting  his  inven- 
souls  of  martyrs  pass,  after  death,  tion  in  devising  modes  of  bodily 
into  the  bodies  of  birds,  that  haunt  torture,  in  his  "Inferno,"  should 
the  sweet  waters  and  bowers  of  have  made  so  little  use  of  the  mor- 
Paradise.  (Sale's  Koran,  (Lon-  al  sources  of  misery.  That  he 
don,  1825,)  vol.  I.  p.  106.)  —  has  not  done  so  might  be  reck- 
The  Mexican  heaven  may  remind  oned  a  strong  proof  of  the  rude- 
one  of  Dante's,  in  its  material  en-  ness  of  the  time,  did  we  not  meet 
joyments ;  which,  in  both,  are  with  examples  of  it  in  a  later 
made  up  of  light,  music,  and  mo-  day  ;  in  which  a  serious  and 
tion.  The  sun,  it  must  also  be  sublime  writer,  like  Dr.  Watts, 
remembered,  was  a  spiritual  con-  does  not  disdain  to  employ  the 
ception  with  the  Aztec ;  same  coarse  machinery  for  moving 

"He  sees  with  other  eyes  than  theirs;  where  the  conscience  of  the  reader, 
they 
Hehold  a  sun,  he  spies  a  deity." 


64  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

successively  the  usages  of  the  Roman  Catholic,  the 
Mussulman,  the  Tartar,  and  the  Ancient  Greek  and 
Roman  ;  curious  coincidences,  which  may  show  how 
cautious  we  should  be  in  adopting  conclusions  found- 
ed on  analogy." 

A  more  extraordinary  coincidence  may  be  traced 
with  Christian  rites,  in  the  ceremony  of  naming 
their  children.  The  lips  and  bosom  of  the  infant 
were  sprinkled  with  water,  and  "  the  Lord  was  im- 
plored to  permit  the  holy  drops  to  wash  away  the 
sin  that  was  given  to  it  before  the  foundation  of  the 
world;  so  that  the  child  might  be  born  anew."'^ 
We  are  reminded  of  Christian  morals,  in  more  than 
one  of  their  prayers,  in  which  they  used  regular 
forms.  "Wilt  thou  blot  us  out,  O  Lord,  for  ever? 
Is  this  punishment  intended,  not  for  our  reforma- 
tion, but  for  our  destruction  ?  "  Again,  "  Impart 
to  us,  out  of  thy  great  mercy,  thy  gifts,  which  we 
are  not  worthy  to  receive  through  our  own  mer- 
its."    "  Keep  peace  with  all,"  says  another  petition; 

U  Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  (Nov.,  ^  This  interesting  rite,  usually 

1521,)  MS.  —  Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  solemnized   with   great  formality, 

8.  —  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 

lib.  13,  cap.  45.  —  Sahagun,  Hist,  friends   and   relatives,   is  detailed 

de   Nueva  Espana,  lib.  3,  Apend.  with     minuteness     by     Sahagun, 

Sometimes  the  body  was  buried  (Hist,   de  Nueva  Espafla,  lib.  G, 

entire,  with  valuable  treasures,  if  cap.  37,)   and  by  Zuazo,    (Carta, 

the     deceased     was    rich.       The  MS.,)  both  of  them  eyewitnesses. 

"Anonymous  Conqueror,"  as  he  For  a  version  of  part  of  Sahagun's 

is  called,  saw  gold  to  the  value  of  account,    see    Appendix,    Part    1. 

3000  castellanos  drawn   from  one  note  26. 
of  these  tombs.      Relatione  d'  un 
gentir  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn. 

m.  p.  310, 


Ch.  III.]  SACERDOTAL  ORDER.  (55 

"  bear  injuries  with  humility ;  God,  who  sees,  will 
avenge  jou."  But  the  most  striking  parallel  with 
Scripture  is  in  the  remarkable  declaration,  that  "he, 
who  looks  too  curiously  on  a  woman,  commits  adul- 
tery with  his  eyes."  These  pure  and  elevated  max- 
ims, it  is  true,  are  mixed  up  with  others  of  a  puerile, 
and  even  brutal  character,  arguing  that  confusion 
of  the  moral  perceptions,  which  is  natural  in  the 
twilight  of  civilization.  One  would  not  expect, 
however,  to  meet,  in  such  a  state  of  society,  with 
doctrines  as  sublime  as  any  inculcated  by  the  en- 
lightened codes  of  ancient  philosophy.'^ 

But,  although  the  Aztec  mythology  gathered  noth- 
ing from  the  beautiful  inventions  of  the  poet,  nor 
from  the  refinements  of  philosophy,  it  was  much 
indebted,  as^  I  have  noticed,  to  the  priests,  who 
endeavoured  to  dazzle  the  imagination  of  the  people 
by  the  most  formal  and  pompous  ceremonial.  The 
influence  of  the  priesthood  must  be  greatest  in  an 
imperfect  state  of  civilization,  where  it  engrosses  all 

13  *'  jEs  posible  que  este  azote  Dios  bien  os  ve  y  respondera  por 

y  este  castigo  no  se  nos  da  para  vosotros,  y  el  os  vengara  (a)  sed 

nuestra    correccion    y    enmienda,  humildes  con  todos,  y  con  esto  os 

sino  para  total  destruccion  y  aso-  hara  Dios  merced  y  tambien  hon- 

lamiento?"     (Sahagun,   Hist,   de  ra."       (Ibid.,    lib.    6,    cap.    17.) 

Nueva   Espaiia,   lib.   6,   cap.    1.)  "  Tampoco  mires   con   curiosidad 

"  Y  esto  por  sola  vuestra  liberali-  el  gesto  y  disposicion  de  la  gente 

dad  y  magnificencia  lo  habeis  de  principal,  mayormente  de  las  mu- 

hacer,   que  ninguno   es   digno   ni  geres,  y  sobre  todo  de  las  casadas, 

merecedor  de  recibir  vuestras  lar-  porque  dice  el  refran  que  el  que 

guezas  por  su  dignidad  y  mereci-  curiosamente    mira    a    la    muger 

naiento,  sino  que  por  vuestra  benig-  adultera  con  la  vista.'     (Ibid.,  lib 

nidad."      (Ibid.,  lib.  6,  cap.   2.)  6,  cap.  22.) 
"  Sed  sufridos  y  reportados,  que 

VOL.    I.  9 


6S  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  [ 

the  scanty  science  of  the  time  in  its  own  body. 
This  is  particularly  the  case,  when  the  science  is 
of  that  spurious  kind  which  is  less  occupied  with 
the  real  phenomena  of  nature-,  than  with  the  fanci- 
ful chimeras  of  human  superstition.  Such  are  the 
sciences  of  astrology  and  divination,  in  which  the 
Aztec  priests  were  well  initiated ;  and,  while  the}' 
seemed  to  hold  the  keys  of  the  future  in  their  own 
hands,  they  impressed  the  ignorant  people  with 
sentiments  of  superstitious  awe,  beyond  that  which 
has  probably  existed  in  any  other  country,  —  even 
in  ancient  Egypt. 

The  sacerdotal  order  was  very  numerous  ;  as  may 
be  inferred  from  the  statement,  that  five  thousand 
priests  were,  in  some  way  or  other,  attached  to 
the  principal  temple  in  tlie  capital.  The  various 
ranks  and  functions  of  this  rnnltitudinous  body  were 
discriminated  with  great  exactness.  Those  best 
instructed  in  music  took  the  manao-ement  of  the 
choirs.  Others  arranged  the  festivals  conformably 
to  the  calendar.  Some  superintended  the  education 
of  youth,  and  others  had  charge  of  the  hieroglyphi- 
cal  paintings  and  oral  traditions  ;  while  the  dismal 
rites  of  sacrifice  were  reserved  for  the  chief  digni- 
taries of  the  order.  At  the  head  of  the  whole 
establishment  were  two  high-priests,  elected  from 
the  order,  as  it  would  seem,  by  the  king  and  prin- 
cipal nobles,  without  reference  to  birth,  but  solely 
for  their  qualifications,  as  shown  by  their  previous 
conduct  in  a  subordinate  station.  They  were  equal 
in  dignity,  and  inferior  only  to  the  sovereign,  who 


Ch.  III.]  SACERDOTAL  ORDER.  Q7 

rarely  acted  without  their  advice  in  weighty  matters 
of  public  concern.'^ 

The  priests  were  each  devoted  to  the  service  of 
some  particular  deity,  and  had  quarters  provided 
within  the  spacious  precincts  of  their  temple ;  at 
least,  while  engaged  in  immediate  attendance  there, 
—  for  they  were  allowed  to  marry,  and  have  families 
of  their  own.  In  this  monastic  residence  they  lived 
in  all  the  stern  severity  of  conventual  discipline. 
Thrice  during  the  day,  and  once  at  night,  they 
were  called  to  prayers.  They  were  frequent  in 
their  ablutions  and  vigils,  and  mortified  the  flesh  by 
fasting  and  cruel  penance,  —  drawing  blood  from 
their  bodies  by  flagellation,  or  by  piercing  them 
with  the  thorns  of  the  aloe  ;  in  short,  by  practising 
all  those  austerities  to  which  fanaticism  (to  borrow 
the  strong  language  of  the  poet)  has  resorted,  in 
every  age  of  the  world, 

"  In  hopes  to  merit  heaven  by  making  earth  a  hell."  '5 


14   Sahagun,   Hist,    de    Nueva  may  be."    (Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  9, 

Espana,  lib.  3,  Apend;  lib.  3,  cap.  cap.    5.)      It   is    contradicted   by 

9.  —  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  Sahagun,  whom  I  have  followed 

lib.  8,  cap.  20  ;   lib.  9,  cap.  3,  56.  as  the  highest  authority  in  these 

—  Gomara,   Cr6n.,  cap.  215,   ap.  matters.     Clavigero  had  no  other 

Barcia,  torn.  n.—Toribio,  Hist,  de  knowledge   of    Sahagun's    work 

los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  4.  than   what   was   filtered    through 

Clavigero  says   that   the  high-  the  writings  of  Torquemada,  and 

priest  was  necessarily  a  person  of  later  authors, 

rank.    (Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  II.  ^^   Sahagun,   Hist,    de    Nueva 

p.   37.)     I  find   no   authority  for  Espana,  ubi  supra. — Torquemada, 

this,  not  even  in  his  oracle,  Tor-  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  9,  cap.  25. — 

quemada,    who    expressly    says,  Gomara,    Cron.,  ap.    Barcia,    ubi 

"There  is  no  warrant  for  the  as-  supra. — Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.   14, 

sertion,  however  probable  the  fact  17. 


38  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

The  great  cities  were  divided  into  districts,  placed 
under  the  charge  of  a  sort  of  parochial  clergy,  who 
regulated  every  act  of  religion  within  their  pre- 
cincts. It  is  remarkable  that  they  administered  the 
rites  of  confession  and  absolution.  The  secrets  of 
the  confessional  were  held  inviolable,  and  penances 
were  imposed  of  much  the  same  kind  as  those 
enjoined  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  There 
were  two  remarkable  peculiarities  in  the  Aztec  cere- 
mony. The  first  was,  that,  as  the  repetition  of  an 
offence,  once  atoned  for,  was  deemed  inexpiable, 
confession  was  made  but  once  in  a  man's  life,  and 
was  usually  deferred  to  a  late  period  of  it,  when 
the  penitent  unburdened  his  conscience,  and  settled, 
at  once,  the  long  arrears  of  iniquity.  Another  pecu- 
liarity was,  that  priestly  absolution  was  received  in 
place  of  the  legal  punishment  of  offences,  and  au- 
thorized an  acquittal  in  case  of  arrest.  Long  after 
the  Conquest,  the  simple  natives,  when  they  came 
under  the  arm  of  the  law,  sought  to  escape  by 
producing  the  certificate  of  their  confession. ^^ 


^6  Sahagun,    Hist,    de    Nueva  from  the  soul.   Thou  knowest  that 

Espafia,  lib.   1,  cap.   12;    lib.   6,  this 'poor  man  has  sinned ,  not  from 

cap.  7.  Aw  oicn  free  rvill,    but  from   the 

The  address  of  the  confessor,  influence  of  the  sign  under  which 
on  these  occasions,  contains  some  he  was  born."  After  a  copious 
things  too  remarkable  to  be  omit-  exhortation  to  the  penitent,  en- 
ted.  "  O  merciful  Lord,"  he  joining  a  variety  of  mortifications 
says,  in  his  prayer,  "thou  who  and  minute  ceremonies  by  way  of 
knowest  the  secrets  of  all  hearts,  penance,  and  particularly  urging 
let  thy  forgiveness  and  favor  de-  the  necessity  of  instantly  procur- 
scend,  like  the  pure  waters  of  ing  a  slave  for  sacrifice  to  the 
heaven,  to  wash  away  the  stains  Deity,  the   priest  concludes  with 


Gh.  in.]  SACERDOTAL  ORDER.  69 

One  of  the  most  important  duties  of  the  priest- 
hood was  that  of  education,  to  which  certain  build- 
ings were  appropriated  within  the  inclosure  of  the 
principal  temple.  Here  the  youth  of  both  sexes,  of 
the  higher  and  middling  orders,  were  placed  at  a 
very  tender  age.  The  girls  were  intrusted  to  the 
care  of  priestesses ;  for  women  were  allowed  to 
exercise  sacerdotal  functions,  except  those  of  sac- 
rifice.'^ In  these  institutions  the  boys  were  drilled 
in  the  routine  of  monastic  discipline ;  they  deco- 
rated the  shrines  of  the  gods  with  flowers,  fed  the 
sacred  fires,  and  took  part  in  the  religious  chants 
and  festivals.  Those  in  the  higher  school  —  the 
Calmecac,  as  it  was  called  —  were  initiated  in  their 
traditionary  lore,  the  mysteries  of  hieroglyphics,  the 
principles  of  government,  and  such  branches  of  as- 
tronomical and  natural  science  as  were  within  the 


inculcating  charity  to  the  poor.  ap.  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  (Par- 
"  Clothe  the  naked  and  feed  the  is,  1834,)  torn.  II.  p.  7,  note.) 
hungry,  whatever  privations  it  may  The  early  missionaries,  credulous 
cost  thee  ;  for  remember,  their  enough  certainly,  give  no  coun- 
Jlesh  is  like  thine,  and  they  are  men  tenance  to  such  reports  ;  and  fa- 
like  thee.''''  Such  is  the  strange  ther  Acosta,  on  the  contrary,  ex- 
medley  of  truly  Christian  benevo-  claims,  "  In  truth,  it  is  very  strange 
lence  and  heathenish  abomina-  to  see  that  this  false  opinion  of 
tions  which  pervades  the  Aztec  religion  hath  so  great  force  among 
litany,  —  intimating  sources  wide-  these  yoong  men  and  maidens  of 
ly  different.  Mexico,  that  they  will  serve  the 
l''  The  Egyptian  gods  were  also  Divell  with  so  great  rigor  and 
served  by  priestesses.  (See  Herod-  austerity,  which  many  of  us  doe 
otus,  Euterpe,  sec.  54.)  Tales  of  not  in  the  service  of  the  most  high 
scandal  similar  to  those  which  the  God  ;  the  which  is  a  great  shame 
Greeks  circulated  respecting  them,  and  confusion."  En?.  Trans.,  lih 
have  been  told  of  the  Aztec  vir-  5,  cap.  Ifi 
gins.    (See  Le  Noir's  dissertation, 


70  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

compass  of  the  priesthood.  The  girls  learned  vari- 
ous feminine  employments,  especially  to  weave  and 
embroider  rich  coverings  for  the  altars  of  the  gods. 
Great  attention  was  paid  to  the  moral  discipline  of 
both  sexes.  The  most  perfect  decorum  prevailed ; 
and  offences  were  punished  with  extreme  rigor,  in 
some  instances  with  death  itself.  Terror,  not  love, 
was  the  spring  of  education  with  the  Aztecs.'^ 

At  a  suitable  age  for  marrying,  or  for  entering 
into  the  world,  the  pupils  were  dismissed,  with 
much  ceremony,  from  the  convent,  and  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  principal  often  introduced  those 
most  competent  to  responsible  situations  in  public 
life.  Such  was  the  crafty  policy  of  the  Mexican 
priests,  who,  by  reserving  to  themselves  the  business 
of  instruction,  were  enabled  to  mould  the  j'oung  and 
plastic  mind  according  to  their  own  wills,  and  to 
train  it  early  to  implicit  reverence  for  religion  and 
its  ministers ;  a  reverence  which  still  maintained 
its  hold  on  the  iron  nature  of  the  warrior,  long  after 
every  other  vestige  of  education  had  been  effaced 
by  the  rough  trade  to  which  he  was  devoted. 

To   each  of  the    principal    temples,    lands   were 


18  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  good  father  last  cited,  "  to  eschew 

MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  9.  —  Sahagun,  vice,  and   cleave  to  virtue,  —  ao 

Hist.   de   Nueva   Espana,   lib.   2,  cording  to  their  notions  of  them ; 

Apend.  ;   lib.  3,  cap.  4-8.  —  Zu-  namely,  to  abstain  from  wrath,  to 

rita,    Rapport,    pp.    123  -  126.  —  offer   violence    and    do   wrong   to 

Acosta,    lib.    5,    cap.    15,    16. —  no  man,  —  in  short,  to  perform  the 

Torquemada,   Monarch.   Ind.,  lib.  duties  plainly  pointed  out  by  natu- 

9,  cap.  11-14,  30,  31.  ral  religion," 

"  They  were  taught,"  says  the 


Ch.  III.]  SACERDOTAL  ORDER.  71 

annexed  for  the  maintenance  of  the  priests.  These 
estates  were  augmented  by  the  policy  or  devotion 
of  successive  princes,  until,  under  the  last  Monte- 
zuma, they  had  swollen  to  an  enormous  extent,  and 
covered  every  district  of  the  empire.  The  priests 
took  the  management  of  their  property  into  their 
own  hands ;  and  they  seem  to  have  treated  their  ten- 
ants with  the  liberality  and  indulgence  characteristic 
of  monastic  corporations.  Besides  the  large  supplies 
drawn  from  this  source,  the  religious  order  was  en- 
riched with  the  fust-fruits,  and  such  other  oflerings 
as  piety  or  superstition  dictated.  The  surplus  beyond 
what  was  required  for  the  support  of  the  national 
worship  was  distributed  in  alms  among  the  poor ;  a 
duty  strenuously  prescribed  by  their  moral  code. 
Thus  we  find  the  same  religion  inculcating  lessons 
of  pure  philanthropy,  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  mer- 
ciless extermination,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  on  the 
other.  The  inconsistency  will  not  appear  incredible 
to  those  who  are  familiar  with  the  history  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  in  the  early  ages  of  the 
Inquisition.''' 


•9  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  may  consult,  for  the  same  purpose, 

lib.  8,   cap.   20,  21.  —  Camargo,  Heeren,  (Hist.  Res.,  vol.  V.  chap. 

Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.  2,)     Wilkinson,     (Manners     and 

It  is  impossible  not  to  be  struck  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Eg}'ptians, 

with  the   great   resemblance,  not  (London,  1837,)  vol.  I.  pp.  257- 

merely  in  a  few  empty  forms,  but  279,)  the  last  writer  especially, — 

in   the  whole  way  of  life,  of  the  who  has  contributed,   more   than 

Mexican  and  Egyptian  priesthood,  all  others,  towards  opening  to  us 

Compare     Herodotus      (Euterpe,  the  interior  of  the  social  life  of  this 

passim)  and  Diodorus  (lib.  1,  sec.  interesting  people. 
73.    81).      The    English    reader 


72  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

The  Mexican  temples  —  teocallis,  "houses  of 
God,"  as  they  were  called  —  were  very  numerous. 
There  were  several  hundreds  in  each  of  the  principal 
cities,  many  of  them,  doubtless,  very  humble  edifices. 
They  were  solid  masses  of  earth,  cased  with  brick, 
or  stone,  and  in  their  form  somewhat  resembled  the 
pyramidal  structures  of  ancient  Egypt.  The  bases 
of  many  of  them  were  more  than  a  hundred  feet 
square,  and  they  towered  to  a  still  greater  height. 
They  were  distributed  into  four  or  five  stories,  each 
of  smaller  dimensions  than  that  below.  The  ascent 
was  by  a  flight  of  steps,  at  an  angle  of  the  pyramid, 
on  the  outside.  This  led  to  a  sort  of  terrace,  or 
gallery,  at  the  base  of  the  second  story,  which  passed 
quite  round  the  building  to  another  flight  of  stairs, 
commencing  also  at  the  same  angle  as  the  preced- 
ing and  directly  over  it,  and  leading  to  a  simi- 
lar terrace  ;  so  that  one  had  to  make  the  circuit  of 
the  temple  several  times,  before  reaching  the  sum- 
mit. In  some  instances  the  stairway  led  directlv 
up  the  centre  of  the  western  face  of  the  building. 
The  top  was  a  broad  area,  on  which  were  erected 
one  or  two  towers,  forty  or  fifty  feet  high,  the  sanc- 
tuaries in  which  stood  the  sacred  images  of  the 
presiding  deities.  Before  these  towers  stood  the 
dreadful  stone  of  sacrifice,  and  two  lofty  altars, 
on  which  fires  were  kept,  as  inextinguishable  as 
those  in  the  temple  of  Vesta.  There  were  said  to 
be  six  hundred  of  these  altars,  on  smaller  buildings 
within  the  inclosure  of  the  great  temple  of  Mexico, 
which,  with   ihosc   on  the   sacred   edifices  in  other 


CH.  III.]  TEMPLES.  73 

parts  of  the  city,  shed  a  brilliant  illumination  over  its 
streets,  through  the  darkest  night.^° 

From  the  construction  of  their  temples,  all  reli- 
gious services  were  public.  The  long  processions 
of  priests,  winding  round  their  massive  sides,  as 
they  rose  higher  and  higher  towards  the  summit, 
and  the  dismal  rites  of  sacrifice  performed  there, 
were  all  visible  from  the  remotest  corners  of  the 
capital,  impressing  on  the  spectator's  mind  a  super- 
stitious veneration  for  the  mysteries  of  his  religion, 
and  for  the  dread  ministers  by  whom  they  were 
interpreted. 

This  impression  was  kept  in  full  force  by  their 
numerous  festivals.  Every  month  was  consecrated 
to  some  protecting  deity ;  and  every  week,  nay,  al- 
most every  day,  was  set  down  in  their  calendar  for 
some  appropriate  celebration  ;  so  that  it  is  difficult 
to  understand  how  the  ordinary  business  of  life 
could  have  been  compatible  with  the  exactions  of 
religion.  Many  of  their  ceremonies  were  of  a  light 
and  cheerful  complexion,  consisting  of  the  national 
songs  and  dances,  in  which  both  sexes  joined.     Pro- 


20K.el.  d' un  gent.,ap.  Ramusio,  some  of  the  smaller  temples,  or 
torn.  III.  fol.  307. — Camargo,  pyramids,  were  filled  with  earth 
Hist,  de  TIascala,  MS. — Acosta,  impregnated  with  odoriferous  gums 
lib.  5,  cap.  13.  —  Gomara,  Cron.,  and  gold  dust;  the  latter,  some- 
cap.  80,  ap.  Barcia,  tom.  II.  —  times  in  such  quantities  as  prob- 
Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  ably  to  be  worth  a  million  of  cas- 
Parte  1,  cap.  4.  —  Carta  del  Lie.  ^e^/anos.' (Ubi  supra.)  These  were 
Zuazo,  MS.  ihe  temples  of  Mammon,  indeed! 

This   last   writer,    who    visited  But  I  find  no  confirmation  of  such 

Mexico     immediately     after     the  golden  reports. 
Conquest,  in  1521,  assures  us  that 

VOL.    1.  10 


74  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

cessions  were  made  of  women  and  children  crowned 
with  garlands  and  bearing  offerings  of  fruits,  the 
ripened  maize,  or  the  sweet  incense  of  copal  and 
other  odoriferous  gums,  while  the  altars  of  the  deity 
were  stained  with  no  blood  save  that  of  animals.^' 
These  were  the  peaceful  rites  derived  from  their 
Toltec  predecessors,  on  which  the  fierce  Aztecs  en- 
grafted a  superstition  too  loathsome  to  be  exhibited 
in  all  its  nakedness,  and  one  over  which  I  would 
gladly  draw  a  veil  altogether,  but  that  it  would  leave 
the  reader  in  ignorance  of  their  most  striking  in- 
stitution, and  one  that  had  the  greatest  influence  in 
forming  the  national  character. 

Human  sacrifices  were  adopted  by  the  Aztecs 
early  in  the  fourteenth  century,  about  two  hundred 
years  before  the  Conquest.^^  Rare  at  first,  they 
became  more  frequent  with  the  wider  extent  of  their 
empire  ;  till,  at  length,  almost  every  festival  was 
closed  with  this  cruel  abomination.  These  religious 
ceremonials  were  generally  arranged  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  afford  a  type  of  the  most  prominent  cir- 
cumstances in  the  character  or  history  of  the  deity 


2'   Cod.  Tel. -Rem.,  PI.    I,   and  22  Xhe  traditions  of  their  origin 

Cod.  Vat.,  passim,  ap.  Antiq.  of  have    somewhat     of    a    fabulous 

Mexico,  vols.  I.,  VI.  — Torquema-  tinge.     But,  whether  true  or  false, 

da,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  10,  cap.  10,  they  are  equally  indicative  of  un- 

ct  seq.  —  Sahaguii,  Hist,  de  Nue-  paralleled    ferocity  in  the   peoph; 

va  Espaila,  lib.  2,  passim.  who  could  be  the  subject  of  them 

Among    the     offerings,    quails  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  tom. 

may  be   particularly   noticed,    for  I.  p.  167,  et  seq.  ;  also  Humboldt, 

the  incredible  quantities  of  them  (who   does   not  appear   to   doubt 

sacrificed  and  consumed  at  many  them,)  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  95. 
of  the  festivals. 


Cu.  III.]  HUMAN    SACRIFICES.  75 

who  was   the  object  of  them.     A  single   example 
will  suffice. 

One  of  their  most  important  festivals  was  that  in 
honor  of  the  god  Tezcatlipoca,  whose  rank  was 
inferior  only  to  that  of  the  Supreme  Being.  He 
was  called  "  the  soul  of  the  world,"  and  supposed 
to  have  been  its  creator.  He  was  depicted  as  a 
handsome  man,  endowed  with  perpetual  youth.  A 
year  before  the  intended  sacrifice,  a  captive,  dis- 
tinguished for  his  personal  beauty,  and  without  a 
blemish  on  his  body,  was  selected  to  represent  this 
deity.  Certain  tutors  took  charge  of  him,  and  in- 
structed him  how  to  perform  his  new  part  with 
becoming  grace  and  dignity.  He  was  arrayed  in 
a  splendid  dress,  regaled  with  incense  and  with  a 
profusion  of  sweet-scented  flowers,  of  which  the 
ancient  Mexicans  were  as  fond  as  their  descendants 
at  the  present  day.  When  he  went  abroad,  he  was 
attended  by  a  train  of  the  royal  pages,  and,  as  he 
halted  in  the  streets  to  play  some  favorite  melody, 
the  crowd  prostrated  themselves  before  him,  and  did 
him  homage  as  the  representative  of  their  good 
deity.  In  this  way  he  led  an  easy,  luxurious  life, 
till  within  a  month  of  his  sacrifice.  Four  beautiful 
girls,  bearing  the  names  of  the  principal  goddesses, 
were  then  selected  to  share  the  honors  of  his  bed ; 
and  with  them  he  continued  to  live  in  idle  dalliance, 
feasted  at  the  banquets  of  the  principal  nobles,  who 
paid  him  all  the  honors  of  a  divinity. 

At  length  the  fatal  day  of  sacrifice  arrived.     The 


76  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book   I 

term  of  his  short-lived  glories  was  at  an  end.  He 
was  stripped  of  his  gaudy  apparel,  and  bade  adieu  to 
the  fair  partners  of  his  revelries.  One  of  the  royal 
barges  transported  him  across  the  lake  to  a  temple 
which  rose  on  its  margin,  about  a  league  from  the 
city.  Hither  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  flocked, 
to  witness  the  consummation  of  the  ceremony.  As 
the  sad  procession  wound  up  the  sides  of  the  pyra- 
mid, the  unhappy  victim  threw  away  his  gay  chap- 
lets  of  flowers,  and  broke  in  pieces  the  musical 
instruments  with  which  he  had  solaced  the  hours  of 
captivity.  On  the  summit  he  was  received  by  six 
priests,  whose  long  and  matted  locks  flowed  disor- 
derly over  their  sable  robes,  covered  with  hiero- 
glyphic scrolls  of  mystic  import.  They  led  him  to 
the  sacrificial  stone,  a  huge  block  of  jasper,  with  its 
upper  surface  somewhat  convex.  On  this  the  pris- 
oner was  stretched.  Five  priests  secured  his  head 
and  his  limbs  ;  while  the  sixth,  clad  in  a  scarlet 
mantle,  emblematic  of  his  bloody  office,  dexterously 
opened  the  breast  of  the  wretched  victim  with  a 
sharp  razor  of  itztli,  —  a  volcanic  substance,  hard  as 
flint,  —  and,  inserting  his  hand  in  the  wound,  tore 
out  the  palpitating  heart.  The  minister  of  death, 
first  holding  this  up  towards  the  sun,  an  object  of 
worship  throughout  Anahuac,  cast  it  at  the  feet  of 
the  deity  to  whom  the  temple  was  devoted,  while 
the  multitudes  below  prostrated  themselves  in  hum- 
ble adoration.  The  tragic  story  of  this  prisoner  was 
expounded   by  the   priests  as    the    type  of   human 


Ch.  Ill.J  HUMAN   SACRIFICES.  77 

destiny,  which,   brilliant  in  its  commencement,  too 
often  closes  in  sorrow  and  disaster.^^ 

Such  was  the  form  of  human  sacrifice  usually 
practised  by  the  Aztecs.  It  was  the  same  that 
often  met  the  indignant  eyes  of  the  Europeans,  in 
their  progress  through  the  country,  and  from  the 
dreadful  doom  of  which  they  themselves  were  not 
exempted.  There  were,  indeed,  some  occasions 
when  preliminary  tortures,  of  the  most  exquisite 
kind,  —  with  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  shock  the 
reader,  —  were  inflicted,  but  they  always  terminated 
with  the  bloody  ceremony  above  described.  It 
should  be  remarked,  however,  that  such  tortures 
were  not  the  spontaneous  suggestions  of  cruelty,  as 
with  the  North  American  Indians ;  but  were  all 
rigorously  prescribed  in  the  Aztec  ritual,  and  doubt- 
less were  often  inflicted  with  the  same  compunc- 
tious visitings  which  a  devout  familiar  of  the  Holy 
Office  might  at  times  experience  in  executing  its 
stern   decrees."^     Women,  as  well  as  the  other  sex, 

23    Sahag-un,   Hist,   de    Nueva  tale  of  woe  by  coolly  dismissinor 

Espaiia,  lib.  2,  cap.  2,  5,  24,  et  "the  soul  of  the  victim,  to  sleep 

alibi.  —  Herrera,    Hist.    General,  with   those  of  his  false   gods,  in 

dec.  3,  lib.  2,  cap.  16.  — Torque-  hell !  "  Lib.  10,  cap.  23. 

mada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  7,  cap.  24  Sahagun,    Hist,   de    Nueva 

19;   lib.  10,  cap.  14.  —  Rel.  d' un  Espaua,    lib.    2,  cap.    10,   29.— 

gent.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  HI.  fol.  Goraara,  Cron.,  cap.  219,  ap.  Bar- 

307. — Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  9-21.  cia,   torn.  H. — Toribio,   Hist,   de 

—  Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS. —  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  6- 

Relacion    por   el   Regimiento    de  11. 

Vera  Cruz,  (Julio,  1519,)  MS.  The  reader  will  find  a  tolerably 

Few    readers,     probably,     will  exact   picture   of   the    nature   of 

sympathize   with  the  sentence  of  these  tortures  in  the  twenty-first 

Torquemada,  who  concludes   his  canto  of  the  "  Inferno."    The  fan. 


78  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1 

were  sometimes  reserved  for  sacrifice.  On  some 
occasions,  particularly  in  seasons  of  drought,  at  the 
festival  of  the  insatiable  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain, 
children,  for  the  most  part  infants,  were  offered  up. 
As  they  were  borne  along  in  open  litters,  dressed 
in  their  festal  robes,  and  decked  with  the  fresh 
blossoms  of  spring,  they  moved  the  hardest  heart 
to  pity,  though  their  cries  were  drowned  in  the  wild 
chant  of  the  priests,  who  read  in  their  tears  a 
favorable  augury  for  their  petition.  These  innocent 
victims  were  generally  bought  by  the  priests  of 
parents  who  were  poor,  but  who  stifled  the  voice 
of  nature,  probably  less  at  the  suggestions  of  pov- 
erty, than  of  a  wretched  superstition.^^ 

The  most  loathsome  part  of  the  story  —  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  body  of  the  sacrificed  captive  was 
disposed  of — remains  yet  to  be  told.  It  was  de- 
livered to  the  warrior  who  had  taken  him  in  battle, 
and  by  him,  after  being  dressed,  was   served  up  in 


lastic  creations  of  the  Florentine  lowed  to  escape.     If  vanquished, 

poet  were  nearly  realized,  at  the  he  was  dragged  to  the  block  and 

very  time  he  was  writing,  by  the  sacrificed   in   the    usual    manner, 

barbarians  of  an  unknown  world.  The  combat  was  fought  on  a  huge 

One  sacrifice,  of  a  less  revolting  circular  stone,  before   the   assem- 

character,    deserves    to   be   men-  bled  capital.     Sahagun,  Hist,  de 

tioned.  The  Spaniards  called  it  the  Nueva  Espafia,  lib.  2,  cap.  21. — 

"  gladiatorial  sacrifice,"  and  it  may  Rel.  d'un    gent.,    ap.    Ramusio, 

remind  one  of  the  bloody  games  of  torn.  III.  fol.  305. 
antiquity.      A  captive  of  distinc-         25   Sahagun,    Hist,    de    Nueva 

tion  was  sometimes  furnished  with  Espaiia,  lib.   2,  cap.   1,  4,21,  et 

arms,  and  brought  against  a  num-  alibi.  — Torquemada,      Monarch, 

ber  of   Mexicans    in    succession.  Ind.,  lib.  10,  cap.  10. — Clavigc- 

If  he  defeated   them   all,  as   did  ro,    Stor.   del   Messico,    tom.   IT 

occasionally  happen,   he   was   al-  pp.  76,  82. 


Ch.  III.]  HUMAN   SACRIFICES.  79 

an  entertainment  to  his  friends.  This  was  not  the 
t  oarse  repast  of  famished  cannibals,  but  a  banquet 
teeming  with  delicious  beverages  and  delicate  viands, 
prepared  with  art,  and  attended  by  both  sexes,  who, 
as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  conducted  themselves  with 
all  the  decorum  of  civilized  life.  Surely,  never  were 
refinement  and  the  extreme  of  barbarism  brought  so 
closely  in  contact  wdth  each  other !  ^^ 

Human  sacrifices  have  been  practised  by  many 
nations,  not  excepting  the  most  polished  nations  of 
antiquity  ;^^  but  never  by  any,  on  a  scale  to  be 
compared  with  those  in  Anahuac.  The  amount  of 
victims  immolated  on  its  accursed  altars  would  stag- 
ger the  faith  of  the  least  scrupulous  believer.  Scarce- 
ly any  author  pretends  to  estimate  the  yearly  sacri- 
fices throughout  the  empire  at  less  than  twenty  thou- 
sand, and  some  carry  the  number  as  high  as  fifty !  ~- 


26  Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS. —  than  a  hundred  years  before  the 

Torquemada,   Monarch.   Ind.,  lib.  Christian  era,  —  a  law  recorded  in 

7,  cap.  19. — Herrera,  Hist.  Gen-  a  very  honest  strain  of  exultation 

eral,    dec.  3,   lib.   2,   cap.   17.—  by  Pliny;    (Hist.   Nat.,   lib.   30, 

Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espaiia,  sec.  3, 4  ;)  notwithstanding  which, 

lib.  2,  cap.  21,  et  alibi.  —  Toribio,  traces  of  the  existence  of  the  prac- 

Hist.  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  1,  tice  may  be  discerned  to  a  much 

cap.  2.  later  period.     See,  among  others, 

^  To   say   nothing  of  Egypt,  Horace,  Epod.,  In  Canidiam. 
where,  notwithstanding  the  indi-        28    gge     Clavigero,    Stor.    del 

cations  on  the  monuments,  there  Messico,  torn.  H.  p.  49. 
is  .strong  reason  for  doubting  it.         Bishop  Zumarraga,  in  a  letter 

(Comp.  Herodotus,  Euterpe,   sec.  written  a  few  years  after  the  Con- 

45.)   It  was  of  frequent  occurrence  quest,  states  that  20,000  victims 

among  the  Greeks,  as  every  school-  were    yearly   slaughtered   in   the 

boy  knows.     In  Rome,  it  was  so  capital.      Torquemada   turns  this, 

common  as  to  require   to  be   in-  into   20,000   infants.      (Monarch, 

terdicted  by  an  express  law,  less  Ind.,  lib.  7,  cap.   21.)     Herrera 


80  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1 

On  great  occasions,  as  the  coronation  of  a  king, 
or  the  consecration  of  a  temple,  the  number  becomes 
still  more  appalling.  At  the  dedication  of  the  great 
temple  of  Huitzilopotchli,  in  1486,  the  prisoners, 
who  for  some  years  had  been  reserved  for  the  pur- 
pose, were  drawn  from  all  quarters  to  the  capital. 
They  were  ranged  in  files,  forming  a  procession 
nearly  two  miles  long.  The  ceremony  consumed 
several  days,  and  seventy  thousand  captives  are  said 
to  have  perished  at  the  shrine  of  this  terrible  deity ! 
But  who  can  believe  that  so  numerous  a  body  would 
have  suffered  themselves  to  be  led  unresistingly  like 
sheep  to  the  slaughter  ?  Or  how  could  their  remains, 
too  great  for  consumption  in  the  ordinary  way,  be 
disposed  of,  without  breeding  a  pestilence  in  the 
capital  ?  Yet  the  event  was  of  recent  date,  and  is 
unequivocally  attested  by  the  best  informed  histori- 
ans."^    One  fact  may  be  considered  certain.     It  was 


following  Acosta,  says  20,000  vie-  real  number  was  not  above  50  "  ! 

tims   on   a   specified    day   of   the  (CEuvres,    ed.    Llorente,    (Paris, 

year,    throughout    the    kingdom.  1822,)  torn.  I.  pp.  365,386.)   Prob- 

(Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  ably  the   good   Bishop's  arithme- 

16.)     Clavigero,    more    cautious,  tic,  here,  as  in  most  other  instan- 

infers  that  this  number  may  have  ces,  came  more  from  his  lirart  than 

been  sacrificed  annually  through-  his  head.     With   such   loose   and 

out  Anahuac.    (Ubi  supra.)     Las  contradictory  data,  it  is  clear  thai 

Casas,  however,  in  his  reply  to  any  specific  number  is  mere  con- 

Sepulveda's  assertion,  that  no  one  jecturc,  undeserving  the  name  of 

who  had  visited  the  New  World  calculation. 

put  the  number  of  yearly  sacrifices  29   I  ^m  within  bounds.     Tor- 

at  less  than  20,000,  declares  that  quemada  states  the   number,  most 

''  this  is  the  estimate  of  brigands,  precisely,   at  72,344.     (Monarch, 

who  wish  to  find  an  apology  for  Ind.,  lib.   2,  cap.    63.)     Ixtlilxo- 

their  own   atrocities,  and  that  the  chitl,    with    equal    precision,    at 


Ch.  III.] 


HUMAN   SACRIFICES. 


81 


customary  to  preserve  the  skulls  of  the  sacrificed, 
in  buildings  appropriated  to  the  purpose.  The  com- 
panions of  Cortes  counted  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
six  thousand  in  one  of  these  edifices !  ^^  Without 
attempting  a  precise  calculation,  therefore,  it  is  safe 
tj  conclude  that  thousands  were  yearly  offered  up, 
in  the  different  cities  of  Anahuac,  on  the  bloody 
altars  of  the  Mexican  divinities.^^ 

Indeed,  the  great  object  of  war,  with  the  Aztecs, 
was  quite  as  much  to  gather  victims  for  their  sacri- 
fices, as  to  extend  their  empire.  Hence  it  was,  that 
an  enemy  was  never  slain  in  battle,  if  there  were  a 
chance  of  taking  him  alive.  To  this  circumstance ' 
the   Spaniards  repeatedly  owed  their   preservation. 


80,400.  (Hist.  Chich.,  MS.)  iQui- 
en  sabe  ?  The  latter  adds,  that  the 
captives  massacred  in  the  capital, 
in  the  course  of  that  memorable 
year,  exceeded  100,000!  (Loc.cit.) 
One,  however,  has  to  read  but  a 
little  way,  to  find  out  that  the  sci- 
ence of  numbers  —  at  least,  where 
the  party  was  not  an  eyewitness 
—  is  any  thing  but  ac  exact  sci- 
ence with  these  ajicient  chroni- 
clers. The  Codex  Tcl.-Remen- 
sis,  written  some  fifty  years  after 
the  Conquest,  reduces  the  amount 
to  20,000.  (Antiq.  of  Mexico, 
vol.  I.  PI.  19  ;  vol.  VI.  p.  141, 
Eng.  note.)  Even  this  hardly 
warrants  the  Spanish  interpreter 
in  calling  king  Ahuitzotl  a  man 
"  of  a  mild  and  moderate  disposi- 
tion," templada  y  henigna  condi- 
cion!    Ibid.,  vol.  V.  p.  49. 

VOL.    I.  11 


20  Gomara  states  the  number  on 
the  authority  of  two  soldiers,  whose 
names  he  gives,  who  took  the  trou- 
ble to  count  the  grinning  horrors 
in  one  of  these  (Jolgothas,  where 
they  were  so  arranged  as  to  pro- 
duce the  most  hideous  effect.  The 
existence  of  these  conservatories 
is  attested  by  every  writer  of  the 
time. 

31  The  "  Anonymous  Conquer- 
or" assures  us,  as  a  fact  beyond 
dispute,  that  the  Devil  introduced 
himself  into  the  bodies  of  the  idols, 
and  persuaded  the  silly  priests  that 
his  only  diet  was  human  hearts  ! 
It  furnishes  a  very  satisfactory  solu- 
tion, to  his  mind,  of  the  frequen- 
cy of  sacrifices  in  Mexico.  Rel. 
d' un  gent.,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn 
III.  fol.  307. 


82  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

When  Montezuma  was  asked,  "  why  he  had  suffered 
the  republic  of  Tlascala  to  maintain  her  indepen- 
dence on  his  borders,"  he  replied,  "  that  she  might 
furnish  him  with  \ictims  for  his  gods  " !  As  the 
supply  began  to  fail,  the  priests,  the  Dominicans  of 
the  New  World,  bellowed  aloud  for  more,  and  urged 
on  their  superstitious  sovereign  by  the  denunciations 
of  celestial  wrath.  Like  the  militant  churchmen  of 
Christendom  in  the  Middle  Ages,  they  mingled 
themselves  in  the  ranks,  and  were  conspicuous  in 
the  thickest  of  the  fight,  by  their  hideous  aspect  and 
firantic  gestures.  Strange,  that,  in  every  country, 
the  most  fiendish  passions  of  the  human  heart  have 
been  those  kindled  in  the  name  of  religion !  ^ 

The  influence  of  these  practices  on  the  Aztec 
character  was  as  disastrous  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected. Familiarity  with  the  bloody  rites  of  sacrifice 
steeled  the  heart  against  human  sympathy,  and  begat 
a  thirst  for  carnage,  like  tKat  excited  in  the  Romans 


32  The  Tezcucan  priests  would  field  ■wus  marked  out,  on  which 

fain  have  persuaded  the  good  king  the  troops  of  the  hostile  nations 

Nezahualcoyotl,  on  occasion  of  a  were  to  engige  at  stated  seasons 

pestilence,  to  appease  the  gods  by  and  thus  supply  themselves  with 

the  sacrifice  of  some  of  his  own  subjects  for  sacrifice.     The  victo- 

subjects,  instead  of  his  enemies  ;  rious  party  was  not  to  pursue  his 

on  the  ground,  that,  not  only  they  advantage  by  invading  the  other's 

would  be  obtained  more  easily,  but  territory,  and  they  were  to  contin- 

would  be  fresher  victims,  and  more  ue,  in  all  other  respects,  on  the 

acceptable.      (Ixtlilxochitl,   Hist,  most  amicable  footing.  (Ubi  supra.) 

Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  41.)    This  wri-  The  historian,  who  follows  in  the 

ter  mentions  a  cool    arrangement  track  of  the  Tezcucan  Chronicler, 

entered   into   by  the   allied   mon-  may  often  find  occasion  to  shelter 

archs  with  the  republic  of  Tlasca-  himself,  like  Ariosto,  with 
la  and  her  confederates.    A  battle-      "  Meitendolo  Turpin,  lo  metto  anch'  io." 


Cn.  III.]  HUMAN   SACRIFICES.  83 

by  the  exhibitions  of  the  circus.  The  perpetual  re- 
currence of  ceremonies,  in  which  the^  people  took 
part,  associated  religion  with  their  most  intimate 
concerns,  and  spread  the  gloom  of  superstition  over 
the  domestic  hearth,  until  the  character  of  the  nation 
wore  a  grave  and  even  melancholy  aspect,  which 
belongs  to  their  descendants  at  the  present  day. 
The  influence  of  the  priesthood,  of  course,  became 
unbounded.  The  sovereign  thought  himself  honored 
by  being  permitted  to  assist  in  the  services  of  the 
^emple.  Far  from  limiting  the  authority  of  the 
priests  to  spiritual  matters,  he  often  surrendered  his 
opinion  to  theirs,  where  they  were  least  competent 
to  give  it.  It  was  their  opposition  that  prevented 
the  final  capitulation  which  would  have  saved  the 
capital.  The  whole  nation,  from  the  peasant  to  the 
prince,  bowed  their  necks  to  the  worst  kind  of  tyran- 
ny, that  of  a  blind  fanaticism. 

In  reflecting  on  the  revolting  usages  recorded 
in  the  preceding  pages,  one  finds  it  difficult  to  rec- 
oncile their  existence  with  any  thing  like  a  regular 
form  of  government,  or  an  advance  in  civilization. 
Yet  the  Mexicans  had  many  claims  to  the  charac- 
ter of  a  civilzed  community.  One  may,  perhaps, 
better  understand  the  anomaly,  by  reflecting  on  the 
condition  of  some  of  the  most  polished  countries  in 
Europe,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  modern  Inquisition  ;  an  institution, 
which  yearly  destroyed  its  thousands,  by  a  death 
more  painful  than  the  Aztec  sacrifices  ;  which  armed 
the  hand  of  brother  against  brother,  and,  setting  its 


84  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

burning  seal  upon  the  lip,  did  more  to  stay  the 
march  of  improvement  than  any  other  scheme  ever 
devised  by  human  cunning. 

Human  sacrifice,  however  cruel,  has  nothing  in  it 
degrading  to  its  victim.  It  may  be  rather  said  to 
ennoble  him  by  devoting  him  to  the  gods.  Although 
so  terrible  with  the  Aztecs,  it  was  sometimes  volun- 
tarily embraced  by  them,  as  the  most  glorious  death, 
and  one  that  opened  a  sure  passage  into  paradise.^ 
The  Inquisition,  on  the  other  hand,  branded  its  vic- 
tims with  infamy  in  this  world,  and  consigned  them 
to  everlasting  perdition  in  the  next. 

One  detestable  feature  of  the  Aztec  superstition, 
however,  sunk  it  far  below  the  Christian.  This  was 
its  cannibahsm  ;  though,  in  truth,  the  Mexicans  were 
not  cannibals,  in  the  coarsest  acceptation  of  the 
term.  They  did  not  feed  on  human  flesh  merely  to 
gratify  a  brutish  appetite,  but  in  obedience  to  their 
religion.  Their  repasts  were  made  of  the  victims 
whose  blood  had  been  poured  out  on  the  altar  of 
sacrifice.  This  is  a  distinction  worthy  of  notice.^ 
Still,  cannibalism,  under  any  form,  or  whatever  sanc- 
tion, cannot  but  have  a  fatal  influence  on  the  nation 


'•^  Rel.  d'  un  gent.,  ap.  Ramu-  28.)     This  was  the  law  of  honoi 

sio,  torn.  III.  fol.  307.  with  the  Aztecs. 

Among  other  instances,  is  that  ^   Voltaire,    doubtless,    intends 

of  Chiinalpopoca,    third   king   of  this,  when  he  says,  "  lis  n'etaient 

Mexico,  who  doomed  himself,  with  point  anthropophages,   comme   un 

anumber  of  his  lords,  to  this  death,  tres-petit    nombre    de    peupladea 

to  wipe  off  an  indignity  offered  him  Am^ricaincs."       (Essai     sur    les 

by  a  brother  monarch.     (Torque-  Moeurs,  chap.  147.) 
mada,  Monarch .  Ind.,  lib.  2,  cap. 


Ch.  Ill]  HUMAN   SACRIFICES.  85 

addicted  to  it.  It  suggests  ideas  so  loathsome,  so 
degrading  to  man,  to  his  spiritual  and  immortal  na- 
ture, that  it  is  impossible  the  people  who  practise  it 
should  make  any  great  progress  in  moral  or  intellec- 
tual culture.  The  Mexicans  furnish  no  exception 
to  this  remark.  The  civilization,  which  they  pos- 
sessed, descended  from  the  Toltecs,  a  race  who 
never  stained  their  altars,  still  less  their  banquets, 
with  the  blood  of  man.  All  that  deserved  the  name 
of  science  in  Mexico  came  from  this  source  ;  and 
the  crumbling  ruins  of  edifices,  attributed  to  them, 
still  extant  in  various  parts  of  New  Spain,  show  a 
decided  superiority  in  their  architecture  over  that  of 
the  later  races  of  Analmae.  It  is  true,  the  Mexicans 
made  great  proficiency  in  many  of  the  social  and  me- 
chanic arts,  in  that  material  culture,  —  if  I  may  so 
call  it,  —  the  natural  growth  of  increasing  opulence, 
which  ministers  to  the  gratification  of  the  senses. 
In  purely  intellectual  progress,  they  were  behind  the 
Tezcucans,  whose  wise  sovereigns  came  into  the 
abominable  rites  of  their  neighbours  with  reluctance, 
and  practised  them  on  a  much  more  moderate 
scale. ^^ 

In  this  state  of  things,  it  was  beneficently  ordered 
by  Providence  that  the  land  should  be  delivered 
over  to  another  race,  who  would  rescue  it  from  the 
brutish  superstitions  that  daily  extended  wider  and 
wider,  with  extent  of  empire.^     The  debasing  in- 

^5    Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,     character     engendered     by     their 

MS.,  cap.  45,  et  alibi.  sanguinary  rites  greatly  facilitated 

'■^    No    doubt    the   ferocity   of     their   conquests.     Machiavelli   at- 


86  AZTEC   CIVILIZATIO>.  [Book  1 

stitutioiis  of  the  Aztecs  furnish  the  best  apology  for 
then-  conquest.  It  is  true,  the  conquerors  brought 
along  with  them  the  Inquisition.  But  they  also 
brought  Christianity,  whose  benign  radiance  would 
still  survive,  when  the  fierce  flames  of  fanaticism 
should  be  extinguished ;  dispelling  those  dark  forms 
of  horror  which  had  so  long  brooded  over  the  fair 
regions  of  Anahuac. 

tributes  to  a  similar  cause,  in  part,  contains    some    ingenious    reflec- 

the  military  successes  of  the  Ro-  tions — much  more  ingenious  than 

mans.     (Discorsi  sopra  T.  Livio,  candid  —  on  the  opposite  tenden- 

lib.  2,  cap.  2.)    The  same  chapter  cies  of  Christianity. 


The  most  important  authority  in  the  preceding  chapter,  and,  indeed, 
wherever  the  Aztec  religion  is  concerned,  is  Bernardino  de  Sahagun,  a 
Franciscan  friar,  contemporary  with  the  Conquest.  His  great  work. 
Historia  Universal  de  Nueva  Espana,  has  been  recently  printed  for  the 
first  time.  The  circumstances  attending  its  compilation  and  subse- 
quent fate  form  one  of  the  most  remarkable  passages  in  literary  history. 

Sahagun  was  born  in  a  place  of  the  same  name,  in  old  Spain.  He 
was  educated  at  Salamanca,  and,  having  taken  the  vows  of  St.  Fran- 
cis, came  over  as  a  missionary  to  Mexico  in  the  year  1529.  Here  he 
distinguished  himself  by  his  zeal,  the  purity  of  his  life,  and  his  un- 
wearied exertions  to  spread  the  great  truths  of  religion  among  the 
natives.  He  was  the  guardian  of  several  conventual  houses,  succes- 
sively, until  he  relinquished  these  cares,  that  he  might  devote  himself 
more  unreservedly  to  the  business  of  preaching,  and  of  compiling  va- 
rious works  designed  to  illustrate  the  antiquities  of  the  Aztecs.  For 
these  literary  labors  he  found  some  facilities  in  the  situation  which  he 
continued  to  occupy,  of  reader,  or  lecturer,  in  the  College  of  Santa 
Cruz,  in  the  capital. 

The  "  Universal  History  "  was  concocted  in  a  singular  manner.  In 
order  to  secure  to  it  the  greatest  possible  authority,  he  passed  some 
years  in  a  Tezcucan  town,  where  he  conferred  daily  with  a  number 
of  respectable  natives  unacquainted  with  Castilian.  He  propounded  to 
them  queries,  which  they,  after  deliberation,  answered  in   their  usual 


Ch.  III.]  SAHAGUN.  87 

method  of  writing,  by  hieroglyphical  paintings.  These  he  submitted 
to  other  natives,  who  had  been  educated  under  his  own  eye  in  the 
college  of  Santa  Cruz ;  and  the  latter,  after  a  consultation  among 
themselves,  gave  a  written  version,  in  the  Mexican  tongue,  of  the 
hieroglyphics.  This  process  he  repeated  in  another  place,  in  some 
part  of  Mexico,  and  subjected  the  whole  to  a  still  further  revision  by  a 
third  body  in  another  quarter.  He  finally  arranged  the  combined 
results  into  a  regular  history,  in  the  form  it  now  bears;  composing  it 
in  the  Mexican  language,  which  he  could  both  write  and  speak  with 
great  accuracy  and  elegance,  —  greater,  indeed,  than  any  Spaniard  of 
the  time. 

The  work  presented  a  mass  of  curious  information,  that  attracted 
much  attention  among  his  brethren.  But  they  feared  its  influence 
in  keeping  alive  in  the  natives  a  too  vivid  reminiscence  of  the  very 
superstitions  which  it  was  the  great  object  of  the  Christian  clergy  to 
eradicate.  Sahagun  had  views  more  liberal  than  those  of  his  order, 
whose  blind  zeal  would  willingly  have  annihilated  every  monument  of 
art  and  human  ingenuity,  which  had  not  been  produced  under  the 
influence  of  Christianity.  They  refused  to  allow  him  the  necessary 
aid  to  transcribe  his  papers,  which  he  had  been  so  many  years  in  pre- 
paring, under  the  pretext  that  the  expense  was  too  great  for  their  order 
to  incur.  This  occasioned  a  further  delay  of  several  years.  What 
was  worse,  his  provincial  got  possession  of  his  manuscripts,  which 
were  soon  scattered  among  the  different  religious  houses  in  the  country. 

In  this  forlorn  state  of  his  affairs,  Sahagun  drew  up  a  brief  statement 
of  the  nature  and  contents  of  his  work,  and  forwarded  it  to  Madrid. 
It  fell  into  the  hands  of  Don  Juan  de  Ovando,  president  of  the  Council 
for  the  Indies,  who  was  so  much  interested  in  it,  that  he  ordered  the 
manuscripts  to  be  restored  to  their  author,  with  the  request  that  he 
would  at  once  set  about  translating  them  into  Castilian.  This  was 
accordingly  done.  His  papers  were  recovered,  though  not  without 
the  menace  of  ecclesiastical  censures ;  and  the  octogenarian  author 
began  the  work  of  translation  from  the  Mexican,  in  which  they  had 
been  originally  written  by  him  thirty  years  before.  He  had  the  satis- 
faction to  complete  the  task,  arranging  the  Spanish  version  in  a 
parallel  column  with  the  original,  and  adding  a  vocabulary,  explaining 
the  difficult  Aztec  terms  and  phrases ;  while  the  text  was  supported 
by  the  numerous  paintings  on  which  it  was  founded.  In  this  form, 
making  tvi'o  bulky  volumes  in  folio,  it  was  sent  to  Madrid.  There 
seemed  now  to  be  no  further  reason  for  postponing  its  publication,  the 
importance  of  which  could  not  be  doubted.  But  from  this  moment  it 
disappears  ;  and  we  hear  nothing  further  of  it,  for  more  than  two  cen- 
turies, except  only  as  a  valuable  work,  which  had   once  existed,  and 


88  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

was  probably  buried  in  some  one  of  the  numerous  cemeteries  of  learn- 
ing in  which  Spain  abounds. 

At  length,  towards  the  close  of  the  last  century,  the  indefatigable 
MuHoz  succeeded  in  disinterring  the  long  lost  manuscript  from  the 
place  tradition  had  assigned  to  it,  —  the  library  of  a  convent  at  Tolosa. 
in  Navarre,  the  northern  extremity  of  Spain.  With  his  usual  ardor, 
he  transcribed  the  whole  work  with  his  own  hands,  and  added  it  to  the 
inestimable  collection,  of  which,  alas  !  he  was  destined  not  to  reap 
the  full  benefit  himself.  From  this  transcript  Lord  Kingsborough  was 
enabled  to  procure  the  copy  which  was  published  in  1830,  in  the  sixth 
volume  of  his  magnificent  compilation.  In  it  he  expresses  an  honest 
satisfaction  at  being  the  first  to  give  Sahagun's  work  to  the  world. 
But  in  this  supposition  he  was  mistaken.  The  very  year  preceding, 
an  edition  of  it,  with  annotations,  appeared  in  Mexico,  in  three  volumes 
8vo.  It  was  prepared  by  Bustamante,  —  a  scholar  to  whose  editorial 
activity  his  country  is  largely  indebted,  —  from  a  copy  of  the  Mufioz 
manuscript  which  came  into  his  possession.  Thus  this  remarkable 
work,  which  was  denied  the  honors  of  the  press  during  the  author's 
lifetime,  after  passing  into  oblivion,  reappeared,  at  the  distance  of  nearly 
three  centuries,  not  in  his  own  country,  but  in  foreign  lands  widely 
remote  from  each  other,  and  that,  almost  simultaneously.  The  story 
is  extraordinary,  though  unhappily  not  so  extraordinary  in  Spain  as  it 
would  be  elsewhere. 

Sahagun  divided  his  history  into  twelve  books.  The  first  eleven  are 
occupied  with  the  social  institutions  of  Mexico,  and  the  last  with  the 
Conquest.  On  the  religion  of  the  country  he  is  particularly  full.  His 
great  object  evidently  was,  to  give  a  clear  view  of  its  mythology,  and 
of  the  burdensome  ritual  which  belonged  to  it.  Religion  entered  so 
intimately  into  the  most  private  concerns  and  usages  of  the  Aztecs,  that 
Sahagun's  work  must  be  a  text-book  for  every  student  of  their  antiqui- 
ties. Torquemada  availed  himself  of  a  manuscript  copy,  which  fell 
into  his  hands  before  it  was  sent  to  Spain,  to  enrich  his  own  pages,  — 
a  circumstance  more  fortunate  for  his  readers  than  for  Sahagun's  rep- 
utation, whose  work,  now  that  it  is  published,  loses  much  of  the  origi- 
nality and  interest  which  would  otherwise  attach  to  it.  In  one  respect 
it  is  invaluable  ;  as  presenting  a  complete  collection  of  the  various 
forms  of  prayer,  accommodated  to  every  possible  emergency,  in  use  by 
the  Mexicans.  They  are  often  clothed  in  dignified  and  beautiful  lan- 
guage, showing,  that  sublime  .speculative  tenets  are  quite  compatible 
with  the  most  degrading  practices  of  superstition.  It  is  much  to  be 
regretted  that  we  have  not  the  eighteen  hymns,  inserted  by  the  author 
in  his  book,  which  would  have  particular  interest,  as  the  only  specimen 
of  devotional   poetry   preserved   of   the   Aztecs.      The  hieroglyphical 


Cn.  Ill]  SAHAGUN.  89 

paintings,  which  accompanied  the  text,  are  also  missing.  If  they  have 
escaped  the  hands  of  fanaticism,  both  may  reappear  at  some  future  day. 
Sahagun  produced  several  other  works,  of  a  religious  or  philologi- 
cal character.  Some  of  these  were  voluminous,  but  none  have  been 
printed.  He  lived  to  a  very  advanced  age,  closing  a  life  of  activity 
and  usefulness,  in  1590,  in  the  capital  of  Mexico.  His  remains  were 
followed  to  the  tomb  by  a  numerous  concourse  of  his  own  countrymen, 
and  of  the  natives,  who  lamented  in  him  the  loss  of  unaffected  piety, 
benevolence,  and  learning. 


VOL.    I.  12 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Mexican  Hieroglyphics.  —  Manuscripts.  — Arithmetic.  — 
Chronology.  —  Astronomy. 

It  is  a  relief  to  turn  from  the  gloomy  pages  of  the 
preceding  chapter,  to  a  brighter  side  of  the  pictm'e, 
and  to  contemplate  the  same  nation  in  its  generous 
struggle  to  raise  itself  from  a  state  of  barbarism,  and 
to  take  a  positive  rank  in  the  scale  of  civilization. 
It  is  not  the  less  interesting,  that  these  efforts  were 
made  on  an  entirely  new  theatre  of  action,  apart 
from  those  influences  that  operate  in  the  Old  World  ; 
the  inhabitants  of  which,  forming  one  great  brother- 
hood of  nations,  are  knit  together  by  sympathies, 
that  make  the  faintest  spark  of  knowledge,  struck 
out  in  one  quarter,  spread  gradually  wider  and  wider, 
until  it  has  diffused  a  cheering  light  over  the  re- 
motest. It  is  curious  to  observe  the  human  mind, 
in  this  new  position,  conforming  to  the  same  laws  as 
on  the  ancient  continent,  and  taking  a  similar  direc- 
tion in  its  first  inquiries  after  truth,  —  so  similar, 
indeed,  as,  although  not  warranting,  perhaps,  the 
idea  of  imitation,  to  suggest,  at  least,  that  of  a  com- 
mon origin. 

In  the  eastern  hemisphere,  we  find  some  nations, 
as  the  Greeks,  for  instance,  early  smitten  with  such 
a  love  of  the  beautiful  as  to  be  unwilling  to  dispense 


Cn.  IV.]  MEXICAN   HIEROGLYPHICS.  91 

\\  ith  it,  even  in  the  graver  productions  of  science ; 
and  other  nations,  again,  proposing  a  severer  end  to 
themselves,  to  which  even  imagination  and  elegant 
art  were  made  subservient.  The  productions  of 
such  a  people  must  be  criticized,  not  by  the  ordinar} 
rules  of  taste,  but  by  their  adaptation  to  the  peculiar 
end  for  which  they  were  designed.  Such  were  the 
Egyptians  in  the  Old  World, ^  and  the  Mexicans  in 
the  New.  We  have  already  had  occasion  to  notice 
the  resemblance  borne  by  the  latter  nation  to  the 
former  in  their  religious  economy.  We  shall  be  more 
struck  with  it  in  their  scientific  culture,  especially 
their  hieroglyphical  writing  and  their  astronomy. 

To  describe  actions  and  events  by  delineating  visi- 
ble objects  seems  to  be  a  natural  suggestion,  and  is 
practised,  after  a  certain  fashion,  by  the  rudest  sav- 
ages. The  North  American  Indian  carves  an  arrow 
on  the  bark  of  trees  to  show  his  followers  the  direc- 
tion of  his  march,  and  some  other  sign  to  show  the 
success  of  his  expeditions.  But  to  paint  intelhgibly 
a  consecutive  series  of  these  actions — forming  what 
Warburton  has  happily  called  picture-writing  ^  —  re- 


^  "  An  Egyptian  temple,"  says  The  bishop  of  Gloucester,  in  his 

Denon,    strikingly,    "is   an   open  comparison  of  the  various  hiero- 

volume,  in  which  the  teachings  of  glyphical  systems   of  the   world, 

science,  morality,  and  the  arts  are  shows  his   characteristic   sagacity 

recorded.      Every  thing  seems  to  and  boldness  by  announcing  opin- 

speak  one  and  the  same  language,  ions   little   credited   then,  though 

and   breathes   one   and   the  same  since  established.    He  affirmed  the 

spirit."     The  passage  is  cited  by  existence  of  an  Egyptian  alphabet, 

Heeren,  Hist.  Res.,  vol.  V.  p.  178.  but  was  not  aware  of  the  phonetic 

2  Divine  Legation,  ap.  Works,  property   of   hieroglyphics,  —  the 

(London,  1811,)  vol.  lY.  b.  4,  great  literary  discovery  of  our  age. 
sec.  4. 


92  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

quires  a  combination  of  ideas,  that  amounts  to  a 
positively  intellectual  effort.  Yet  further,  when  the 
object  of  the  painter,  instead  of  being  limited  to  the 
present,  is,  to  penetrate  the  past,  and  to  gather  from 
its  dark  recesses  lessons  of  instruction  for  coming 
generations,  vi^e  see  the  dawnings  of  a  literary  cul- 
ture, —  and  recognise  the  proof  of  a  decided  civiliza- 
tion in  the  attempt  itself,  however  imperfectly  it 
may  be  executed.  The  literal  imitation  of  objects 
^vi\[  not  answer  for  this  more  complex  and  extended 
plan.  It  would  occupy  too  much  space,  as  well  as 
time,  in  the  execution.  It  then  becomes  necessary 
to  abridge  the  pictures,  to  confine  the  drawing  to 
outlines,  or  to  such  prominent  parts  of  the  bodies 
delineated,  as  may  readily  suggest  the  whole.  This 
is  the  representative  or  figurative  writing,  which 
forms  the  lowest  stage  of  hieroglyphics. 

But  there  are  things  which  have  no  type  in  the 
material  world ;  abstract  ideas,  which  can  only  be 
represented  by  visible  objects  supposed  to  have  some 
quality  analogous  to  the  idea  intended.  This  con- 
stitutes symbolical  writing,  the  most  difficult  of  all 
to  the  interpreter,  since  the  analogy  between  the 
material  and  immaterial  object  is  often  purely  fanci- 
ful, or  local  in  its  application.  Who,  for  instance, 
could  suspect  the  association  which  made  a  beetle 
represent  the  universe,  as  with  the  Egyptians,  or  a 
serpent  typify  time,  as  with  the  Aztecs? 

The  third  and  last  division  is  the  phonetic,  in 
which  signs  are  made  to  represent  sounds,  either 
entire  words,  or  parts  of  them.     This  is  the  nearest 


Ch.  IV.]  MEXICAN   HIEROGLYPHICS.  93 

approach  of  the  hieroglyphical  series  to  that  beauti- 
ful invention,  the  alphabet,  by  which  language  is  re- 
solved into  its  elementary  sounds,  and  an  apparatus 
supplied  for  easily  and  accurately  expressing  the 
most  delicate  shades  of  thought. 

The  Egyptians  were  well  skilled  in  all  three  kinds 
of  hieroglyphics.  But,  although  their  public  monu- 
ments display  the  first  class,  in  their  ordinary  inter- 
course and  written  records,  it  is  now  certain,  they 
almost  wholly  relied  on  the  phonetic  character. 
Strange,  that,  having  thus  broken  down  the  thin 
partition  which  divided  them  from  an  alphabet,  their 
latest  monuments  should  exhibit  no  nearer  approach 
to  it  than  their  earliest."  The  Aztecs,  also,  were 
acquainted  with  the  several  varieties  of  hieroglyphics. 
But  they  relied  on  the  figurative  infinitely  more 
than  on  the  others.  The  Egyptians  were  at  the 
top  of  the  scale,  the  Aztecs  at  the  bottom. 

In  casting  the  eye  over  a  Mexican  manuscript,  or 
map,  as  it  is  called,  one  is  struck  with  the  grotesque 
caricatures  it  exhibits  of  the  human  figure ;  mon- 
strous, overgrown  heads,  on  puny,  misshapen  bod- 


3  It  appears  that  the  hieroglyph-  may  seem  more  strange  that  the 

ics  on  the  most  recent  monuments  enchorial  alphabet,  so  much  more 

of  Egypt  contain  no  larger  infusion  commodious,  should  not  have  been 

of  phonetic  characters  than  those  substituted.      But  the    Egyptians 

which  existed  eighteen  centuries  were   familiar   with    their    hiero- 

before    Christ ;    showing    no    ad-  glyphics     from     infancy,    which, 

vance,  in  this  respect,  for  twenty-  moreover,  took  the  fancies  of  the 

two  hundred  years!   (See  Cham-  mostillit.erate,probably in thesanio 

pollion.  Precis  du  Systeme  Hi^ro-  manner  as  our  children  are  attract 

glyphique  des  Anciens  Egypliens,  ed  and  taught  by  the  picture-alpha 

(Paris,  1824,)  pp.  242,  281.)     It  bets  in  an  ordinary  spelling-book. 


94  AZTEC    CIVILIZATION.  [Book   I. 

ies,  which  arc  themselves  hard  and  angular  in  their 
outlines,  and  without  the  least  skill  in  composition. 
On  closer  inspection,  however,  it  is  obvious  that  it  is 
not  so  much  a  rude  attempt  to  delineate  nature,  as  a 
conventional  symbol,  to  express  the  idea  in  the  most 
clear  and  forcible  manner ;  in  the  same  way  as  the 
pieces  of  similar  value  on  a  chess-board,  while  they 
correspond  with  one  another  in  form,  bear  little  re- 
semblance, usually,  to  the  objects  they  represent. 
Those  parts  of  the  figure  are  most  distinctly  traced, 
which  are  the  most  important.  So,  also,  the  coloring, 
instead  of  the  delicate  gradations  of  nature,  exhibits 
only  gaudy  and  violent  contrasts,  such  as  may  pro- 
duce the  most  vivid  impression.  "  For  even  col- 
ors," as  Gama  observes,  "  speak  in  the  Aztec  hie- 
roglyphics."* 

But  in  the  execution  of  all  this  the  Mexicans  were 
much  inferior  to  the  Egyptians.  The  drawings  of 
the  latter,  indeed,  are  exceedingly  defective,  when 
criticised  by  the  mles  of  art ;  for  they  were  as  igno- 
rant of  perspective  as  the  Chinese,  and  only  exhibit- 
ed the  head  in  profile,  with  the  eye  in  the  centre,  and 
with  total  absence  of  expression.  But  they  handled 
the  pencil  more  gracefully  than  the  Aztecs,  were 
more  true  to  the  natural  forms  of  objects,  and,  above 
all,  showed  great  superiority  in  abridging  the  original 
figure  by  giving  only  the  outline,  or  some  character- 
istic or  essential  feature.  This  simplified  the  process, 
and  facilitated  the  communication  of  thouoht.     An 

o 

^  Descripcion  Hist6rica  y  Cronol6gica  de  las  Dos  Piedras,  (Mexico, 
1832,)  Parte  2,  p.  39. 


Ch.  IV.J  MEXICAN   HIEROGLYPHICS  95 

Egyptian  text  has  almost  the  appearance  of  alpha- 
betical writing  in  its  regular  lines  of  minute  figures. 
A  Mexican  text  looks  usually  like  a  collection  of 
pictures,  each  one  forming  the  subject  of  a  separate 
study.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with  the  delin- 
eations of  mythology ;  in  which  the  story  is  told  by 
a  conglomeration  of  symbols,  that  may  remind  one 
more  of  the  mysterious  anaglyphs  sculptured  on  the 
temples  of  the  Egyptians,  than  of  their  written 
records. 

The  Aztecs  had  various  emblems  for  expressing 
such  things  as,  from  their  nature,  could  not  be  direct- 
ly represented  by  the  painter ;  as,  for  example,  the 
years,  months,  days,  the  seasons,  the  elements,  the 
heavens,  and  the  like.  A  "  tongue  "  denoted  speak- 
ing ;  a  "  foot-print,"  travelling ;  a  "  man  sitting  on 
the  ground,"  an  earthquake.  These  symbols  were 
often  very  arbitrary,  varying  with  the  caprice  of  the 
writer ;  and  it  requires  a  nice  discrimination  to  inter- 
pret them,  as  a  slight  change  in  the  form  or  position 
of  the  figure  intimated  a  very  different  meaning.' 
An  ingenious  writer  asserts  that  the  priests  devised 
secret  symbolic  characters  for  the  record  of  their 
religious  mysteries.  It  is  possible.  But  the  re- 
searches of  Champollion  lead  to  the  conclusion,  that 

5  Ibid.,  pp.  32,   44.  —  Acosta,  The  editor  has  rendered  a  good 

lib.  6,  cap.  7.  service  by  this  further  publication 

The     continuation    of    Gama's  of  the  writings  of  this   estimable 

work,   recently  edited   by  Busta-  scholar,  who  has  done  more  than 

inante.  in  Mexico,  contains,  among  any  of  his  countrymen  to  explain 

other  things,  some  interesting  re-  the  mysteries  of  Aztec  science. 
marks  on  the  Aztec  hieroglyphics. 


9G  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

the   similar  opinion,  formerly  entertained   respecting 
the  Egyptian  hieroglyphics,  is  without  foundation/' 

Lastly,  they  employed,  as  above  stated,  phonetic 
signs,  though  these  were  chiefly  confined  to  the 
names  of  persons  and  places  ;  which,  being  derived 
from  some  circumstance,  or  characteristic  quality, 
were  accommodated  to  the  hieroglyphical  system. 
Thus  the  town  Cimatlan  was  compounded  of  cimatl, 
a  "  root,"  which  grew  near  it,  and  tlan,  signifying 
"  near  "  ;  Tlaxcallan  meant  "  the  place  of  bread," 
from  its  rich  fields  of  corn ;  Huexotzinco,  "  a  place 
surrounded  by  willows."  The  names  of  persons 
were  often  significant  of  their  adventures  and 
achievements.  That  of  the  great  Tezcucan  prince, 
Nezahualcoyotl,  signified  "  hungry  fox,"  intimating 
his  sagacity,  and  his  distresses  in  early  life.''  The 
emblems  of  such  names  were  no  sooner  seen,  than 
they  suggested    to  every  Mexican  the    person  and 

6  Gaina,  Dcscripcion,  Parte  2,  Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  2,  pp. 

p.  32.  34-43. 

Warburton,  with  his  usual  pen-         Heeren  is  not  aware,   or  does 

etration,  rejects  the  idea  of  mys-  not  allow,  that  the  Mexicans  used 

tery  in  the  figurative  hieroglyph-  phonetic   characters  of  any  kind, 

ics.     (Divine  Legation,  b.  4,  sec.  (Hist.  Res.,  vol.  V.  p.  45.)  They, 

4.)      If   there   was   any   mystery  indeed,   reversed  the  usual  order 

reserved  for  the  initiated,  Cham-  of   proceeding,    and,    instead    of 

poliion   thinks  it  may  have   been  adapting  the   hieroglyphic  to  the 

the     system    of   the     anaglyphs,  name  of  the  object,  accommodated 

(Precis,  p.  360.)     Why  may  not  the  name  of  the  object  to  the  hie- 

this  be  true,  likewise,  of  the  mon-  roglyphic.     This,  of  course,  could 

strous     symbolical     combinations  not  admit  of  great  extension.     We 

which    represented    the    Mexican  find  phonetic  characters,  however, 

deities'?  applied,  in  some  instances, .to  com- 

■^  Boturini,  Idea,  pp.  77-83. —  mon,  as  well  as  proper  names. 


Ch.  IV.]  MEXICAN   HIEROGLYPHICS.  97 

place  intended  ;  and,  when  painted  on  their  shields, 
or  embroidered  on  their  banners,  became  the  armo- 
rial bearings,  by  which  city  and  chieftain  were  dis- 
tinguished, as  in  Europe,  in  the  age  of  chivalry.^ 

But,  although  the  Aztecs  were  instructed  in  all 
the  varieties  of  hieroglyphical  painting,  they  chiefly 
resorted  to  the  clumsy  method  of  direct  representa- 
tion. Had  their  empire  lasted,  like  the  Egyptian, 
several  thousand,  instead  of  the  brief  space  of  two 
hundred  years,  they  would,  doubtless,  like  them, 
have  advanced  to  the  more  frequent  use  of  the  pho- 
netic writing.  But,  before  they  could  be  made 
acquainted  with  the  capabilities  of  their  own  system, 
the  Spanish  Conquest,  by  introducing  the  European 
alphabet,  supplied  their  scholars  with  a  more  perfect 
contrivance  for  expressing  thought,  which  soon  sup- 
planted the  ancient  pictorial  character.^ 

Clumsy  as  it  was,  however,  the  Aztec  picture- 
writing  seems  to  have  been  adequate  to  the  demands 
of  the  nation,  in  their  imperfect  state  of  civilization. 
By  means  of  it  Avere  recorded  all  their  laws,  and 
even  their  regulations  for  domestic  economy ;  their 
tribute-roils,  specifying  the  imposts  of  the  various 
towns;  their  mythology,  calendars,  and  rituals;  their 
political  annals,  carried  back  to  a  period  long  before 
the  foundation  of  the  city.     They  digested  a  com- 

8  Boturini,  Idea,  ubi  supra.  testimony   to    the    literary    ardor 

9  Clavigero  has  given  a  cata-  and  intelligence  of  the  native 
logue  of  the  Mexican  historians  races.  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  I., 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  —  some  Pref.  —  Also,  Gama,  Descripcion, 
of  whom  are  often  cited  in  this  Parte  1,  passim. 

history,  —  which  bears  honorable 
VOL.    I.  13 


98  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

plele  system  of  chronology,  and  could  specify  with 
accuracy  the  dates  of  the  most  important  events  in 
their  history ;  the  year  being  inscribed  on  the  mar- 
gin, against  the  particular  circumstance  recorded. 
It  is  true,  history,  thus  executed,  must  necessarily 
])e  vague  and  fragmentary.  Only  a  few  leading  in- 
cidents could  be  presented.  But  in  this  it  did  not 
differ  much  from  the  monkish  chronicles  of  the  dark 
ages,  which  often  dispose  of  years  in  a  few  brief 
sentences ;  —  quite  long  enough  for  the  annals  of 
barbarian  s.^° 

In  order  to  estimate  aright  the  picture-writing  ot 
the  Aztecs,  one  must  regard  it  in  connexion  \vith 
oral  tradition,  to  which  it  was  auxiliary.  In  the  col- 
leges of  the  priests  the  youth  were  instructed  in 
astronomy,  history,  mythology,  &c. ;  and  those  who 
were  to  follow  the  profession  of  hieroglyphical  paint- 
ing were  taught  the  application  of  the  characters 
appropriated  to  each  of  these  branches.  In  an  histor- 
ical work,  one  had  charge  of  the  chronology,  another 
of  the  events.  Every  part  of  the  labor  was  thus 
mechanically  distributed."     The    pupils,   instructed 

'"M.  de  Humboldt's  remark,  that  looseness  and  uncertaiiity  of  these 

the  Aztec  annals,  from  the  close  historical  records  are  made  apparent 

of  the  eleventh  century,  "exhibit  by  the    remarks    of  the    Spanish 

the  greatest  method,  and  astonish-  interpreter  of  the  Mendoza  ctdex, 

ing  minuteness,"  (Vues  des  Cor-  who  tells  us  that  the  natives,  to 

dilleres,  p.  137,)  must  be  received  whom  it  was  submitted,  were  very 

with  some  qualification.    The  read-  long  in  coming  to  an  agreement 

er  would  scarcely  understand  from  about  the  proper  signification  of 

It,  that  there  are  rarely  more  than  the  paintings.     Antiq.  of  Mexico, 

one  or  two  facts  recorded  in  any  vol.  VI.  p.  87. 
year,  and  sometimes  not  one  in  a        ^^  Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  2. 

dozen   or  more.      The  necessary  p.  30.  —  Acosta,  lib.  6,  cap.  7. 


Ch.  IV.J 


MANUSCRIPTS. 


99 


in  all  that  was  before  known  in  their  several  depart- 
ments, were  prepared  to  extend  still  further  the 
boundaries  of  their  imperfect  science.  The  hiero- 
glyphics served  as  a  sort  of  stenography,  a  collection 
of  notes,  suggesting  to  the  initiated  much  more  than 
could  be  conveyed  by  a  literal  interpretation.  This 
combination  of  the  written  and  the  oral  compre- 
hended what  may  be  called  the  literature  of  the 
Aztecs.'^ 

Their  manuscripts  were  made  of  different  mate- 
rials, —  of  cotton  cloth,  or  skins  nicely  prepared ; 
of  a  composition  of  silk  and  gum ;  but,  for  the  most 


"  Tenian  para  cada  genero," 
says  Ixtlilxochitl,  "  sus  Escritores, 
linos  que  trataban  de  los  Anales, 
poniendo  por  su  orden  las  cosas  que 
acaecian  en  cada  un  afio,  con  dia, 
mes,  y  hora ;  otros  tenian  a  su 
cargo  las  Genealogias,  y  descen- 
dencia  de  los  Reyes,  Seijores,  y 
Personas  de  linaje,  asentando  por 
cuenla  y  razon  los  que  nacian,  y 
borraban  los  que  morian  con  la 
misma  cuenta.  Unos  tenian  cui- 
dado  de  las  pinturas,  de  los  termi- 
nos,  limites,  y  mojoneras  de  las 
Ciudades,  Provincias,  Pueblos,  y 
Lugares,  y  de  las  suertes,  y  repar- 
timiento  de  las  tierras  cuyas  eran, 
y  a  quien  pertenecian ;  otros  de 
los  libros  de  Leyes,  ritos,  y  sere- 
moniasqueusaban."  Hist.  Chich., 
MS.,  Prologo. 

19  According  to  Boturini,  the 
ancient  Mexicans  were  acquainted 
with  the  Peruvian  method  of  re- 
cording events,  by  means  of  the 


quippus,  —  knotted  strings  of  va- 
rious colors,  —  which  were  after- 
wards superseded  by  hieroglyphi- 
cal  painting.  (Idea,  p.  86.)  He 
could  discover,  however,  but  a  sin- 
gle specimen,  which  he  met  with 
in  Tlascala,  and  that  had  nearly 
fallen  to  pieces  with  age.  McCul- 
]oh  suggests  that  it  may  have 
been  only  a  wampum  belt,  such 
as  is  conamon  among  our  North 
American  Indians.  (Researches, 
p.  201.)  The  conjecture  is  plausi- 
ble enough.  Strings  of  wampum, 
of  various  colors,  were  used  by  the 
latter  people  for  the  similar  pur- 
pose of  registering  events.  The 
insulated  fact,  recorded  by  Boturi- 
ni, is  hardly  sufficient  —  unsup- 
ported, as  far  as  I  know,  by  any 
other  testimony  —  to  establish  the 
existence  of  quippus  among  the 
Aztecs,  who  had  but  little  in  com- 
mon with  the  Peruvians. 


100  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [  Book   I. 

part,  of  a  fine  fabric  from  the  leaves  of  the  aloe, 
agave  Americana,  called  by  the  natives,  maguey, 
which  grows  luxuriantly  over  the  table-lands  of 
Mexico.  A  sort  of  paper  was  made  from  it,  resem- 
bling somewhat  the  Egyptian  papyrus,^^  which,  when 
properly  dressed  and  polished,  is  said  to  have  been 
more  soft  and  beautiful  than  parchment.  Some  of 
the  specimens,  still  existing,  exhibit  their  original 
freshness,  and  the  paintings  on  them  retain  their 
brilliancy  of  colors.  They  were  sometimes  done  up 
into  rolls,  but  more  frequently  into  volumes,  of  mod- 
erate size,  in  which  the  paper  was  shut  up,  like  a 
folding-screen,  with  a  leaf  or  tablet  of  wood  at  each 
extremity,  that  gave  the  whole,  when  closed,  the 
appearance  of  a  book.  The  length  of  the  strips  was 
determined  only  by  convenience.  As  the  pages 
might  be  read  and  referred  to  separately,  this  form 
had  obvious  advantages  over  the  rolls  of  the  an- 
cients.^* 


13  Pliny,  who  gives  a  minute  dilleres,  p.  52.  —  Peter  Martyr 
account  of  the  papyrus  reed  of  Anglerius,  De  Orbe  Novo,  (Corn- 
Egypt,  notices  the  various  manu-  pluti,  1530,)  dec.  3,  cap.  8 ;  dec. 
factures  obtained  from  it,  as  ropes,  5,  cap.  10. 

cloth,  paper,  &c.     It  also  served  Martyr  has  given  a  minute  de- 

as  a  thatch  for  the  roofs  of  houses,  scription  of  the  Indian  maps,  sent 

and  as  food  and  drink  for  the  na-  home  soon  after  tke  invasion  of 

tives.     (Hist.    Nat.,  lib.  11,   cap.  New  Spain.     His  inquisitive  mind 

20-22.)     It  is  singular  that  the  was  struck  with  the  evidence  they 

American  agave,  a  plant  so  totally  afforded    of    a    positive    civiliza- 

different,    should  also   have   been  tion.    Ribera,  the  friend  of  Cortes, 

applied  to  all  these  various  uses,  brought    back  a  story,   that  the 

^*  Lorenzana,  Hist,  de   Nueva  paintings  were   designed  as  pat- 

Espafia,   p.    8. — Boturini,   Idea,  terns  for  embroiderers  and  jewel- 

p.  96. — Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cor-  lers.      But   Martyr  had  been   in 


Ch.  IV.]  MANUSCRIPTS.  101 

At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  great 
quantities  of  these  manuscripts  were  treasm'ed  up 
in  the  country.  Numerous  persons  were  employed 
in  painting,  and  the  dexterity  of  their  operations 
excited  the  astonishment  of  the  Conquerors.  Un- 
fortunately, this  was  mingled  with  other,  and  unwor- 
thy feelings.  The  strange,  unknown  characters 
inscribed  on  them  excited  suspicion.  They  were 
looked  on  as  magic  scrolls ;  and  were  regarded  in 
the  same  light  with  the  idols  and  temples,  as  the 
symbols  of  a  pestilent  superstition,  that  must  be 
extirpated.  The  first  archbishop  of  Mexico,  Don 
Juan  de  Zumarraga,  —  a  name  that  should  be  as 
immortal  as  that  of  Omar,  —  collected  these  paint- 
ings from  every  quarter,  especially  from  Tezcuco, 
the  most  cultivated  capital  in  Anahuac,  and  the 
great  depository  of  the  national  archives.  He  then 
caused  them  to  be  piled  up  in  a  "  mountain-heap," 
—  as  it  is  called  by  the  Spanish  writers  themselves, 
—  in  the  market-place  of  Tlatelolco,  and  reduced 
them  all  to  ashes  !  '^  His  greater  countryman,  Arch- 
bishop Ximenes,  had  celebrated  a  similar  auto-da-fe 
of  Arabic  manuscripts,  in  Granada,  some  twenty 
years   before.      Never   did  fanaticism   achieve    two 


Egypt,  and  he  felt  little  hesitation  Writers  are  not  agreed  whether 

in  placing  the  Indian  drawings  in  the  conflagration  took  place  in  the 

the  same  class  with  those  he  had  square  of  Tlatelolco  or  Tezcuco. 

seen  on  the  obelisks  and  temples  Comp.  Clavigero,Stor.delMessico, 

of  that  country.  torn.  II.  p.  188,  and  Bustamante's 

15   Ixtlilxochit],    Hist.    Chich.,  Pref.  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  Cruautes  des 

MS.,  Prologo. — Idem,  Sum.  Re-  Conquerans,  trad,  de  Ternaux,  p. 

lac,  MS.  xvii. 


\Ql2  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

more  signal  triumphs,  than  by  the  annihilation  of  so 
many  curious  monuments  of  human  ingenuity  and 
learning !  ^'^  " 

The  unlettered  soldiers  were  not  slow  in  imitating 
the  example  of  their  prelate.  Every  chart  and 
volume  which  fell  into  their  hands  was  wantonly 
destroyed ;  so  that,  when  the  scholars  of  a  later 
and  more  enlightened  age  anxiously  sought  to  re- 
cover some  of  these  memorials  of  civilization,  nearly 
all  had  perished,  and  the  few  surviving  were  jeal- 
ously hidden  by  the  natives. '~  Through  the  inde- 
fatigable labors  of  a  private  individual,  however,  a 
considerable  collection  was  eventually  deposited  in 
the  archives-  of  Mexico ;  but  was  so  little  heeded 
there,  that  some  were  plundered,  others  decayed 
piecemeal  from  the  damps  and  mildews,  and  others, 
again,  were  used  up  as  waste-paper !  ^^  We  con- 
template with  indignation  the  cruelties  inflicted  by 
the  early  conquerors.  But  indignation  is  qualified 
with  contempt,  when  we  see  them  thus  ruthlessly 
trampling  out  the  spark  of  knowledge,  the  common 
boon   and  property  of  all  mankind.     We  may  well 


16  It  has  beer   my  lot  to  record  '^   The   enlightened    governor, 

both  these  displays  of  human  in-  Don  Lorenzo  Zavala  sold  the  doc- 

firmity,  so  humbling  to  the  pride  uments    in    the    archives   of   the 

of  intellect.     See  the  History  of  Audience  of  Mexico,  according  to 

Ferdinand   and   Isabella,  Part  2,  Bu«tamante,    as  wrapping-paper, 

Chap.  6.  to  L.poihecarics,  shopkeepers,  and 

1'    Sahagun,   Hist,   de    Nueva  rocket-makers !     Boturini's  noble 

Espana,  lib.  10,  cap.  27.  —  Bus-  collection    has    not    fared     much 

tamante,   Mafianas    de   Alameda,  better. 
(Mexico,  1836.)  tom.  II.,  Pr61ogo. 


Ca    IV.] 


MANUSCRIPTS. 


105 


doubt,  which  has  the  strongest  claims  to  civilization, 
the  victor,  or  the  vanquished. 

A  few  of  the  Mexican  manuscripts  have  found 
their  way,  from  time  to  time,  to  Europe,  and  are 
carefully  preserved  in  the  public  libraries  of  its  capi- 
tals. They  are  brought  together  in  the  magnificent 
work  of  Lord  Kingsborough ;  but  not  one  is  there 
from  Spain.  The  most  important  of  them,  for  the 
light  it  throws  on  the  Aztec  institutions,  is  the 
Mendoza  Codex ;  which,  after  its  mysterious  dis- 
appearance for  more  than  a  century,  has  at  length 
reappeared  in  the  Bodleian  library  at  Oxford.  It  has 
been  several  times  engraved. ^^     The  most  brilliant 


19  The  history  of  this  famous 
collection  is  familiar  to  scholars. 
It  was  sent  to  the  Emperor  Charles 
the  Fifth,  not  long  after  the  Con- 
quest, by  the  viceroy  Mendoza. 
Marques  de  Mondejar.  The  ves- 
sel fell  into  the  hands  of  a  French 
cruiser,  and  the  manuscript  was 
taken  to  Paris.  It  was  afterwards 
bought  by  the  chaplain  of  the  Eng- 
lish embassy,  and,  coming  into 
the  possession  of  the  antiquary 
Purchas,  was  engraved,  in  exten- 
so,  by  him,  in  the  third  volume  of 
his  "  Pilgrimage."  After  its  pub- 
lication, in  1625,  the  Aztec  origin- 
al lost  its  importance,  and  fell  into 
oblivion  so  completely,  that,  when 
at  length  the  public  curiosity  was 
excited  in  regard  to  its  fate,  no 
trace  of  it  could  be  discovered. 
Many  were  the  speculations  of 
scholars,  at  home  and  abroad, 
respecting  it,  and  Dr.   Robertson 


settled  the  question  as  to  its  ex- 
istence in  England,  by  declaring 
that  there  was  no  Mexican  relic 
in  that  country,  except  a  golden 
goblet  of  Montezuma.  (History  of 
America,  (London,  1796,)  vol. 
III.  p.  370.)  Nevertheless,  the 
identical  Codex,  and  several  oth- 
er Mexican  paintings,  have  been 
since  discovered  in  the  Bodleian 
library.  The  circumstance  ha.-> 
brought  some  obloquy  on  the  his- 
torian, who,  while  prying  into  the 
collections  of  Vienna  and  the  Es- 
curial,  could  be  so  blind  to  those 
under  his  own  eyes.  The  over- 
sight will  not  appear  so  extraordi- 
nary to  a  thorough-bred  collector, 
whether  of  manuscripts,  or  med- 
als, or  any  other  rarity.  The  Men- 
doza Codex  is,  after  all,  but  a  copy, 
coarsely  done  with  a  pen  on  Eu- 
ropean paper.  Another  copy,  from 
which  Archbishop  Lorenzana  en- 


104 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book  J. 


in  coloring,  probably,  is  the  Borgian  collection,  in 
Rome.-°  The  most  curious,  however,  is  the  Dres- 
den Codex,  which  has  excited  less  attention  than 
it  deserves.  Although  usually  classed  among  Mexi- 
can manuscripts,  it  bears  little  resemblance  to  them 
in  its  execution ;  the  figures  of  objects  are  more  deli- 
cately drawn,  and  the  characters,  unlike  the  Mexi- 
can, appear  to  be  purely  arbitrary,  and  are  possibly 
phonetic.^^  Their  regular  arrangement  is  quite  equal 
to  the  Egyptian.     The  whole  infers  a  much  higher 


^^raved  his  tribute-rolls  in  Mexico, 
existed  in  Boturini's  collection.  A 
third  is  in  the  Escurial,  according 
10  the  Marquess  of  Spineto.  (Lec- 
tures on  the  Elements  of  Hiero- 
glyphics, (London,)  lect.  7.)  This 
may  possibly  be  the  original  paint- 
ing. The  entire  Codex,  copied  from 
the  Bodleian  maps,  with  its  Span- 
ish and  English  interpretations,  is 
included  in  the  noble  compilation 
of  Lord  Kingsborough.  (Vols.  L, 
V.jVL)  It  is  distributed  into  three 
parts  ;  embracing  the  civil  history 
of  the  nation,  the  tributes  paid  by 
the  cities,  and  the  domestic  econo- 
Tny  and  discipline  of  the  Mexicans  ; 
and,  from  the  fulness  of  the  inter- 
pretation, is  of  much  importance 
in  regard  to  these  several  topics. 

*  It  formerly  belonged  to  the 
Ciustiniani  family ;  but  was  so  lit- 
tle cared  for,  that  it  was  suffered 
to  fall  into  the  mischievous  hands 
of  the  domestics'  children,  who 
made  sundry  attempts  to  burn  it. 
Fortunately  it  was  pain  ed  on 
deerskin,   and,  though  so/newhat 


singed,  was  not  destoyed.  (Hum- 
boldt, Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  89, 
et  seq.)  It  is  impossible  to  cast 
the  eye  over  this  brilliant  assem- 
blage of  forms  and  colors  with- 
out feeling  how  hopeless  must  be 
the  attempt  to  recover  a  key  to 
the  Aztec  mythological  symbols ; 
which  are  here  distributed  with 
the  symmetry,  indeed,  but  in  all 
the  endless  combinations,  of  the 
kaleidoscope.  It  is  in  the  third 
volume  of  Lord  Kingsborough's 
work. 

21  Humboldt,  who  has  copied 
some  pages  of  it  in  his  "  Atlas  Pit- 
toresque,"  intimates  no  doubt  of 
its  Aztec  origin.  (Vues  dcs  Cor- 
dilleres, pp.  26G,  267.)  M.  Le 
Noir  even  reads  in  it  an  exposition 
of  Mexican  Mythology,  with  oc- 
casional analogies  to  that  of  Egypt 
and  of  Hindostan.  (Antiquites 
Mexicaines,  tom.  II.,  Introd.)  The 
fantastic  forms  of  hieroglyphic 
symbols  may  afford  analogies  for 
almost  any  thing. 


Oh.  IV.] 


MANUSCRIPTS 


105 

and  offers  abundant  food 


civilization  than  the  Aztec, 
for  curious  speculation*^  . 

Some  few  of  these  maps  have  interpretations  an- 
nexed to  them,  which  were  obtained  from  the  na- 
tives after  the   Conquest.-^     The   greater  part  are 


22  The  history  of  this  Codex, 
engraved  entire  in  the  third  volume 
of  the  "  Antiquities  of  Mexico," 
goes  no  further  back  than  1739, 
when  it  was  purchased  at  Vienna 
for  the  Dresden  library.  It  is  made 
of  the  American  agave.  The  fig- 
ures painted  on  it  bear  little  re- 
semblance, either  in  feature  or 
form,  to  the  Mexican.  They  are 
surmounted  by  a  sort  of  head- 
gear, which  looks  something  like 
a  modern  peruke.  On  the  chin 
of  one  we  may  notice  a  beard,  a 
sign  often  used  after  the  Con- 
quest to  denote  a  European.  Many 
of  the  persons  are  sitting  cross- 
legged.  The  profiles  of  the  faces, 
and  the  whole  contour  of  the 
limbs,  are  sketched  with  a  spirit 
and  freedom,  very  unlike  the  hard, 
angular  outlines  of  the  Aztecs. 
The  characters,  also,  are  delicately 
traced,  generally  in  an  irregular, 
hut  circular  form,  and  are  very  mi- 
nute. They  are  arranged,  like  the 
Egyptian,  both  horizontally  and 
perpendicularly,  mostly  in  the  for- 
mer manner,  and,  from  the  preva- 
lent direction  of  the  profiles,  would 
seem  to  have  been  read  from  right 
to  left.  Whether  phonetic  or  ideo- 
graphic, they  are  of  that  compact 
and  purely  conventional  sort  which 
belongs  to  a  well-digested  system 
VOL.    I.  14 


for  the  communication  of  thought. 
One  cannot  but  regret,  that  no  trace 
should  exist  of  the  quarter  whence 
this  MS.  was  obtained  ;  perhaps, 
some  part  of  Central  America ; 
from  the  region  of  the  mysterious 
races  who  built  the  monuments  of 
Mitla  and  Palenque.  Though,  in 
truth,  there  seems  scarcely  more 
resemblance  in  the  symbols  to  the 
Palenque  bas-reliefs,  than  to  the 
Aztec  paintings. 

23  There  are  three  of  these  ;  the 
Mendoza  Codex ;  the  Telleriano- 
Remensis,  —  formerly  the  property 
of  Archbishop  Tellier,  —  in  the 
Royal  library  of  Paris  ;  and  the 
Vatican  MS.,  No.  3738.  The  in- 
terpretation of  the  last  bears  evi- 
dent marks  of  its  recent  origin : 
probably  as  late  as  the  close  of 
the  sixteenth,  or  the  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  when  the 
ancient  hieroglyphics  were  read 
with  the  eye  of  faith,  rather  than 
of  reason.  Whoever  was  the 
commentator,  (comp.  Vues  des 
Cordilleres,  pp.  203,  204  ;  and 
Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI.  pp. 
155,  222,)  he  has  given  such  an 
exposition,  as  shows  the  old  Az- 
tecs to  have  been  as  orthodox 
Christians,  as  any  subjects  of  tiie 
Pope. 


106  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

without  any,  and  cannot  now  be  unriddled.  Had 
the  Mexicans  made  free  use  of  a  phonetic  alphabet, 
it  might  have  been  originally  easy,  by  mastering  the 
comparatively  few  signs  employed  in  this  kind  of 
communication,  to  have  got  a  permanent  key  to  the 
whole.^  A  brief  inscription  has  furnished  a  clue  to 
the  vast  labyrinth  of  Egyptian  hieroglyphics.  But 
the  Aztec  characters,  representing  individuals,  or,  at 
most,  species,  require  to  be  made  out  separately ;  a 
hopeless  task,  for  which  little  aid  is  to  be  expected 
from  the  vague  and  general  tenor  of  the  few  inter- 
pretations now  existing.  There  was,  as  already 
mentioned,  until  late  in  the  last  century,  a  professor 
in  the  University  of  Mexico,  especially  devoted  to 
the  study  of  the  national  picture-writing.  But,  as 
this  was  with  a  view  to  legal  proceedings,  his  infor- 
mation, probabl}^,  was  limited  to  deciphering  titles. 
In  less  than  a  hundred  years  after  the  Conquest,  the 
knowledge  of  the  hieroglyphics  had  so  far  declined, 
that  a  diligent  Tezcucan  writer  complains  he  could 
find  in  the  country  only  two  persons,  both  very  aged, 
at  all  competent  to  interpret  them.-"' 


^  The  total  number  of  Egyp-  Boturini,  who  travelled  through 

tian    hieroglyphics   discovered    by  every  part  of  the  country,  in  the 

ChampoUion  amounts  to  864  ;  and  middle  of  the  last  century,  could 

of  these   130  only  are   phonetic,  not  meet  with  an  individual  who 

notwithstanding  tliat  this  kind   of  could  afford  him  the  least  clue  to 

character  is  used  far  more  frequent-  the  Aztec  hieroglyphics.    So  com- 

ly  than  both  the  others.     Precis,  pletely  had  every  vestige  of  their 

p.  203  ;  —  also  Spineto,  Lectures,  ancient  language  been  swept  away 

lect.  3.  from  the  memory  of  the  natives. 

25  Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.     Chich.,  (Idea,  p.  116.)     If  we  are  to  be- 

MS.,  Dedic.  lieve  Bustamante,  however,  a  com- 


Ch.  IV.]  MANUSCRIPTS.  107 

It  is  not  probable,  therefore,  that  the  art  of  read- 
ing these  picture-writings  will  ever  be  recovered  ;  a 
circumstance  certainly  to  be  regretted.  Not  that 
the  records  of  a  semi-civilized  people  would  be  like- 
ly to  contain  any  new  truth  or  discovery  important 
to  human  comfort  or  progress ;  but  they  could  scarce- 
ly fail  to  throw  some  additional  light  on  the  previous 
history  of  the  nation,  and  that  of  the  more  polished 
people  who  before  occupied  the  country.  This 
would  be  still  more  probable,  if  any  literary  relics  of 
their  Toltec  predecessors  were  preserved  ;  and,  if  re- 
port be  true,  an  important  compilation  from  this 
source  was  extant  at  the  time  of  the  invasion,  and 
may  have  perhaps  contributed  to  swell  the  holo- 
caust of  Zumarraga.'^  It  is  no  great  stretch  of 
fancy,  to  suppose  that  such  records  might  reveal  the 


plete  key  to  the  whole  system  is,  &c.,  &c.,  a  good  deal  too  much 
at  this  moment,  someivhere  in  for  one  book.  Ignolum  pro  mag- 
Spain.  It  was  carried  home,  at  nifico.  It  has  never  been  seen  by 
the  time  of  the  process  against  a  European.  A  copy  is  said  to 
father  Mier,  in  1795.  The  name  have  been  in  possession  of  the 
of  the  Mexican  ChampoUion  who  Tezcucan  chroniclers,  on  the  taking 
discovered  it  is  Borunda.  Gama,  of  their  capital.  (Bustamante, 
Descripcion,  tom.  11.  p.  33,  nota.  CronicaMexicana, (Mexico,  1822,) 
26  Teoamoxtli,  "the  divine  carta 3.)  Lord Kingsborough, who 
book,"  as  it  was  called.  Accord-  can  scent  out  a  Hebrew  root,  be  it 
ing  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  it  was  com-  buried  never  so  deep,  has  discov- 
posed  by  a  Tezcucan  doctor,  named  ered  that  the  Teoamoxtli  was  the 
Huematzin,  towards  the  close  of  Pentateuch.  Thus,  —  teo  means 
the  seventh  century.  (Relaciones,  "divine,"  amotl,  "paper"  or 
MS.)  It  gave  an  account  of  the  "book,"  and  moxtli  ^^ appears  to 
migrations  of  his  nation  from  Asia,  be  Moses,"  —  "Divine  Book  of 
of  the  various  stations  on  their  jour-  Moses  " !  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol 
ney,  of  their  social  and  religious  VI.  p.  204,  nota. 
institutions,   their    science,    arts, 


108  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

sticcessive  links  in  the  mighty  chain  of  migration 
of  the  primitive  races,  and,  by  carrying  us  back  to 
the  seat  of  their  possessions  in  the  Old  World,  have 
solved  the  mystery  which  has  so  long  perplexed  the 
learned,  in  regard  to  the  settlement  and  civilization 
of  the  New. 

Besides  the  hieroglyphical  maps,  the  traditions 
of  the  country  were  embodied  in  the  songs  and 
hymns,  which,  as  already  mentioned,  were  carefully 
taught  in  the  public  schools.  These  were  various, 
embracing  the  mythic  legends  of  a  heroic  age,  the 
warlike  achievements  of  their  own,  or  the  softer  tales 
of  love  and  pleasure. ^'^  Many  of  them  were  com- 
posed by  scholars  and  persons  of  rank,  and  are 
cited  as  affording  the  most  authentic  record  of 
events.^^  The  Mexican  dialect  was  rich  and  ex- 
pressive, though  inferior  to  the  Tezcucan,  the  most 
polished  of  the  idioms  of  Anahuac.  None  of  the 
Aztec  compositions  have  survived,  but  we  can  form 
some  estimate  of  the  general  state  of  poetic  culture 
from  the  odes  which  have  come  down  to  us  from 
the  royal  house  of  Tezcuco.^^  Sahagun  has  fur- 
nished us  with  translations  of  their  more  elaborate 
prose,  consisting  of  prayers  and   public  discourses, 


27  Boturini,  Idea,  pp.  90-97. —  dida,  que  siempre  observaroa  y 
Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messi'io,  torn,  adquirieron  la  verdad,  y  esta  con 
II.  pp.  174  - 178.  tanta,    y   razon,   quanta   pudieron 

28  "  Los  cantos  con  que  las  ob-  tener  los  mas  graves  y  fidedig- 
servaban  Autores  muy  graves  en  nosAutores."  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist, 
su  modo   de    ciencia  y   facultad,  Chich.,  MS.,  Prologo. 

pues  fueron  los  mismos  Reyes,  y  20  gee  Chap.  6,  of  this  Intro- 

de  la  gente  mas  ilustre  y  enten-  duction. 


ch.  iv]  arithmetic.  109 

which  give  a  favorable  idea  of  their  eloquence,  and 
show  that  they  paid  much  attention  to  rhetorical 
effect.  They  are  said  to  have  had,  also,  something 
like  theatrical  exhibitions,  of  a  pantomimic  sort,  in 
which  the  faces  of  the  performers  were  covered  with 
masks,  and  the  figures  of  birds  or  animals  were 
frequendy  represented  ;  an  imitation,  to  which  they 
may  have  been  led  by  the  familiar  delineation  of 
such  objects  in  their  hieroglyphics.^''  In  all  this 
we  see  the  dawning  of  a  literary  culture,  surpassed, 
however,  by  their  attainments  in  the  severer  walks 
of  mathematical  science. 

They  devised  a  system  of  notation  in  their  arith- 
metic, sufficiently  simple.  The  first  twenty  numbers 
were  expressed  by  a  corresponding  number  of  dots. 
The  first  five  had  specific  names ;  after  which  they 
were  represented  by  combining  the  fifth  with  one  of 
the  four  preceding ;  as  five  and  one  for  six,  five  and 
two  for  seven,  and  so  on.  Ten  and  fifteen  had 
each  a  separate  name,  which  was  also  combined 
with  the  first  four,  to  express  a  higher  quantity. 
These  four,  therefore,  were  the  radical  characters  of 
their  oral  arithmetic,  in  the  same  manner  as  they 
were  of  the  written  with  the  ancient  Romans ;  a 
more  simple  arrangement,  probably,  than  any  exist- 
ing among  Europeans.^'     Twenty  was  expressed  by 

30  See   some   account  of  these  gravings  of  them  are  both  in  Lord 

mummeries  in  Acosta,  (lib.  5,  cap.  Kingsborough's  work,  and  in  the 

30,) — also  Clavigero    (Stor.  del  Antiquites  Mexicaines. 

Messico,  ubi  supra).     Stone  mod-  31  Gama,  Descripcion ,  Parte  2, 

els  of  masks  are  sometimes  found  Apend.  2. 

among  the  Indian  ruins,  and  en-  Gama,  in  comparing  the  language 


110  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

a  separate  hieroglyphic,  —  a  flag.  Larger  sums 
were  reckoned  by  twenties,  and,  in  writing,  by  re- 
peating the  number  of  flags.  The  square  of  twenty, 
four  hundred,  had  a  separate  sign,  that  of  a  plume, 
and  so  had  the  cube  of  twenty,  or  eight  thousand, 
which  was  denoted  by  a  purse,  or  sack.  This  was 
the  whole  arithmetical  apparatus  of  the  Mexicans, 
by  the  combination  of  which  they  were  enabled  to 
indicate  any  quantity.  For  greater  expedition,  they 
used  to  denote  fractions  of  the  larger  sums  by  draw- 
ing only  a  part  of  the  object.  Thus,  half  or  three 
fourths  of  a  plume,  or  of  a  purse,  represented  that 
proportion  of  their  respective  sums,  and  so  on.^ 
With  all  this,  the  machinery  will  appear  very  awk- 
ward to  us,  who  perform  our  operations  with  so 
much  ease,  by  means  of  the  Arabic,  or,  rather,  Indian 
ciphers.  It  is  not  much  more  awkward,  however, 
than  the  system  pursued  by  the  great  mathemati- 
cians of  antiquity,  unacquainted  with  the  brilliant 
invention,  which  has  given  a  new  aspect  to  mathe- 
matical science,  of  determining  the  value,  in  a  great 
measure,  by  the  relative  position  of  the  figures. 

In  the  measurement  of  time,  the  Aztecs  ad- 
justed their  civil  year  by  the  solar.  They  di- 
vided it  into  eighteen  months  of  twenty  days  each. 
Both  months  and  days  were  expressed  by  peculiar 
hieroglyphics,  —  those  of  the  former  often  intimating 

of  Mexican  notation  with  the  de-        ^  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
cimal   system  of  the   Europeans,        This  learned  Mexican  has  given 

and  the  ingenious  binary  system  a  very  satisfactory  treatise  on  the 

of  Leibnitz,  confounds  oral  with  arithmetic  of  the  Aztecs,  in  his 

written  arithmetic.  second  part. 


Ch.  IV.]  CHRONOLOGY.  1 1 1 

the  season  of  the  year,  like  the  French  months,  at 
the  period  of  the  Revolution.  Five  complementary 
days,  as  in  Egypt,^^  were  added,  to  make  up  the  full 
number  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five.  They  be- 
longed to  no  month,  and  were  regarded  as  peculiarly 
unlucky.  A  month  was  divided  into  four  weeks,  of 
five  days  each,  on  the  last  of  which  was  the  public 
fair,  or  market  day.^'  This  arrangement,  differing 
from  that  of  the  nations  of  the  Old  Continent, 
whether  of  Europe  or  Asia,^^  has  the  advantage  of 
giving  an  equal  number  of  days  to  each  month,  and 
of  comprehending  entire  weeks,  without  a  fraction, 
both  in  the  months  and  in  the  year."^*^ 

As  the  year  is  composed  of  nearly  six  hours  more 
than  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days,  there  still 
remained  an  excess,  which,  like  other  nations  who 
have  framed  a  calendar,  they  provided  for  by  in- 
tercalation ;  not,  indeed,  every  fourth  year,  as  the 
Europeans,^"  but  at  longer  intervals,  like  some  of  the 

33  Herodotus,  Euterpe,  sec.  4.       monument  existing  of  astronom- 

34  Sahagun,   Hist,    de    Nueva    ical  science.     See  La  Place,  Ex- 
Espafia,  lib.  4,  Apend.  position   du   Syst^me  du   Monde, 

According  to  Clavigero,  the  fairs  (Paris,  1808,)  lib.  5,  chap.  1. 
were  held  on  the  days  bearing  the        36  Veytia,  Historia  Antigua  de 

sign  of  the  year.     Stor.  del  Mes-  Mejico,(Mejico,  180G,)  torn.  I.  cap. 

sico,  torn.  n.  p.  62.  fi,  7.  — Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte 

35  The  people  of  Java,  accord-  1,  pp.  33,  34,  et  alibi.  —  Boturini, 
ing  to  Sir  Stamford  Raffles,  reg-  Idea,  pp.  4,  44,  et  seq.  —  Cod. 
ulated  their  markets,  also,  by  a  Tel. -Rem.,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico, 
week  of  five  days.  They  had,  vol.VI.p.  104. — Camargo,Hist.  de 
besides,  our  week  of  seven.  (His-  Tlascala,  MS.  —  Toribio,  Hist,  de 
tory  of  Java,  (London,  1830,)  vol.  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  5. 
L,  pp.  531,  532.)  The  latter  di-  37  Sahagun  intimates  doubts  of 
vision  of  time,  of  general  use  this.  "  Otra  fiesta  hacian  de  cua- 
throughout  the  East,  is  the  oldest  tro  en   cuatro   aiios  a  honra  del 


112 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book   I. 


Asiatics.^^  They  waited  till  the  expiration  of  fifty- 
two  vague  years,  when  they  interposed  thirteen  days, 
or  rather  twelve  and  a  half,  this  being  the  number 
which  had  fallen  in  arrear.  Had  they  inserted  thir- 
teen, it  would  have  been  too  much,  since  tlie  annual 
excess  over  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  is  about 
eleven  minutes  less  than  six  hours.  But,  as  their 
calendar,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  was  found  to 
correspond  with  the  European,  (making  allowance 
for  the  subsequent  Gregorian  reform,)  they  would 
seem  to  have  adopted  the  shorter  period  of  twelve 
days  and  a  half,^^  which  brought  them,  within  an 


fuego,  y  en  esta  fiesta  cs  verosimil, 
y  hay  congeturas  que  hacian  su 
visiesto  contando  seis  dias  de  ne- 
mnntemi''^ ;  the  five  unlucky  com- 
plementary days  were  so  called. 
(Hist,  de  Nueva  Espaiia,  lib.  4, 
Apend.)  But  this  author,  how- 
ever good  an  authority  for  the 
superstitions,  is  an  indiflferent  one 
lor  the  science  of  the  Mexicans. 

38  The  Persians  had  a  cycle  of 
one  hundred  and  tvi'enty  years,  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days 
each ,  at  the  end  of  which  they  inter- 
calated thirty  days.  (Humboldt, 
Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  177.) 
This  was  the  same  as  thirteen  after 
the  cycle  of  fifty-two  years  of  the 
Mexicans  ;  but  was  less  accurate 
than  their  probable  intercalation 
of  twelve  days  and  a  half.  It  is 
obviously  indifferent,  as  far  as  ac- 
curacy is  concerned,  which  mul- 
tiple of  four  is  selected  to  form 
the  cycle  ;  though,  the  shorter  the 
interval  of  intercalation,  the  less, 


of  course,  will  be  the  temporary 
departure  from  the  true  time. 

^  This  is  the  conclusion  to 
which  Gama  arrives,  after  a  very 
careful  investigation  of  the  subject. 
He  supposes  that  the  "bundles,'" 
or  cycles,  of  fifty-two  years,  —  by 
which,  as  we  shall  see,  the  Mex- 
icans computed  time,  —  ended,  al- 
ternately, at  midnight  and  mid- 
day. (Descripcion,  Parte  1,  p. 
52,  et  seq.)  He  finds  some  war- 
rant for  this  in  Acosta's  account, 
(lib.  6,  cap.  2,)  though  contra- 
dicted by  Torquemada,  (Monarch. 
Ind.,  lib.  5,  cap.  33,)  and,  as  it 
appears,  by  Sahagun,  —  whose 
work,  however,  Gama  never  saw, 
—  (Hist,  de  Nueva  Espaiia,  lib. 
7,  cap.  9,)  both  of  whom  place 
the  close  of  the  year  at  midnight. 
Gama's  hypothesis  derives  con- 
firmation from  a  circumstance  I 
have  not  seen  noticed.  Besides 
the  "bundle  "  of  fifty-two  years, 
the  Mexicans  had  a  larger  cycle 


Ch.  IV.] 


CHRONOLOGY. 


113 


almost  inappreciable  fraction,  to  the  exact  length  of 
the  tropical  year,  as  established  by  the  most  accurate 
observations.^"  Indeed,  the  intercalation  of  twenty- 
five  days,  in  every  hundred  and  four  years,  shows  a 
nicer  adjustment  of  civil  to  solar  time  than  is  pre- 
sented by  any  European  calendar ;  since  more  than 
five  centuries  must  elapse,  before  the  loss  of  an  en- 
tire day.^'  Such  was  the  astonishing  precision  dis- 
played by  the  Aztecs,  or,  perhaps,  by  their  more 
polished  Toltec  predecessors,  in  these  computations, 
so  difficult  as  to  have  baffled,  till  a  comparatively  re-' 
cent  period,  the  most  enlightened  nations  of  Chris- 
tendom !  ^ 


of  one  hundred  and  four  years, 
called  "an  old  age."  As  this 
was  not  used  in  their  reckonings, 
which  were  carried  on  by  their 
"  bundles,"  it  seems  highly  prob- 
able that  it  was  designed  to  ex- 
press the  period  which  would 
bring  round  the  commencement  of 
the  smaller  cycles  to  the  same 
hour,  and  in  which  the  intercalary 
days,  amounting  to  twenty-five, 
might  be  comprehended  without  a 
fraction. 

40  This  length,  as  computed  by 
Zach,  at  365d.  5h.  48m.  48sec., 
is  only  2m.  9sec.  longer  than  the 
Mexican  ;  which  corresponds  with 
the  celebrated  calculation  of  the 
astronomers  of  the  Caliph  Alraa- 
mon,  that  fell  short  about  two 
minutes  of  the  true  time.  See 
La  Place,  Exposition,  p.  350. 

4t    "El  corto  exceso  de  4hor. 


38min.  40seg.,  que  hay  de  mas  de 
los  25  dias  en  el  periodo  de  104 
afios,  no  puede  componer  un  dia 
entero,  hasta  que  pasen  mas  de 
cinco  de  estos  periodos  maximos  6 
538  ailos."  (Gama,  Descripcion, 
Parte  1,  p.  23.)  Gama  estimates 
the  solar  year  at  365d.  5h.  48m. 
50sec. 

■^2  The  ancient  Etruscans  ar- 
ranged their  calendar  in  cycles  of 
110  solar  years,  and  reckoned  the 
year  at  365d.  5h.  40m.  ;  at  least, 
this  seems  probable,  says  Niebuhr. 
(History  of  Rome,  Eng.  trans., 
(Cambridge,  1828,)  vol.  I.  pp. 
113,  238.)  The  early  Romans 
had  not  wit  enough  to  avail  them- 
selves of  this  accurate  measure- 
ment, which  came  within  nine 
minutes  of  the  true  time.  The 
Julian  reform,  which  assumed 
365d.   5dh.   as  the   length  of  the 


VOL.    T. 


15 


114 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book  1 


The  chronological  system  of  the  Mexicans,  b_y 
which  they  determined  the  date  of  any  particulai 
event,  was,  also,  very  remarkable.  The  epoch,  from 
which  they  reckoned,  corresponded  with  the  yeai 
1091,  of  the  Christian  era.  It  was  the  period  of 
the  reform  of  their  calendar,  soon  after  their  migra- 
tion from  Aztlan.  They  threw  the  years,  as  already 
noticed,  into  great  cycles,  of  fifty-two  each,  which 
they  called  "  sheafs,"  or  "  bundles,"  and  represented 
by  a  quantity  of  reeds  bound  together  by  a  string. 
As  often  as  this  hieroglyphic  occurs  in  their  maps, 
it  shows  the  number  of  half  centuries.  To  enable 
them  to  specify  any  particular  year,  they  divided  the 


year,  erred  as  much,  or  rather 
more,  on  the  other  side.  And 
when  the  Europeans,  who  adopted 
this  calendar,  landed  in  Mexico, 
their  reckoning  was  nearly  eleven 
days  in  advance  of  the  exact  time, 
—  or,  in  other  words,  of  the  reck- 
oning of  the  barbarous  Aztecs  ;  a 
remarkable  fact. 

Gama's  researches  lead  to  the 
conclusion,  that  the  year  of  the 
new  cycle  began  with  the  Aztecs 
on  the  ninth  of  January  ;  a  date 
considerably  earlier  than  that  usu- 
ally assigned  by  the  Mexican  wri- 
ters. (Descripcion,  Parte  I,  pp. 
49-52.)  By  postponing  the  in- 
tercalation to  the  end  of  fifty-two 
years,  the  annual  loss  of  six  hours 
made  every  fourth  year  begin  a 
day  earlier.  Thus,  the  cycle  com- 
mencing on  the  ninth  of  January, 
the  fifth  year  of  it  began  on  the 


eighth,  the  ninth  year  on  the  sev- 
enth, and  so  on  ;  so  that  the  last 
day  of  the  series  of  fifty-two  years 
fell  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  Decem- 
ber, when  the  intercalation  of  thir- 
teen days  rectified  the  chronolog}'. 
and  carried  the  commencement  of 
the  new  year  to  the  ninth  of  Jan- 
uary again.  Torquemacia,  puzzled 
by  the  irregularity  of  the  new- 
year's  day,  asserts  that  the  Mex- 
icans were  unacquainted  with  the 
annual  eslcess  of  six  hours,  and 
therefore  never  intercalated  !  (Mon- 
arch. Ind.,  lib.  10,  cap.  36.)  The 
interpreter  of  the  Vatican  Codex 
has  fallen  into  a  series  of  blunders 
on  the  same  subject,  still  more 
ludicrous.  (Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol. 
VI.  PI.  16.)  So  soon  had  Aztec 
science  fallen  into  oblivion,  afte' 
the  Conquest ! 


Ch.  IV.]  CHRONOLOGY.  115 

great  cycle  into  four  smaller  cycles,  or  indictions,  ot 
thirteen  years  each.  They  then  adopted  two  periodi- 
cal series  of  signs,  one  consisting  of  their  numerical 
dots,  up  to  thirteen,  the  other,  of  four  hieroglyphics 
of  the  years.^^  These  latter  they  repeated  in  regular 
succession,  setting  against  each  one  a  number  of  the 
corresponding  series  of  dots,  continued  also  in  reg- 
ular succession  up  to  thirteen.  The  same  system 
was  pursued  through  the  four  indictions,  which  thus. 
It  will  be  observed,  began  always  with  a  different 
hieroglyphic  of  the  year  from  the  preceding;  and 
in  this  way,  each  of  the  hieroghphics  was  made  to 
combine  successively  with  each  of  the  numerical 
signs,  but  never  twice  with  the  same ;  since  four, 
and  thirteen,  the  factors  of  fifty-two,  —  the  number 
of  years  in  the  cycle,  —  must  admit  of  just  as  many 
combinations  as  are  equal  .to  their  product.  Thus 
every  year  had  its  appropriate  symbol,  by  which  it 
was,  at  once,  recognised.  And  this  symbol,  pre- 
ceded by  the  proper  number  of  "  bundles,"  indicat- 
ing the  half  centuries,  showed  the  precise  time 
which  had  elapsed  since  the  national  epoch  of 
1091.'"  The  ingenious  contrivance  of  a  periodical 
series,  in  place  of  the  cumbrous  system  of  hiero- 


43  These  hieroglyphics  were  a  bit"  and  "air,"  which  lead  the 

"  rabbit,"  a  "  reed,"  a  "  flint,"  a  respective  series, 

"house."     They  were   taken  as  ^  The  following  table  of  two 

.sj'^mbolical  of  the   four  elements,  of  the  four  indictions  of  thirteen 

air,  water,  fire,  earth,  according  to  years   each   will    make    the   texi 

Veytia.  (Hist.  Antig.,  tom.  I.  cap.  moreclear.  The  first  column  shows 

5.)     It  is  not  easy  to  see  the  con-  the  actual  year  of  the  great  cycle, 

nexion  between  the  terms  "  rab-  or  "  bundle."  The  second,  the  nu- 


116 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION 


[Book  1. 


glyphical  notation,  is  not  peculiar  to  the  Aztecs,  and 
is  to  be  found  among  various  people,  on  the  Asiatic 

merical  dots  used  in  their  arithme-     hieroglyphics  for  rabbit,  reed,  flint, 
tic.  The  third  is  composed  of  their     house,  in  their  regular  order. 


First  Indiction. 


Second  Indiction. 


Year 
f  the 

Jycl©. 

1. 

2. 

•    • 

3. 

.    .    . 

4. 

.... 

5. 

6. 

.    .    .    .    . 

7. 

.    .    .    .    . 

8. 

'.'.','' 

9. 

::.'.' 

10 

11. 

12. 

'.'.'' 

13. 

'.'.'.' 

Year 
of  the 
Cycle. 

14. 
15. 
16. 
17. 

18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 
26. 


S 


liy  pursuing   the   combinations  coincide    with    the    same    'a:  rv. 

through  the  two  remaining  indie-  glyphic. 

tioiis,   it   will   be  found    that   the  These     tables     are     genc-..illy 

same  number  of  dots  will   never  thrown  into  the   form  of  wheels, 


Ch.  IV.] 


CHRONOLOGY. 


117 


continent,  —  the  same  in  principle,  though  varying 
materially  in  arrangement.^'' 

The  solar  calendar,  above  described,  might  have 
answered  all  the  purposes  of  the  nation ;  but  the 
priests  chose  to  construct  another  for  themselves. 
This  was  called  a  "  lunar  reckoning,"  though  nowise 
accommodated  to  the  revolutions  of  the  moon.^^     It 


as  are  those,  also,  of  their  months 
and  days,  having  a  very  pretty 
effect.  Several  have  been  publish- 
ed, at  different  times,  from  the  col- 
lections of  Siguenza  and  Boturini. 
The  wheel  of  the  great  cycle  of 
fifty-two  years  is  encompassed  by  a 
serpent,  which  was  also  the  sym- 
bol of  "an  age,"  both  with  the 
Persians  and  Egyptians.  Father 
Toribio  seems  to  misapprehend 
the  nature  of  these  chronological 
wheels  ;  "  Tenian  rodelas  y  escu- 
dos,  y  en  alias  pintadas  las  figuras 
y  armas  de  sus  Demonios  con  su 
blason."  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS., 
Parte  1,  cap.  4. 

^  Among  the  Chinese,  Japan- 
ese, Moghols,  Mantchous,  and  oth- 
er families  of  the  Tartar  race. 
Their  series  are  composed  of  sym- 
bols of  their  five  elements,  and 
the  twelve  zodiacal  signs,  making 
a  cycle  of  sixty  years'  duration. 
Their  several  systems  are  exhib- 
ited, in  connexion  with  the  Mex- 
ican, in  the  luminous  pages  of 
Humboldt,  (Vues  des  Cordilleres, 
p.  149,)  who  draws  important  con- 
sequences from  the  comparison,  to 
wliich  we  shall  have  occasion  to 
return  hereafter. 

^  In  this  calendar,  the  months 


of  the  tropical  year  were  dis 
tributed  into  cycles  of  thirteen 
days,  which,  being  repeated  twenty 
times, — the  number  of  days  in  a 
solar  month,  —  completed  the  lu- 
nar, or  astrological,  year  of  260 
days  ;  when  the  reckoning  began 
again.  "By  the  contrivance  of 
these  trecenas  (terms  of  thirteen 
days)  and  the  cycle  of  fifty-two 
years,"  saysGama,  "they  formed 
a  luni-solar  period,  most  exact  for 
astronomical  purposes."  (Descrip- 
cion,Partel,p.  27.)  Headds,that 
these  trecenas  were  suggested  by 
the  periods  in  which  the  moon  is 
visible  before  and  after  conjunction. 
(Loc.  cit.)  It  seems  hardly  possible 
that  a  people,  capable  of  construct- 
ing a  calendar  so  accurately  on  the 
true  principles  of  solar  time,  should 
so  grossly  err  as  to  suppose,  that, 
in  this  reckoning,  they  really  "  rep- 
resented the  daily  revolutions  of 
the  moon."  "  The  whole  Eastern 
world,"  says  the  learned  Niebuhr, 
"  has  followed  the  moon  in  its  cal- 
endar ;  the  free  scientific  division 
of  a  vast  portion  of  time  is  pecu- 
liar to  the  West.  Connected  with 
the  West  is  that  primeval  extinct 
world  which  we  call  the  New." 
History  of  Rome,  vol.  I.  p.  239. 


118 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book  I. 


was  formed,  also,  of  two  periodical  series,  one  of 
them  consisting  of  thirteen  numerical  signs,  or  dots, 
the  other,  of  the  twenty  hieroglyphics  of  the  days. 
But,  as  the  product  of  these  combinations  would  only 
be  260,  and,  as  some  confusion  might  arise  from  the 
rep6'tition  of  the  same  terms  for  the  remaining  105 
days  of  the  year,  they  invented  a  third  series,  con- 
sisting of  nine  additional  hieroglyphics,  which,  alter- 
nating with  the  two  preceding  series,  rendered  it  im- 
possible that  the  three  should  coincide  twice  in  the 
same  year,  or  indeed  in  less  than  2340  days ;  since  20 
X  13  X  9  =  2340.'*^  Thirteen  was  a  mystic  number, 
of  frequent  use  in  their  tables.^®  Why  they  resorted 
to  that  of  nine,  on  this  occasion,  is  not  so  clear .^^ 


47  They  were  named  ' '  compan- 
ions," and  "lords  of  the  night," 
and  were  supposed  to  preside  over 
the  night,  as  the  other  signs  did 
over  the  day.  Boturini,  Idea,  p.  57. 

'^  Thus,  their  astrological  year 
was  divided  into  months  of  thir- 
teen days,  there  were  thirteen 
years  in  their  indictions,  which 
contained  each  three  hundred  and 
sixty-five  periods  of  thirteen  days, 
&c.  It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  the 
number  of  lunar  months  of  thir- 
teen days,  contained  in  a  cycle  of 
fifty-two  years,  with  the  intercala- 
tion, should  correspond  precisely 
with  the  number  of  years  in  the 
great  Sothic  period  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, namely,  1491  ;  a  period,  in 
which  the  seasons  and  festivals 
came  round  to  the  same  place  in 
the  year  again.  The  coincidence 
may  be  accidental.     But  a  people 


employing  periodical  series,  and 
astrological  calculations,  have  gen- 
erally some  meaning  in  the  num- 
bers they  select  and  the  combina- 
tions to  which  they  lead. 

^3  According  to  Gama,  (Descrip- 
cion,  Pai'te  1,  pp.  75,  76,)  because 
360  can  be  divided  by  nine  without 
a  fraction  ;  the  nine  ' '  companions  ' ' 
not  being  attached  to  the  five  com- 
plementary days.  But  4,  a  mystic 
number  much  used  in  their  arith- 
metical combinations,  would  have 
answered  the  same  purpose,  equal- 
ly well.  In  regard  to  this,  McCul- 
loh  observes,  with  much  shrewd- 
ness, "  It  seems  impossible  that 
the  Mexicans,  so  careful  in  con- 
structing their  cycle,  should  ab- 
ruptly terminate  it  with  360  revo- 
lutions, whose  natural  period  of 
termination  is  2340."  And  he 
supposes  the  nine  "companions" 


Ch.  IV.]  CHRONOLOGY.  119 

This  second  calendar  rouses  a  holy  indignation  in 
the  early  Spanish  missionaries,  and  father  Sahagun 
loudly  condemns  it,  as  "  most  unhallowed,  since  it  is 
founded  neither  on  natural  reason,  nor  on  the  influ- 
ence of  the  planets,  nor  on  the  true  course  of  the 
year ;  but  is  plainly  the  work  of  necromancy,  and 
the  fruit  of  a  compact  with  the  Devil !  "^°  One  may 
doubt,  whether  the  superstition  of  those  who  in- 
vented the  scheme  was  greater  than  that  of  those 
who  thus  impugned  it.  At  all  events,  we  may, 
without  having  recourse  to  supernatural  agency,  find 
in  the  human  heart  a  sufficient  explanation  of  its 
origin ;  in  that  love  of  power,  that  has  led  the  priest- 
hood of  many  a  faith  to  affect  a  mystery,  the  key  to 
which  was  in  their  own  keeping. 

By  means  of  this  calendar,  the  Aztec  priests  kept 
their  own  records,  regulated  the  festivals  and  seasons 

were  used  in  connexion  with  the  solar  year  might  have  annexed  to  it 
cycles  of  260  days,  in  order  to  the  first  of  the  nine  "  companions," 
throw  them  into  the  larger  ones,  which  signified  "  lord  of  the  year  "; 
of  2340  ;  eight  of  which,  with  a  (Idea,  p.  57  ;  )  a  result  which 
ninth  of  260  days,  he  ascertains  to  might  have  been  equally  well  se- 
be  equal  to  the  great  solar  period  cured,  without  any  intermission 
of  52  years.  (Researches,  pp.  207,  at  all,  by  taking  5,  another  favor- 
208.)  This  is  very  plausible.  But  ite  number,  instead  of  9,  as  the 
in  fact  the  combinations  of  the  two  divisor.  As  it  was,  however, 
first  series,  forming  the  cycle  of  the  cycle,  as  far  as  the  third  se- 
260  days,  were  always  interrupted  ries  was  concerned,  did  terminate 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  since  each  with  360  revolutions.  The  sub- 
new  year  began  with  the  same  ject  is  a  perplexing  one ;  and  I 
hieroglyphic  of  the  days.  The  third  can  hardly  hope  to  have  presented 
series  of  the  "  companions  "  was  it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  it 
intermitted,  as  above  stated,  on  the  perfectly  clear  to  the  reader, 
five  unlucky  days  which  closed  the  ^^  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espafia,  lib 
year,  in  order,  if  we  may  believe  4,  Introd. 
Boturini,  that  the  first  day  of  the 


120  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

of  sacrifice,  and  made  all  their  astrological  calcula- 
tions.''^ The  false  science  of  astrology  is  natural  to 
a  state  of  society  partially  civilized,  where  the  mind, 
impatient  of  the  slow  and  cautious  examination  by 
which  alone  it  can  arrive  at  truth,  launches,  at 
once,  into  the  regions  of  speculation,  and  rashly 
attempts  to  lift  the  veil,  —  the  impenetrable  veil, 
which  is  drawn  around  the  mysteries  of  nature.  It 
is  the  characteristic  of  true  science,  to  discern  the 
impassable,  but  not  very  obvious,  limits  which  divide 
the  province  of  reason  from  that  of  speculation. 
Such  knowledge  comes  tardily.  How  many  ages 
have  rolled  away,  in  which  powers,  that,  rightly  di- 
rected, might  have  revealed  the  great  laws  of  nature, 
have  been  wasted  in  brilliant,  but  barren,  reveries  on 
alchemy  and  astrology ! 

The  latter  is  more  particularly  the  study  of  a 
primitive  age ;  when  the  mind,  incapable  of  arriving 
at  the  stupendous  fact,  that  the  myriads  of  minute 
lights,  glowing  in  the  firmament,  are  the  centres  of 
systems  as  glorious  as  our  own,  is  naturally  led  to 
speculate  on  their  probable  uses,  and  to  connect 
them  in  some  way  or  other  with  man,  for  whose 
convenience  every  other  object  in  the  universe  seems 
to  have  been  created.  As  the  eye  of  the  simple 
child  of  nature  watches,  through  the  long  nights,  the 

51  "  Dans  les  pays  Ics  plus  dif-  doce  a  du  au  culte  des  elements  et 

ferents,"  says  Benjamin  Constant,  des  astres  un  pouvoir  dont  aujour- 

concluding    some   sensible   reflec-  d'hui     nous     concevons    a    peine 

lions  on  the  sources  of  thp  saccr-  I'idee."     De  la  Religion,  (Paris 

dotal  power,  "  chez  les  pcuples  de  1825.)  lib.  3,  ch.  5. 
nicBurs  les  plus  oppos'-os,  le  sacer- 


Ch.  IV.]  ASTRONOMY.  121 

Stately  march  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  sees  the 
bright  hosts  coming  up,  one  after  another,  and  chan 
ging  with  the  changing  seasons  of  the  year,  he  natu- 
rally associates  them  with  those  seasons,  as  the  pe- 
riods over  which  they  hold  a  mysterious  influence. 
In  the  same  manner,  he  connects  their  appearance 
with  any  interesting  event  of  the  time,  and  explores, 
in  their  flaming  characters,  the  destinies  of  the  new- 
born infant.''"  Such  is  the  origin  of  astrology,  the 
false  lights  of  which  have  continued  from  the  earliest 
ages  to  dazzle  and  bewilder  mankind,  till  they  have 
faded  away  in  the  superior  illumination  of  a  com- 
paratively recent  period. 

The  astrological  scheme  of  the  Aztecs  was  founded 
less  on  the  planetary  influences,  than  on  those  of 
the  arbitrary  signs  they  had  adopted  for  the  months 
and  days.  The  character  of  the  leading  sign,  in 
each  lunar  cycle  of  thirteen  days,  gave  a  complexion 
to  the  whole  ;  though  this  was  qualified,  in  some 
degree,  by  the  signs  of  the  succeeding  days,  as  well 
as  by  those  of  the  hours.  It  was  in  adjusting  these 
conflicting  forces  that  the  great  art  of  the  diviner  was 
shown.  In  no  country,  not  even  in  ancient  Egypt, 
were  the  dreams  of  the  astrologer  more  implicitly 
deferred  to.     On  the  birth  of  a  child,  he  was  in- 


52  "It  is  a  gentle  and  affectionate  thought,     than  history,  when  he  tells  US,  in 
That,  in  immeasurable  heights  above  us, 
At  our  first  birth  the  wreath  of  love  was 
woven 


the   beautiful    passage   of   which 

this  is  part,  that  the  worship  of 

With  sparkling  stars  for  flowers."  the  stars  took  the  place  of  classic 

Coleridge,     Translation  of  Wal-      mythology.       It    existed    long    he- 

lenstein,     Act  2,  sc.  4.  /. 

fore  It. 
Schiller  is  more  true  to  poetry 

VOL.    I.  16 


122  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

stantly  summoned.  The  time  of  the  event  was 
accurately  ascertained ;  and  the  family  hung  in  trem- 
bling suspense,  as  the  minister  of  Heaven  cast  the 
horoscope  of  the  infant,  and  unrolled  the  dark  vol- 
ume of  destin}^  The  influence  of  the  priest  was 
confessed  by  the  Mexican,  in  the  very  first  breath 
which  he  inhaled.^^ 

We  know  little  further  of  the  astronomical  at- 
tainments of  the  Aztecs.  That  they  were  acquainted 
with  the  cause  of  eclipses  is  evident  from  the  repre- 
sentation, on  their  maps,  of  the  disk  of  the  moon 
projected  on  that  of  the  sun.^^  Whether  they  had 
arranged  a  system  of  constellations  is  uncertain ; 
though,  that  they  recognised  some  of  the  most  ob- 
vious, as  the  Pleiades,  for  example,  is  evident  from 
the  fact  that  they  regulated  their  festivals  by  them. 
We  know  of  no  astronomical  instruments  used  by 
them,  except  the  dial.'^-'     An  immense  circular  block 


^  Gama  has  given  us  a  com-  trous ;  and  was  never  contrived  by 

plete  almanac  of  the  astrological  human  reason."     The  good  father 

year,   with  the  appropriate  signs  was  certainly  no  philosopher, 

and  divisions,  showing  with  what  ^  See,  among  others,  the  Cod. 

scientific  skill   it  was  adapted  to  Tel.-Rem.,  Part  4,  PI.  22,  ap.  An- 

its   various   uses.       (Descripcion,  tiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  I. 

Paite  1,  pp.  25-31;  02-76.)  Sa-  ^5  "  It  can  hardly  be  doubted," 

hagun  has  devoted  a  whole  book  says   Lord   Kingsborough,   "that 

to   explaining   the   mystic  import  the  Mexicans  were  acquainted  with 

and  value  of  these  signs,  with  a  many   scientifical    instruments   of 

minuteness   that  may  enable  one  strange    invention,    as    compared 

to  cast  up  a  sclieme  of  nativity  for  with  our  own  ;  whether  the  tele- 

himself.    (Hist,  de  Nueva  Espafia,  scope  may  not  have  been   of  the 

lib.  4.)     It  is  evident  he  fully  be-  number  is  uncertain  ;  but  the  thir- 

lieved  the  magic  wonders  which  teenth  plate  of  M.  Dupaix's  Mon- 

he  told.     "  It  was  a  deceitful  art,"  umcnts,  Va.ri  Second,   which  rep 

he   says,  "  pernicious  and   idola-  resents  a  man  holding  som3thing 


:h.  IV.] 


ASTRONOMY. 


123 


of  carved  stone,  disinterred  in  1790,  in  the  great 
square  of  Mexico,  has  supplied  an  acute  and  learned 
scholar  with  the  means  of  establishing  some  inter- 
esting facts  in  regard  to  Mexican  science.''^  This 
colossal  fragment,  on  which  the  calendar  is  engraved, 
shows  that  they  had  the  means  of  settling  the  hours 
of  the  day  with  precision,  the  periods  of  the  solstices 
and  of  the  equinoxes,  and  that  of  the  transit  of  the 
sun  across  the  zenith  of  Mexico."^" 

We  cannot  contemplate  the  astronomical  science 
of  the  Mexicans,  so  disproportioned  to  their  progress 
in  other  walks  of  civilization,  without  astonishment. 
An  acquaintance  with  some  of  the  more  obvious 
principles  of  astronomy  is  within  the  reach  of  the 


of  a  similar  nature  to  his  eye,  af- 
fords reason  to  suppose  that  they 
knew  how  to  improve  the  powers 
of  vision."  (Antiq.  of  Mexico, 
vol.  VI.  p.  15,  note.)  The  in- 
strument alluded  to  is  rudely 
carved  on  a  conical  rock.  It  is 
raised  no  higher  than  the  neck 
of  the  person  who  holds  it,  and 
looks  —  to  my  thinking  —  as  much 
like  a  musket  as  a  telescope ; 
though  I  shall  not  infer  the  use  of 
firearms  among  the  Aztecs  from 
this  circumstance.  (See  vol.  IV. 
PL  15.)  Captain  Dupaix,  however, 
in  his  commentary  on  the  drawing, 
sees  quite  as  much  in  it  as  his 
Lordship.     Ibid.,  vol.  V.  p.  241. 

56  Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  1, 
sec.  4  ;  Parte  2,  Apend. 

Besides  this  colossal  fragment, 
Gama  met  with  some  others,  de- 
signed, probably,  for  similar  scien- 


tific uses,  at  Chapoltepec.  Before 
he  had  leisure  to  examine  them, 
however,  they  were  broken  up  for 
materials  to  build  a  furnace  !  A 
fate  not  unlike  that  which  has  too 
often  befallen  the  monuments  of 
ancient  art  in  the  Old  World. 

^"^  In  his  second  treatise  on  the 
cylindrical  stone,  Gama  dwells 
more  at  large  on  its  scientific  con- 
struction, as  a  vertical  sun-dial,  in 
order  to  dispel  the  doubts  of  some 
sturdy  skeptics  on  this  point.  (Des- 
cripcion, Parte  2,  Apend.  1.)  The 
civil  day  was  distributed  by  the 
Mexicans  into  sixteen  parts ;  and 
began,  like  that  of  most  of  the 
Asiatic  nations,  with  sunrise.  M. 
de  Humboldt,  who  probably  never 
saw  Gama's  second  treatise,  al- 
lows only  eight  intervals.  Vues 
des  Cordilleres,  p.  128. 


124  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

rudest  people.  With  a  little  care,  they  may  learn 
to  connect  the  regular  changes  of  the  seasons  with 
those  of  the  place  of  the  sun  at  his  rising  and  set- 
ting. They  may  follow  the  march  of  the  great  lu- 
minary through  the  heavens,  by  watching  the  stars 
that  first  brighten  on  his  evening  track,  or  fade  in 
his  morning  beams.  They  may  measure  a  revolu- 
tion of  the  moon,  by  marking  her  phases,  and  may 
even  form  a  general  idea  of  the  number  of  such 
revolutions  in  a  solar  year.  But  that  they  should 
be  capable  of  accurately  adjusting  their  festivals  by 
the  movements  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  should 
fix  the  true  length  of  the  tropical  year,  with  a  pre- 
cision unknown  to  the  great  philosophers  of  antiqui- 
ty, could  be  the  result  only  of  a  long  series  of  nice 
and  patient  observations,  evincing  no  slight  progress 
in  civilization.'^^  But  whence  could  the  rude  inhab- 
itants of  these  mountain  regions  have  derived  this 
curious  erudition  ?  Not  from  the  barbarous  hordes 
who  roamed  over  the  higher  latitudes  of  the  North ; 
nor  from  the  more  polished  races  on  the  Southern 
continent,  with  whom,  it  is  apparent,  they  had  no 
intercourse.  If  we  are  driven,  in  our  embarrass- 
ment,  like  the  greatest  astronomer  of  our  age,   to 

^  Un  calendrier,"  exclaims  the  naison.     II  faut  done  supposer  chez 

enthusiastic  Carli,  "  qui  est  reg\6  ces   peuples  une  suite  d'observa- 

sur  la  revolution  annuelle  du  so-  tions  astronomiques,  une  idee  dis- 

leil,  non   seulement  par  I'addition  tincte  de  la   sphere,  de  la  decli- 

de  cinq  jours  tous  les  ans,  mais  en-  naison  de  I'^cliptique,  et   I'usage 

core  par  la  correction  du  bissextile,  d'un   calcul  concernant  les  jours 

doit  sans  doute  etre  regarde  comme  et  les   heures  des  apparitions  so 

une  operation  dcduite  d'une  etude  laircs."  Lettres  Am^ricaines,  torn 

reflechie,  et  d'une  grande  combi-  I.  let.  23. 


Ch.  IV.]  ASTRONOMY.  125 

seek  the  solution  among  the  civilized  communities 
of  Asia,  we  shall  still  be  perplexed  by  finding, 
amidst  general  resemblance  of  outline,  sufficient  dis- 
crepancy in  the  details,  to  vindicate,  in  the  judg- 
ments of  many,  the  Aztec  claim  to  originality.^^ 

I  shall  conclude  the  account  of  Mexican  science, 
with  that  of  a  remarkable  festival,  celebrated  by  the 
natives  at  the  termination  of  the  great  cycle  of  fifty- 
two  years.  We  have  seen,  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
their  tradition  of  the  destruction  of  the  world  at 
four  successive  epochs.  They  looked  forward  confi- 
dently to  another  such  catastrophe,  to  take  place, 
like  the  preceding,  at  the  close  of  a  cycle,  when  the 
sun  was  to  be  effaced  from  the  heavens,  the  human 
race,  from  the  earth,  and  when  the  darkness  of  chaos 
was  to  settle  on  the  habitable  globe.  The  cycle 
would  end  in  the  latter  part  of  December,  and,  as 
the  dreary  season  of  the  winter  solstice  approached, 
and  the  diminished  light  of  day  gave  melancholy 
presage  of  its  speedy  extinction,  their  apprehensions 
increased ;  and,  on  the  arrival  of  the  five  "  unlucky  " 
days  which  closed  the  year,  they  abandoned  them- 
selves to  despair.^"  They  broke  in  pieces  the  little 
images  of  their  household  gods,  in  whom  they  no 


59  La  Place,  who  suggests  the  till  the  26th  of  December,  if  Gatna 
analogy,  frankly  admits  the  diffi-  is  right.  The  cause  of  M.Jomard's 
culty.  Systeme  du  Monde,  lib.  5,  error  is  his  fixing  it  before,  instead 
ch.  3.  of  after,  the  complementary  days. 

60  M.  Jomard  errs  in  placing  the  See  his  sensible  letter  on  the  Az- 
new  fire,  with  which  ceremony  the  tec  calendar,  in  the  Vues  des  Cer- 
oid  cycle  properly  concluded,   at  dilleres,  p.  309. 

the  winter  solstice.     It  was  not 


126  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

longer  trusted.  The  holy  fires  were  suffered  to  go 
out  in  the  temples,  and  none  were  lighted  in  their 
own  dwellings.  Their  furniture  and  domestic  uten- 
sils were  destroyed  ;  their  garments  torn  in  pieces  ; 
and  every  thing  was  thrown  into  disorder,  for  the 
coming  of  the  evil  genii  who  were  to  descend  on 
the  desolate  earth. 

On  the  evening  of  the  last  day,  a  procession  of 
priests,  assuming  the  dress  and  ornaments  of  their 
gods,  moved  from  the  capital  towards  a  lofty  moun- 
tain, about  two  leagues  distant.  They  carried  with 
them  a  noble  \dctim,  the  flower  of  their  captives, 
and  an  apparatus  for  kindling  the  new  fire,  the  suc- 
cess of  which  was  an  augury  of  the  renewal  of 
the  cycle.  On  reaching  the  summit  of  the  moun- 
tain, the  procession  paused  till  midnight ;  when,  as 
the  constellation  of  the  Pleiades  approached  the 
zenith,*^^  the  new  fire  was  kindled  by  the  friction  of 
the  sticks  placed  on  the  wounded  breast  of  the  vic- 
tim.^^  The  flame  was  soon  communicated  to  a 
funeral  pile,  on  which  the  body  of  the  slaughtered 
captive  was  thrown.     As  t-he  light  streamed  up  to- 


6^  At  the  actual  moment  of  their  Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres, 

culmination,  according  to  both  Sa-  pp.   181,    182.)      The  longer  we 

hagun    (Hist,  de  Nueva  Espana,  postpone  the  beginning  of  the  new 

lib.  4,  Apend.)  and  Torquemada  cycle,  the  greater  still  must  be  the 

(Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  10,  cap.  33,  discrepancy. 

36).     But  this  could  not  be,  as  that  62  "  On  his  bare  breast  the  cedar  boiigh.s 

took  place  at  midnight,  in  Novem-  n   u-  "k^  ^V  '    .  j       j         j    j 

'^                          o      '  On  his  bare  breast,  dry  sedge  and  odor- 

ber  ;    so  late  as  the  last  secular  ous  gums 


festival,  which  was  early  in  Monte-  Laid  ready  to  receive  the  sacred  spark, 

„ „)„ ; ■       t  rnm        tc And  blaze,  to  herald  the  ascending  Sun, 

zuma  s  reign,  m   1507.     (Uama,  „      , .  ,.  .       ,      ,,              o       . 

°    '                            ^              '  Upon  his  uving  altar." 

Descripcion,  Parte  1,  p.  50,  nota. —  Southey's  Madoc,  pari2,  canto  2B 


Ch    IV.]  ASTRONOMY  127 

wards  heaven,  shouts  of  joy  and  triumph  burst  forth 
from  the  countless  multitudes  who  covered  the  hills, 
the  terraces  of  the  temples,  and  the  house-tops,  with 
eyes  anxiously  bent  on  the  mount  of  sacrifice.  Cou- 
riers, with  torches  lighted  at  the  blazing  beacon, 
rapidly  bore  them  over  every  part  of  the  country ; 
and  the  cheering  element  was  seen  brightening  on 
altar  and  hearth-stone,  for  the  circuit  of  many  a 
league,  long  before  the  sun,  rising  on  his  accustom- 
ed track,  gave  assurance  that  a  new  cycle  had  com- 
menced its  march,  and  that  the  laws  of  nature  were 
not  to  be  reversed  for  the  Aztecs. 

The  following  thirteen  days  were  given  up  to  fes- 
tivity. The  houses  were  cleansed  and  whitened. 
The  broken  vessels  were  replaced  by  new  ones. 
The  people,  dressed  in  their  gayest  apparel,  and 
crowned  with  garlands  and  chaplets  of  flowers, 
thronged  in  joyous  procession,  to  offer  up  their  obla- 
tions and  thanksgivings  in  the  temples.  Dances 
and  games  were  instituted,  emblematical  of  the  re- 
generation of  the  world.  It  was  the  carnival  of  the 
Aztecs ;  or  rather  the  national  jubilee,  the  great  sec- 
ular festival,  like  that  of  the  Romans,  or  ancient 
Etruscans,  which  few  alive  had  witnessed  before,  — 
or  could  expect  to  see  again. ®^ 

^  I  borrow  the  words  of  the  sum-  Mexican    chroniclers    warm    into 

mons   by  which  the  people  were  something  like  eloquence  in  their 

called   to   the   ludi   seculares,   the  descriptions  of  the  Aztec  festival, 

secular  games  of  ancient  Rome,  (Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib. 

^'' quos  nee  spectasset  quisquam,  nee  10,  cap.   33. — Toribio,  Hist,  de 

spectaturus  esset.''^   (Suetonius,  Vi-  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  5.  — 

ta  Tib,  Claudii,  lib.  5.)     The  old  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  NuevaEspana, 


128  LORD   KINGSBOROUGH.  [Book  I. 

lib.  7,    cap.   9  -  12.       See,    also,  lish  reader  will  find  a  more  bril- 

Gama,  Descripeion,   Parle  1,  pp.  liant  coloring  of  the  same  scene 

52-54, — Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Mes-  in  the  canto  of  Madoc,  above  cited, 

sico,  tom.  II.  pp.  84-86.)  TheEng-  —  "  On  the  Close  of  the  Century." 


M.  de  Humboldt  remarked,  many  years  ago,  "  It  were  to  be  wished 
that  some  government  would  publish  at  its  own  expense  the  remains 
of  the  ancient  American  civilization ;  for  it  is  only  by  the  comparison 
of  several  monuments,  that  we  can  succeed  in  discovering  the  meaning 
of  these  allegories,  which  are  partly  astronomical,  and  partly  mystic." 
This  enlightened  wish  has  now  been  realized,  not  by  any  government, 
but  by  a  private  individual.  Lord  Kingsborough.  The  great  work, 
published  under  his  auspices,  and  so  often  cited  in  this  Introduction, 
appeared  in  London  in  1830.  When  completed,  it  will  reach  to  nine 
volumes,  seven  of  which  are  now  before  the  public.  Some  idea  of  its 
magnificence  may  be  formed  by  those  who  have  not  seen  it,  from  the 
fact,  that  copies  of  it,  with  colored  plates,  sold  originally  at  £\15, 
and,  with  uncolored,  at  £120.  The  price  has  been  since  much  re- 
duced. It  is  designed  to  exhibit  a  complete  view  of  the  ancient  Aztec 
MSS.,  with  such  few  interpretations  as  exist ;  the  beautiful  drawings 
of  Castafieda  relating  to  Central  America,  with  the  commentary  of 
Dupaix  ;  the  unpublished  history  of  father  Sahagun  ;  and,  last,  not 
least,  the  copious  annotations  of  his  Lordship. 

Too  much  cannot  be  said  of  the  mechanical  execution  of  the  book, — 
its  splendid  typography,  the  apparent  accuracy  and  the  delicacy  of  the 
drawings,  and  the  sumptuous  quality  of  the  materials.  Yet  the  pur- 
chaser would  have  been  saved  some  superfluous  expense,  and  the  read- 
er much  inconvenience,  if  the  letter-press  had  been  in  volumes  of  an 
ordinary  size.  But  it  is  not  uncommon,  in  works  on  this  magnificent 
plan,  to  find  utility  in  some  measure  sacrificed  to  show. 

The  collection  of  Aztec  MSS.,  if  not  perfectly  complete,  is  very 
extensive,  and  reflects  great  credit  on  the  diligence  and  research  of  the 
compiler.  It  strikes  one  as  strange,  however,  that  not  a  single  docu- 
ment should  have  been  drawn  from  Spain.  Peter  Martyr  speaks  of  a 
number  having  been  broiigiit  thitlier  in  his  time.  (Do  Insulis  nuper 
Inventis,  p.  368.)  The  Marquis  Spineto  examined  one  in  the  Escurial, 
being  the  same  with  the  Mendoza  Codex,  and  perhaps  the  original,  since 
that  at  Oxford  is  but  a  copy.  (Lectures,  lee.  7.)  Mr.  Waddilove,  chap- 
lain of  the  British  embassy  to  Spain,  gave  a  particular  account  of  one 
to  Dr.  Robertson,  which  he  saw  in  the  same  library,  and  considered  an 
Aztec  calendar.    Indeed,  it  is  scarcely  possible,  that  the  frequent  voya- 


Ch.  IV.]  LORD   KINfiSBOROUGH.  129 

gers  to  the  New  World  should  not  have  furnished  the  mother-countrv 
with  abundant  specimens  of  this  most  interesting  feature  of  Aztec- 
civilization.  Nor  should  we  fear  that  the  present  liberal  governmeiu 
would  seclude  these  treasures  from  the  inspection  of  the  scholar. 

Mucli  cannot  be  said  in  favor  of  the  arrangement  of  these  codices. 
In  some  of  them,  as  the  Mendoza  Codex,  for  example,  the  plates  are  not 
even  numbered ;  and  one,  who  would  study  them  by  the  corresponding 
interpretation,  must  often  bewilder  himself  in  the  maze  of  hieroglyphics, 
without  a  clue  to  guide  him.  Neither  is  there  any  attempt  to  enlight- 
en us  as  to  the  positive  value  and  authenticity  of  the  respective  docu- 
ments, or  even  their  previous  history,  beyond  a  barren  reference  to  the 
particular  library  from  which  they  have  been  borrowed.  Little  light, 
indeed,  can  be  expected  on  these  matters  ;  but  we  have  not  that  little. 
—  The  defect  of  arrangement  is  chargeable  on  other  parts  of  the  work 
Thus,  for  instance,  the  sixth  book  of  Sahagun  is  transferred  fi-om  the 
body  of  the  history  to  which  it  belongs,  to  a  preceding  volume  ;  while 
the  grand  hypothesis  of  his  lordship,  for  which  the  work  was  concoct- 
ed, is  huddled  into  notes,  hitched  on  random  passages  of  the  text,  with 
a  good  deal  less  connexion  than  the  stories  of  queen  Scheherezade,  in 
the  "  Arabian  Nights,"  and  not  quite  so  entertaining. 

The  drift  of  Lord  Kingsborough's  speculations  is,  to  establish  the 
colonization  of  Mexico  by  the  Israelites.  To  this  the  whole  battery 
of  his  logic  and  learning  is  directed.  For  this,  hieroglyphics  are 
unriddled,  manuscripts  compared,  monunaents  delineated.  His  theory, 
however,  whatever  be  its  merits,  will  scarcely  become  popular  ;  since, 
instead  of  being  exhibited  in  a  clear  and  comprehensive  form,  readily 
embraced  by  the  mind,  it  is  spread  over  an  infinite  number  of  notes, 
thickly  sprinkled  with  quotations,  from  languages  ancient  and  modern, 
till  the  weary  reader,  floundering  about  in  the  ocean  of  fragments, 
with  no  light  to  guide  him,  feels  like  Milton's  Devil,  working  his  wav 
through  chaos,  — 

"  neither  sea, 
Nor  good  dry  land  ;  nigh  foundered,  on  he  fares." 

It  would  be  unjust,  however,  not  to  admit  that  the  noble  author,  if 
his  logic  is  not  always  convincing,  shows  much  acuteness  in  detecting 
analogies  ;  that  he  displays  familiarity  with  his  subject,  and  a  fund  of 
erudition,  though  it  often  runs  to  waste  ;  that,  whatever  be  the  defects 
of  arrangement,  he  has  brought  together  a  most  rich  collection  of  un- 
published materials  to  illustrate  the  Aztec,  and,  in  a  wider  sense,  Ameri- 
can antiquities  ;  and  that,  by  this  munificent  undertaking,  which  no 
government,  probably,  would  have,  and  few  individuals  could  have,  ex- 
ecuted, he  has  entitled  himself  to  the  lasting  gratitude  of  every  friend 
of  science. 

VOL.    L  17 


130  GAMA.  [Book  I. 

Another  writer,  whose  works  must  be  diligently  consulted  by  ever" 
student  of  Mexican  antiquities,  is  Antonio  Gama.  His  life  conlaii 
as  few  incidents  as  those  of  most  scholars.  He  was  born  at  Mexico,  ii. 
1735,  of  a  respectable  family,  and  was  bred  to  the  law.  He  early 
showed  a  preference  for  mathematical  studies,  conscious  that  in  this 
career  lay  his  strength.  In  1771,  he  communicated  his  observations 
on  the  eclipse  of  that  year  to  the  French  astronomer  M.  de  Lalande, 
who  published  them  in  Paris,  with  high  commendations  of  the  author. 
Gama's  increasing  reputation  attracted  the  attention  of  government ; 
and  he  was  employed  by  it,  in  various  scientific  labors  of  importance. 
His  great  passion,  however,  was  the  study  of  Indian  antiquities.  He 
made  himself  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  native  races,  their 
traditions,  their  languages,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  their  hieroglyphics. 
He  had  an  oppoilunity  of  showing  the  fruits  of  this  preparatory  train- 
ing, and  his  skill  as  an  antiquary,  on  the  discovery  of  the  great  cal- 
endar-stone, in  1790.  He  produced  a  masterly  treatise  on  this,  and 
another  Aztec  monument,  explaining  the  objects  to  which  they  were 
devoted,  and  pouring  a  flood  of  light  on  the  astronomical  science  of 
the  Aborigines,  their  mythology,  and  their  astrological  system.  He 
afterwards  continued  his  investigations  in  the  same  path,  and  wrote 
treatises  on  the  dial,  hieroglyphics,  and  arithmetic  of  the  Indians. 
These,  however,  were  not  given  to  the  world  till  a  few  years  since, 
when  they  were  published,  together  with  a  reprint  of  the  former  work, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  industrious  Bustamante.  Gama  died  in 
1802  ;  leaving  behind  him  a  reputation  for  great  worth  in  private  life  ; 
one,  in  which  the  bigotry,  that  seems  to  enter  too  frequently  into  the 
character  of  the  Spanish-Mexican,  was  tempered  by  the  liberal  feelings 
of  a  man  of  science.  His  reputation  as  a  writer  stands  high  for  pa- 
tient acquisition,  accuracy,  and  acutcness.  His  conclusions  are  neither 
warped  by  the  love  of  theory  so  common  in  the  philosopher,  nor 
by  the  easy  credulity  so  natural  to  the  antiquary.  He  feels  his  way 
with  the  caution  of  a  mathematician,  wliose  steps  are  demonstrations. 
M.  de  Humboldt  was  largely  indebted  to  his  first  work,  as  he  baa 
emphatically  acknowledged.  But,  notwithstanding  the  eulogiums  of 
this  popular  vnriter,  and  his  own  merits,  Gama's  treatises  are  rarely 
met  with  out  of  New  Spain,  and  his  name  can  hardly  be  said  to  have 
«  transatlantic  reputation. 


CHAPTER  V. 

AzTEO  Agriculture. — Mechanical  Arts. — Merchants. — 
Domestic  Manners. 

It  is  hardly  possible  that  a  nation,  so  far  advanced 
as  the  Aztecs  in  mathematical  science,  should  not 
have  made  considerable  progress  in  the  mechanical 
arts,  which  are  so  nearly  connected  ^vith  it.  In- 
deed, intellectual  progress  of  any  kind  implies  a  de- 
gree of  refinement,  that  requires  a  certain  cultiva- 
tion of  both  useful  and  elegant  art.  The  savage, 
wandering  through  the  wide  forest,  without  shelter 
for  his  head,  or  raiment  for  his  back,  knows  no  other 
wants  than  those  of  animal  appetites ;  and,  when 
they  are  satisfied,  seems  to  himself  to  have  answered 
the  only  ends  of  existence.  But  man,  in  society, 
feels  numerous  desires,  and  artificial  tastes  spring 
up.  accommodated  to  the  various  relations  in  which 
he  is  placed,  and  perpetually  stimulating  his  inven- 
tion to  devise  new  expedients  to  gratify  them. 

There  is  a  wide  difference  in  the  mechanical  skill 
of  different  nations  ;  but  the  difference  is  still  greater 
in  the  inventive  power  which  directs  this  skill,  and 
makes  it  available.  Some  nations  seem  to  have  no 
power  beyond  that  of  imitation ;  or,  if  they  possess 
invention,  have  it  in  so  low  a  degree,  that  they  are 


132  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book    I. 

constantly  repeating  the  same  idea,  without  a  shadow 
of  alteration  or  improvement;  as  the  hird  builds 
precisely  the  same  kind  of  nest  which  those  of  its 
own  species  built  at  the  beginning  of  the  world. 
Such,  for  example,  are  the  Chinese,  who  have,  prob- 
ably, been  familiar  for  ages  with  the  germs  of  some 
discoveries,  of  little  practical  benefit  to  themselves, 
but  which,  under  the  influence  of  European  gen- 
ius, have  reached  a  degree  of  excellence,  that  has 
wrought  an  important  change  in  the  constitution  of 
society. 

Far  from  looking  back,  and  forming  itself  slavishly 
on  the  past,  it  is  characteristic  of  the  European  in- 
tellect to  be  ever  on  the  advance.  Old  discoveries 
become  the  basis  of  new  ones.  It  passes  onward 
from  truth  to  truth,  connecting  the  whole  by  a  suc- 
cession of  links,  as  it  were,  into  the  great  chain  of 
science  which  is  to  encircle  and  bind  together  the 
universe.  The  light  of  learning  is  shed  over  the 
labors  of  art.  New  avenues  are  opened  for  the  com- 
munication both  of  person  and  of  thought.  New 
facilities  are  devised  for  subsistence.  Personal  com- 
forts, of  every  kind,  are  inconceivably  multiplied, 
and  brought  within  the  reach  of  the  poorest.  Se- 
cure of  these,  the  thoughts  travel  into  a  nobler  region 
than  that  of  the  senses ;  and  the  appliances  of  art 
are  made  to  minister  to  the  demands  of  an  elegant 
taste,  and  a  higher  moral  culture. 

The  same  enlightened  spirit,  applied  to  agricul- 
ture, raises  it  from  a  mere  mechanical  drudgery,  or 
the  barren   formula  of  traditional   precepts,  to  the 


Ch.  v.]  agriculture.  133 

dignity  of  a  science.  As  the  composition  of  the 
earth  is  analyzed,  man  learns  the  capacity  of  the 
soil  that  he  cultivates ;  and,  as  his  empire  is  gradu- 
ally extended  over  the  elements  of  nature,  he  gains 
the  power  to  stimulate  her  to  her  most  bountiful  and 
various  production,  it  is  with  satisfaction  that  we 
can  turn  to  the  land  of  our  fathers,  as  the  one  in 
which  the  experiment  has  been  conducted  on  the 
broadest  scale,  and  attended  with  results  that  the 
world  has  never  before  witnessed.  With  equal 
truth,  we  may  point  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  in  both 
hemispheres,  as  that  whose  enterprising  genius  has 
contributed  most  essentially  to  the  great  interests  of 
humanity,  by  the  application  of  science  to  the  use- 
ful arts. 

Husbandry,  to  a  very  limited  extent,  indeed,  was 
practised  by  most  of  the  rude  tribes  of  North  Ameri- 
ca. Wherever  a  natural  opening  in  the  forest,  or 
a  rich  strip  of  interval,  met  their  eyes,  or  a  green 
slope  was  found  along  the  rivers,  they  planted  it  with 
beans  and  Indian  corn.^  The  cultivation  was  sloven- 
ly in  the  extreme,  and  could  not  secure  the  improvi- 
dent natives  from  the  frequent  recurrence  of  desolat- 
ing famines.  Still,  that  they  tilled  the  soil  at  all 
was   a    peculiarity   which    honorably    distinguished 

^  This  latter  grain,  according  to  thers  found  it  in  abundance  on  iii 

Tlumboldt,  was  found  by  the  Eu-  New    England     coast,    wherever 

Topeans  in  the  New  World,  from  they  landed.     See   Morton,  New 

the  South  of  Chili  to  Pennsylva-  England's      Memorial,      (Boston, 

nia;   (Essai  Politique,  torn.  II.  p.  1826,)   p.  68. — Gookin,   Massa- 

408  ;)  he  might  have  added,  to  the  chusetts     Historical     Collections, 

St.   Lawrence.     Our   Puritan  fa-  chap.  3. 


134  AZTEC    CIVILIZATION.  [Rook.   I. 

them  from  other  tribes  of  hunters,  and  raised  them 
one  decree  higher  in  the  scale  of  civilization. 

Agriculture  in  Mexico  was  in  the  same  advan- 
ced state  as  the  other  arts  of  social  life.  In  few 
countries,  indeed,  has  it  been  more  respected.  It 
was  closely  interwoven  with  the  civil  and  religious 
institutions  of  the  nation.  There  were  peculiar  dei- 
ties to  preside  over  it ;  the  names  of  the  months 
and  of  the  religious  festivals  had  more  or  less  refer- 
ence to  it.  The  public  taxes,  as  we  have  seen, 
were  often  paid  in  agricultural  produce.  All,  except 
the  soldiers  and  great  nobles,  even  the  inhabitants 
of  the  cities,  cultivated  the  soil.  The  work  was 
chiefly  done  by  the  men ;  the  women  scattering  the 
seed,  husking  the  corn,  and  taking  pait  only  in  the 
lighter  labors  of  the  field.^  In  this  they  presented 
an  honorable  contrast  to  the  other  tribes  of  the 
continent,  who  imposed  the  burden  of  agriculture, 
severe  as  it  is  in  the  North,  on  their  women.^  In- 
deed, the  sex  was  as  tenderly  regarded  by  the  Aztecs 
in  this  matter,  as  it  is,  in  most  parts  of  Europe, 
at  the  present  day. 

2  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  notices  the  effeminacy  of  the  men 
lib.  13,  cap.  31.  in   Egypt,    who  stayed   at  home 

"Admirable   example   for    our  tending  the  loom,  while  their  wives 

times,"  exclaims  the  good  father,  were   employed   in  severe   labors 

"  when  women  are  not  only  unfit  out  of  doors, 

for  the  labors  of  the  field,  but  have  ..m      '    •  ,»    '         -  .    a.   ' 
too  much  levity  to  attend  to  their 

own  household  !  "  ^.^^^  ««r.,»a<rSavr«  Ka)  H'.ov  Tf.^rff. 

3  A  Striking  contrast  also  to  the  .g^^-  ^^^  ^.  ^^^^  »^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^j^^. 
Egyptians,  with  whom  some  an-  Q^^.d^.y  l^rcv.y.dvns •  alii ,ri,,.f^oi 
tiquaries  are  disposed  to  identify  j^^^  ^;„„  ^^^^^-^  xoz<riyou,r'  iti." 
the  ancient  Mexicans.     Sophocles  Sophocl.,  CEilip.  Col.,  v.  337-341. 


Ch.  v.]  agriculture.  135 

There  was  no  want  of  judgment  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  ground.  When  sometvhat  exhausted, 
it  was  permitted  to  recover  bj  lying  fallow.  Its 
extreme  dryness  was  relieved  by  canals,  with  ^\ hich 
the  land  was  partially  irrigated  ;  and  the  same  end 
was  promoted  by  severe  penalties  against  the  de- 
struction of  the  woods,  with  which  the  country,  as 
already  noticed,  was  well  covered  before  the  Con- 
quest. Lastly,  they  provided  for  their  harvests  ample 
granaries,  which  were  admitted  by  the  Conquerors 
to  be  of  admii'able  construction.  In  this  provision 
we  see  the  forecast  of  civilized  man.^ 

Among  the  most  important  articles  of  husbandry, 
we  may  notice  the  banana,  whose  facility  of  cultiva- 
tion and  exuberant  returns  are  so  fatal  to  habits  of 
systematic  and  hardy  industry.^  Another  celebrated 
plant  was  the  cacao,  the  fruit  of  which  furnished 
the  chocolate,  —  from  the  Mexican  chocolatl,  —  now 
so  common  a  beverage   throughout  Europe.^     The 


4  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  boldt,  who  has  given  much  atten- 
lib.  13,  cap.  32.  —  Clavigero,  Stor.  tion  to  it,  concludes,  that,  if  some 
del  Messico,  torn.  n.  pp.  153-155.  species    were    brought    into    the 

"Jamas    padecieron    hambre,'"  country,  others  were  indigenous, 

says  the  former  writer,  "  sino  en  (Essai  Politique,  torn.  II.  pp.  383 

pocas  ocasiones."     If  these  fam-  -388.)     If  we  may  credit  Clavige- 

ines   were   rare,  they  were   very  ro,  the  banana  was  the  forbidden 

distressing,   however,    and   lasted  fruit,  that  tempted  our  poor  mother 

very   long.      Comp.   Ixtlilxochitl,  Eve !     Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  I. 

Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  41,  71,  et  p.  49,  nota. 
alibi.  6  Rel.  d'  un  gent.,  ap.  Ramusio. 

5  Oviedo  considers  the  musa  an  tom.  HI.  fol.  306.  —  Hernandez, 
imported  plant ;  and  Hernandez,  De  Historia  Plantarum  Novae 
in  his  copious  catalogue,  makes  no  Hispanise,  (Matriti,  1790,)  lib.  6, 
mention  of  it  at  all.     But   Hum-  cap.  87. 


136  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

vanilla,  confined  to  a  small  district  of  the  seacoast, 
was  used  for  tlje  same  purposes,  of  flavoring  their 
food  and  drink,  as  with  usJ  The  great  staple  of  the 
country,  as,  indeed,  of  the  American  continent,  was 
maize,  or  Indian  corn,  which  grew  freely  along  the 
valleys,  and  up  the  steep  sides  of  the  Cordilleras  to 
the  high  level  of  the  table-land.  The  Aztecs  were  as 
curious  in  its  preparation,  and  as  well  instructed  in 
its  manifold  uses,  as  the  most  expert  New  England 
housewife.  Its  gigantic  stalks,  in  these  equinoctial 
regions,  afford  a  saccharine  matter,  not  found  to  the 
same  extent  in  northern  latitudes,  and  supplied  the 
natives  with  sugar  little  inferior  to  that  of  the  cane 
itself,  which  was  not  introduced  among  them  till  after 
the  Conquest.^  But  the  miracle  of  nature  was  the 
great  Mexican  aloe,  or  maguey,  whose  clustering  pyr- 
amids of  flowers,  towering  above  their  dark  coronals 
of  leaves,  were  seen  sprinkled  over  many  a  broad 
acre  of  the  table-land.  As  we  have  already  noticed, 
its  bruised  leaves  afforded  a  paste  from  which  paper 
was  manufactured ;  ^  its  juice  was  fermented  into  an 


^  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es-  ^   And  is  still,  in   one   spot  at 

paila,  lib.  8,  cap.  13,  ct  alibi.  least,  San  Angel, — three  leagues 

8  Carta  del.  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS.  from   the   capital.      Another   mill 

He   extols    the    honey   of   the  was  to  have  been  established,  a  few 

maize,  as  equal  to  that  of  bees,  years  since,  in  Puebla.     Whether 

(Also  Oviedo,  Hist.  Natural  de  las  this  has  actually  been  done  I  am 

Indias,  cap.  4,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  I.)  ignorant.     See  the  Report  of  the 

Hernandez,    who    celebrates    the  Committee  on  Agriculture  to  the 

manifold  ways  in  which  the  maize  Senate  of  the  United  States,  March 

was  prepared,  derives  it  from  the  12,  1838. 
Haytian  word,  mahiz.    Hist.  Plan- 
tarum,  lib.  fi,  cap.  41,  45. 


Ch.  v.] 


AGRICULTURE. 


137 


intoxicating  beverage,  pulque,  of  which  the  natives, 
to  this  day,  are  excessively  fond ;  ^^  its  leaves  further 
supplied  an  impenetrable  thatch  for  the  more  humble 
dwellings  ;  thread,  of  which  coarse  stuffs  were  made, 
and  strong  cords,  were  drawn  from  its  tough  and 
twisted  fibres ;  pins  and  needles  were  made  of  the 
thorns  at  the  extremity  of  its  leaves;  and  the  root, 
when  properly  cooked,  was  converted  into  a  palatable 
and  nutritious  food.  The  agave,  in  short,  was  meat, 
drink,  clothing,  and  writing  materials,  for  the  Aztec! 
Surely,  never  did  Nature  enclose  in  so  compact  a 
form  so  many  of  the  elements  of  human  comfort 
and  civilization  !  ^^ 


1"  Before  the  Revolution,  the 
duties  on  the  pulque  formed  so  im- 
portant a  branch  of  revenue,  that 
the  cities  of  Mexico,  Puebla,  and 
Toluca  alone,  paid  $817,739  to 
government.  (Humboldt,  Essai 
Politique,  torn.  II.  p.  47.)  It  re- 
quires time  to  reconcile  Europeans 
io  the  peculiar  flavor  of  this  liquor, 
on  the  merits  of  which  they  are 
consequently  much  divided.  There 
is  but  one  opinion  amonjr  the  na- 
tives. The  English  reader  will 
find  a  good  account  of  its  manu- 
facture in  Ward's  Mexico,  vol.  II. 
pp.  55-60. 

^1  Hernandez  enumerates  the 
several  species  of  the  maguey, 
which  are  turned  to  these  manifold 
uses,  in  his  learned  work,  De  Hist. 
Plantarum.  (Lib.  7,  cap.  71  et 
seq.)  M.  de  Humboldt  considers 
them  all  varieties  of  the  agave 
Americana,  familiar  in  the  south- 


ern parts,  both  of  the  United 
States  and  Europe.  (Essai  Po- 
litique, tom.  II.  p.  487  et  seq.) 
This  opinion  has  brought  on  him 
a  rather  sour  rebuke  from  our 
countryman,  the  late  Dr.  Perrine, 
who  pronounces  them  a  distinct 
species  from  the  American  agave ; 
and  regards  one  of  the  kinds,  the 
pita,  from  which  the  fine  thread 
is  obtained,  as  a  totally  distinct 
genus.  (See  the  Report  of  the 
Committee  on  Agriculture.)  Yet 
the  Baron  may  find  authority  for 
all  the  properties  ascribed  by  him 
to  the  maguey,  in  the  most  accred- 
ited writers,  who  have  resided 
more  or  less  time  in  Mexico.  See, 
among  others,  Hernandez,  ubi  su- 
pra.—  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva 
Espaiia,  lib.  9,  cap.  2;  lib.  11, 
cap.  7.  —  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  In- 
dies, MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  19.— 
Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS      The 


i38  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

It  would  be  obvdously  out  of  place  to  enumerate 
in  these  pages  all  the  varieties  of  plants,  many  of 
them  of  medicinal  virtue,  w^hich  have  been  introduced 
from  Mexico  into  Europe.  Still  less  can  I  attempt 
a  catalogue  of  its  flowers,  which,  with  their  varie- 
gated and  gaudy  colors,  form  the  greatest  attraction 
of  our  greenhouses.  The  opposite  climates  embraced 
within  the  narrow  latitudes  of  New  Spain  have  given 
to  it,  probably,  the  richest  and  most  diversified  Flora 
to  be  found  in  any  country  on  the  globe.  These  dif- 
Jerent  products  were  systematically  arranged  by  the 
Aztecs,  who  understood  their  properties,  and  col- 
lected them  into  nurseries,  more  extensive  than  any 
then  existing  in  the  Old  World.  It  is  not  improb- 
able that  they  suggested  the  idea  of  those  "  gardens 
of  plants  "  which  were  introduced  into  Europe  not 
many  years  after  the  Conquest.'^ 

The  Mexicans  were  as  well  acquainted  with  the 
mineral,  as  with  the  vegetable  treasures  of  their 
kingdom.  Silver,  lead,  and  tin  they  drew  from  the 
mines  of  Tasco ;  copper  from  the  mountains  of  Za- 
cotollan.  These  were  taken,  not  only  from  the 
crude  masses  on  the  surface,  but  from  veins  wrought 
in  the  solid  rock,  into  which  they  opened  extensive 

last,    speaking    of    the    maguey,  shows  himself  intimately  acquaint- 

which     produces     the    fermented  ed  with  the   structure   and  habits 

drink,  says  expressly,  "  De  lo  que  of  the  tropical  plants,  which,  with 

queda    de     las    dichas    hojas    se  such  patriotic  spirit,  he  proposed 

aprovechan,  como  de  lino  mui  del-  to  introduce  into  Florida, 
gado,  6  de  Olanda,  de  que  hacen         12   Xhe  first  regular  establish- 

lienzos  mui  primos  para  vestir,  e  ment  of  this  kind,   according   to 

bien  delgados."     It  cannot  be  de-  Carli,    was   at    Padua,   in    1545. 

nied,  however,  that  Dr.   Perrine  Lettres  Americ,  torn.  I.  chap.  21. 


ch.  v.]  mechanical  arts.  1^39 

galleries.  In  fact,  the  traces  of  their  labors  furnished 
the  best  indications  for  the  early  Spanish  miners. 
Gold,  found  on  the  surface,  or  gleaned  from  the  beds 
of  rivers,  was  cast  into  bars,  or,  in  the  form  of  dust, 
made  part  of  the  regular  tribute  of  the  southern 
provinces  of  the  empire.  The  use  of  iron,  with 
which  the  soil  was  impregnated,  was  unknown  to 
them.  Notwithstanding  its  abundance,  it  demands 
so  manj  processes  to  prepare  it  for  use,  that  it  has 
commonly  been  one  of  the  last  metals  pressed  into 
the  service  of  man.  The  age  of  iron  has  followed 
that  of  brass,  in  fact  as  well  as  m  fiction. ^^ 

They  found  a  substitute  in  an  alloy  of  tin  and 
copper ;  and,  with  tools  made  of  this  bronze,  could 
cut  not  only  metals,  but,  with  the  aid  of  a  silicious 
dust,  the  hardest  substances,  as  basalt,  porphyry, 
amethysts,  and  emeralds.'^  They  fashioned  these 
last,  which  were  found  very  large,  into  many  curious 
and  fantastic  forms.     They  cast,  also,  vessels  of  gold 

13  p.   Martyr,   De  Orbe  Novo,  no  work  in  metal,  worth  looking 

Decades,   (Compluti,   1530,)   dec.  at,   no  masonry  nor  architecture, 

5,  p.  191.  —  Acosta,lib.  4,  cap.  3.  engraving,  nor  sculpture."     (His- 

—  Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  torn,  tory  of  the  Indies,  Eng.  trans.,  vol. 

III.  pp.  114- 125. — Torqueniada,  III.    b.  6.)        Iron,    however,   if 

Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  13,  cap.  34.  known,  was  little  used  by  the  An- 

"  Men  wrought  in  brass,"  says  cient    Egyptians,    whose    mighty 

Hesiod,  •'  when  iron  did  not  exist. "  monuments  were  hewn  with  bronze 

X«x«4i  5*  lj7^?a»T»  •  /iixcci  y  oix  taKt  to^^s,  while  their  w^eapons  and  do- 

trilnpos.  mestic   utensils  were  of  the  same 

Hesiod,  "Egyx  xa!  "Hui^x,.  material,    as    appears    from     the 

The  Abbe  Raynal  contends  that  green  color  given  to  them  in  their 

the  ignorance  of  iron  must  neces-  paintings. 

sarily  have  kept  the  Mexicans  in  a  14  Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  2, 

low  state  of  civilization,  since  with-  pp.  25  -  29.  —  Torquemada,  Mon- 

out  it  "  they  could  have  produced  arch.  Ind.,  ubi  supra. 


140  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

and  silver,  carving  them  with  their  metallic  chisels  in 
a  very  delicate  manner.  Some  of  the  silver  vases 
were  so  large  that  a  man  could  not  encircle  them 
with  his  arms.  They  imitated  very  nicely  the  fig- 
ures of  animals,  and,  what  was  extraordinary,  could 
mix  the  metals  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  feathers 
of  a  bird,  or  the  scales  of  a  fish,  should  be  alternately 
of  gold  and  silver.  The  Spanish  goldsmiths  admit- 
ted their  superiority  over  themselves  in  these  ingen- 
ious works. '^ 

They  employed  another  tool,  made  of  itztli,  or 
obsidian,  a  dark  transparent  mineral,  exceedingly 
hard,  found  in  abundance  in  their  hills.  They  made 
it  into  knives,  razors,  and  their  serrated  swords.  It 
took  a  keen  edge,  though  soon  blunted.  With  this 
they  wrought  the  various  stones  and  alabasters  em- 
ployed in  the  construction  of  their  public  works  and 
principal  dwellings.  I  shall  defer  a  more  particular 
account  of  these  to  the  body  of  the  narrative,  and 
will  only  add  here,  that  the  entrances  and  angles  of 
the  buildings  were  profusely  ornamented  with  im- 
ages, sometimes  of  their  fantastic  deities,  and  fre- 
quently  of    animals.'^     The    latter   were    executed 

15  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es-  lib.  7,  cap.  15.)     Sir  John  Maun- 

pana,  lib.  9,  cap.  15-  17.  —  Botu-  deville,  as  usual, 
rini,  Idea,  p.  77. — Torquemada,  "  with  his  hair  on  end 

Monarch.  Ind.,  loc.  cit.  At  his  own  wonders," 

Herrera,  who  says  they  could  notices  the  "  gret  marvayle  "  of 

also  enamel,  commends  the  skill  of  similar  pieces  of  mechanism,  at  the 

the  Mexican  goldsmiths  in  making  court  of  the  grand   Chane  of  Ca- 

birds  and  animals  with   movable  thay.  Seehis  Voiage  and  Travaile, 

wings  and  limbs,  in  a  most  curious  chap.  20. 
fashion.     (Hist.   General,  dec.  2,         ^^  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2. 


Ch.  V.l  MECHANICAL   ARTS.  141 

with  great  accuracy.  "  The  former,"  according  to 
Torquemada,  "  were  the  hideous  reflection  of  their 
own  souls.  And  it  was  not  till  after  they  had  been 
converted  to  Christianity,  that  they  could  model  the 
true  figure  of  a  man."'~  The  old  chronicler's  facts 
are  well  founded,  whatever  we  may  think  of  his 
reasons.  The  allegorical  phantasms  of  his  religion, 
no  doubt,  gave  a  direction  to  the  Aztec  artist,  in  his 
delineation  of  the  human  figure ;  supplying  him  with 
an  imaginary  beauty  in  the  personification  of  divini- 
ty itself.  As  these  superstitions  lost  their  hold  on 
his  mind,  it  opened  to  the  influences  of  a  purer 
taste ;  and,  after  the  Conquest,  the  Mexicans  furnish- 
ed many  examples  of  correct,  and  some  of  beautiful 
portraiture. 

Sculptured  images  were  so  numerous,  that  the 
foundations  of  the  cathedral  in  the  plaza  mayor, 
the  great  square  of  Mexico,  are  said  to  be  entirely 
composed  of  them.'^  This  spot  may,  indeed,  be 
regarded  as  the  Aztec  forum,  —  the  great  depository 
of  the  treasures  of  ancient  sculpture,  which  now  lie 
hid  in  its  bosom.  Such  monuments  are  spread  all 
over  the  capital,  however,  and  a  new  cellar  can 
hardly  be  dug,  or  foundation  laid,  without  turning 
up  some  of  the  mouldering  relics  of  barbaric  art. 
But  they  are   little  heeded,   and,   if  not  wantonly 

lib.    7,   cap.    11.  —  Torquemada,  milase  a  la  que  tenian  sus  almas, 

Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  13,  cap.  34.  —  por  el  pecado,  en  que  siempre  per- 

Gama,   Descripcion,  Parte  2,  pp.  manecian."      Monarch.  Ind.,  lib. 

27,  28.  13,  cap.  34. 

17  "  Parece,  que  permitia  Dios,  ^^  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico, 

que  la  figura  de  sus  cuerpos  se  asi-  torn.  II.  p.  195. 


142  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

broken  in  pieces  at  once,  are  usually  worked  into 
the  rising  wall,  or  supports  of  the  new  edifice.'^ 
Two  celebrated  bas-reliefs,  of  the  last  Montezuma 
and  his  father,  cut  in  the  solid  rock,  in  the  beautiful 
groves  of  Chapoltepec,  were  deliberately  destroyed, 
as  late  as  the  last  century,  by  order  of  the  govern- 
ment !  ^  The  monuments  of  the  barbarian  meet 
with  as  little  respect  from  civilized  man,  as  those  of 
the  civilized  man  from  the  barbarian  .~^ 

The  most  remarkable  piece  of  sculpture  yet  dis- 
interred is  the  great  calendar-stone,  noticed  in  the 
preceding  chapter.  It  consists  of  dark  porphyrj^, 
and,  in  its  original  dimensions,  as  taken  from  the 
quarry,  is  computed  to  have  weighed  nearly  fifty 
tons.  It  was  transported  from  the  mountains  be- 
yond Lake  Chalco,  a  distance  of  many  leagues,  over 
a  broken  country  intersected  by  water-courses  and 
canals.  In  crossing  a  bridge  which  traversed  one  of 
these  latter,  in  the  capital,  the  supports  gave  way, 
and  the  huge  mass  was  precipitated  into  the  water, 
whence  it  was  with  difficulty  recovered.     The  fact, 

i9Gama,Descripcion,Parte  l,p.  seen  by  Gama,  who  highly  com- 

1.     Besides  the  plaza  mayor,  Ga-  mends  the  execution  of  it.     Ibid, 
ma  points  out  the  Square  of  Tlate-         ^^  This  wantonness  of  destruc- 

lolco,  as  a  great  cemetery  of  an-  tion  provokes  the  bitter  animadver- 

cient  relics.     It  was  the  quarter  to  sion  of  Martyr,  whose  enlightened 

which  the  Mexicans  retreated,  on  mind  respected  the  vestiges  of  civ- 

the  siege  of  the  capital.  ilization  wherever  found.     "  The 

20  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  conquerors,"    he   says,    "  seldom 

lib.  13,  cap.  34.  —  Gama,  Descrip-  repaired  the  buildings  that   were 

cion,  Parte  2,  pp.  81-83.  defaced.     They  would  rather  sack 

These  statues  are  repeatedly  no-  twenty    stately  cities,   than    erect 

ticed  by  the  old  writers.     The  last  one  good  edifice.*'  De  Orbe  Novo, 

was  destroyed  in  1754,  when  it  was  dec.  5,  cap.  10. 


Ch.  v.]  mechanical  arts.  143 

that  so  enormous  a  fragment  of  porphyry  could  be 
thus  safely  carried  for  leagues,  in  the  face  of  such 
obstacles,  and  without  the  aid  of  cattle,  —  for  the 
Aztecs,  as  already  mentioned,  had  no  animals  of 
draught,  —  suggests  to  us  no  mean  ideas  of  their 
mechanical  skill,  and  of  their  machinery ;  and  im- 
plies a  degree  of  cultivation,  little  inferior  to  that  de- 
manded for  the  geometrical  and  astronomical  science 
displayed  in  the  inscriptions  on  this  ver}^  stone.^^ 

The  ancient  Mexicans  made  utensils  of  earthen 
ware  for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  domestic  life, 
numerous  specimens  of  which  still  exist.^^  They 
made  cups  and  vases  of  a  lackered  or  painted  wood, 
impervious  to  wet  and  gaudily  colored.  Their  dyes 
were  obtained  from  both  mineral  and  vegetable 
substances.  Among  them  was  the  rich  crimson  of 
the  cochineal,  the  modern  rival  of  the  famed  Tyrian 
purple.  It  was  introduced  into  Europe  from  Mexi- 
co, where   the    curious   little  insect  was  nourished 

-  Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  1,  well  to  each  other,  by  suggesting 

pp.  110-114. — Humboldt,  Essai  that  these  great  masses  of  stone 

Politique,  tom.  11.  p.  40.  were  transported  by  means  of  the 

Ten  thousand  men  were  employ-  mastodon,  whose  remains  are  oc- 

ed   in   the   transportation   of   this  casionally  disinterred  in  the  Mexi- 

enormous  mass,  according  to  Te-  can  Valley.     Rambler  in  Mexico, 

zozomoc,  whose  narrative,  with  all  p.  145. 

the  accompanying  prodigies,  is  mi-        ^  A  great  collection  of  ancient 

nutely  transcribed  by  Bustamante.  pottery,  with  various  other  speci- 

The  Licentiate  shows  an  appetite  mens   of  Aztec   art,    the   gift   of 

for  the  marvellous,   which  might  Messrs.  Poinsett  and  Keating,  is 

excite  the  envy  of  a  monk  of  the  deposited   in   the   Cabinet   of  the 

Middle  Ages.     (See  Descripcion,  American    Philosophical    Society, 

nota,  loc.  cit.)     The  English  trav-  at   Philadelphia.     See   the   Cata- 

oller,  Latrobe,  accommodates  the  logue,  ap.  Transactions,   vol.  III. 

wonders  of   nature   and   art  very  p.  510. 


144  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1 

with  great  care  on  plantations  of  cactus,  since  fallen 
into  neglect.~^  The  natives  were  thus  enabled  to 
give  a  brilliant  coloring  to  the  webs,  which  were 
manufactured  of  every  degree  of  fineness,  from  the 
cotton  raised  in  abundance  throughout  the  warmer 
regions  of  the  country.  They  had  the  art,  also,  of 
interweaving  with  these  the  delicate  hair  of  rabbits 
and  other  animals,  which  made  a  cloth  of  great 
warmth  as  well  as  beauty,  of  a  kind  altogether  origi- 
nal ;  and  on  this  they  often  laid  a  rich  embroidery, 
of  birds,  flowers,  or  some  other  fanciful  device. ^^ 

But  the  art  in  which  they  most  delighted  was 
their  plumaje,  or  feather-work.  With  this  they  could 
produce  all  the  effect  of  a  beautiful  mosaic.  The 
gorgeous  plumage  of  the  tropical  birds,  especially  of 
the  parrot  tribe,  afforded  every  variety  of  color ;  and 
the  fine  down  of  the  humming-bird,  which  revelled 
in  swarms  among  the  honeysuckle  bowers  of  Mexi- 
co, supplied  them  with  soft  aerial  tints  that  gave  an 
exquisite  fmish  to  the  picture.  The  feathers,  pasted 
on  a  fine  cotton  web,  were  wrought  into  dresses  for 

24  Hernandez,  Hist.  Plantarum,  unlike  our  silkworm,  indeed,  which 
lib.  6,  cap.  116.  spun  a  thread  that  was  sold  in  the 

25  Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS.  —  markets  of  ancient  Mexico.  See 
Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  the  Essai  Politique,  (torn.  HI.  pp. 
7,  cap.  15.  —  Boturini,Idea,  p.77.  66-69,)  where   M.  de  Humboldt 

It  is  doubtful  how  far  they  were  has  collected  some  interesting-  facts 

acquainted  with   the  manufacture  in  regard  to  the  culture  of  silk  by 

of  silk.     Carli  supposes  that  what  the  Aztecs.     Still,  that  the  fabric 

Cortes  calls  silk  was  only  the  fine  should  be  a  matter  of  uncertainty 

texture  of  hair,  or  down,  mention  at  all  shows  that  it  could  not  have 

ed  in  the  text.     (Lettres  Americ,  reached  any  great  excellence  or 

torn.  I.  let.  21.)    But  it  is  certain  extent. 
they  had  a  species  of  caterpillar, 


ch.  v.]  merchants.  145 

the  \vealthj,  hangings  for  apartments,  and  ornaments 
for  the  temples.  No  one  of  the  American  fabrics 
excited  such  admiration  in  Europe,  whither  numer- 
ous specimens  were  sent  by  the  Conquerors.  It 
is  to  be  regretted,  that  so  graceful  an  art  should 
have  been  suffered  to  fall  into  decay.-'' 

There  were  no  shops  in  Mexico,  but  the  various 
manufactures  and  agricultural  products  were  brought 
together  for  sale  in  the  great  market-places  of  the 
principal  cities.  Fairs  were  held  there  every  fifth 
day,  and  were  thronged  by  a  numerous  concourse  of 
persons,  who  came  to  buy  or  sell  from  all  the  neigh- 
bouring country.  A  particular  quarter  was  allotted 
to  each  kind  of  article.  The  numerous  transactions 
were  conducted  without  confusion,  and  with  entire 
regard  to  justice,  under  the  inspection  of  magistrates 
appointed  for  the  purpose.  The  traffic  was  carried 
on  partly  by  barter,  and  partly  by  means  of  a  regu- 
lated currency,  of  different  values.  This  consisted 
of  transparent  quills  of  gold  dust;  of  bits  of  tin, 
cut  in  the  form  of  a  X ;  and  of  bags  of  cacao,  con- 


26  Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS. —  nice   gradation  of  color,  and  for 

Acosta,  lib.  4,  cap.    37.  —  Saha-  beauty  of  design.     No  European 

gun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espafia,  lib.  artist  could  have  made    such    a 

9,  cap.  18-21.  —  Toribio,  Hist,  de  thing."   (Lettres  Americ,  let.  21, 

los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte  1,  cap.  15.  note.)     There  is  still  one  place, 

—  Rel.  d' un  gent.,  ap.  Ramusio,  Patzquaro,    where,    according    to 

torn.  HI.  fol.  306.  Bustamante,   they  preserve  some 

Count  Carli  is  in  raptures  with  a  knowledge  of  this  interesting  art, 

specimen  of  feather-painting  which  though  it  is  practised  on  a  very 

he  saw  in  Strasbourg.     "  Never  limited  scale,  and  at  great  cost, 

did  I  behold  any  thing  so  exqui-  Sahagun,  ubi  supra,  nota. 
site,"  he  says,  "  for  brilliancy  and 

VOL.    I.  19 


146  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

raining  a  specified  number  of  grains.  "  Blessed 
money,"  exclaims  Peter  Martyr,  "  which  exempts  its 
possessors  from  avarice,  since  it  cannot  be  long 
hoarded,  nor  hidden  under  ground  !  "  "^ 

There  did  not  exist  in  Mexico  that  distinction  of 
castes  found  among  the  Egyptian  and  Asiatic  na- 
tions. It  was  usual,  however,  for  the  son  to  follow 
the  occupation  of  his  father.  The  different  trades 
were  arranged  into  something  like  guilds ;  having, 
each,  a  particular  district  of  the  city  appropriated  to 
it,  with  its  own  chief,  its  own  tutelar  deity,  its  pe- 
culiar festivals,  and  the  like.  Trade  was  held  in 
avowed  estimation  by  the  Aztecs.  "  Apply  thyself, 
my  son,"  was  the  advice  of  an  aged  chief,  "  to  ag- 
riculture, or  to  feather-work,  or  some  other  honora- 
ble calling.  Thus  did  your  ancestors  before  you. 
Else,  how  would  they  have  provided  for  themselves 
and  their  families  ?  Never  was  it  heard,  that  nobil- 
ity alone   was   able    to   maintain   its   possessor. "  ^ 


-7   "O  felicem    monetam,  qua  time,  consisting  of  bits  of  stamped 

suavem   utilemque   prasbet   huma-  paper,  made  from  the  inner  bark  of 

no  generi  potum,  et  a  tartarea  pes-  the  mulberry- tree.     See  Viaggi  di 

te   avaritiae  suos  immunes  servat  Messer  Marco  Polo,  gentil'  huomo 

possessores,  quod  suffodi  aut  diu  Yenetiano,  lib.  2,  cap.  18,  ap.  Ra- 

servari  nequeat!"  De  Orbe  Novo,  musio,  tom.  II. 

dec.  5,  cap.  4.  —  (See,  also,  Carta  28  "  Procurad  de  saber  algun  ofi- 

de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  100  c?o /iom'oso,  como  es  el  hacerobras 

et  seq.  —  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nue-  de  pluma  y  otros  oficios  mecanicos. 

va  Espafia,  lib.  8,  cap.  36.  — Tori-     Mirad  que   tengais  cuidado 

bio.  Hist,  de  los  Indies,  MS.,  Parte    de  lo  tocante  a  la  agricultura 

3,  cap.  8.  —  Carta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  En  ninguna  parte  he  visto  que  al- 

MS.)     The  substitute  for  money  gunose  mantengapor  sunobleza." 

throughout  the  Chinese  empire  was  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  EspaSa, 

equally   simple   in    Marco   Polo's  lib.  6,  cap.  17. 


ch.  v.]  merchants.  147 

Shrewd  maxims,  that  must  have  sounded  somewhat 
strange  in  the  ear  of  a  Spanish  hidalgo  !  ^^ 

But  the  occupation  pecuharly  respected  was  thai 
of  the  merchant.  It  formed  so  important  and  singular 
a  feature  of  their  social  economy,  as  to  merit  a  much 
more  particular  notice  than  it  has  received  from 
historians.  The  Aztec  merchant  was  a  sort  of  itin- 
erant trader,  who  made  his  journeys  to  the  remotest 
borders  of  Anahuac,  and  to  the  countries  beyond,  car- 
rying with  him  merchandise  of  rich  stuffs,  jewelry, 
slaves,  and  other  valuable  commodities.  The  slaves 
were  obtained  at  the  great  market  of  Azcapozalco, 
not  many  leagues  from  the  capital,  where  fairs  were 
regularly  held  for  the  sale  of  these  unfortunate 
beings.  They  were  brought  thither  by  their  masters, 
dressed  in  their  gayest  apparel,  and  instructed  to 
sing,  dance,  and  display  their  little  stock  of  personal 
accomplishments,  so  as  to  recommend  themselves  to 
the  purchaser.  Slave-dealing  was  an  honorable  call- 
ing among  the  Aztecs.^^ 

With  this  rich  freight,  the  merchant  visited  the 
different  provinces,  always  bearing  some  present  of 
value  from  his  own  sovereign  to  their  chiefs,  and 
usually  receiving  others  in  return,  with  a  permis- 
sion to  trade.  Should  this  be  denied  him,  or  should 
he  meet  with  indignity  or  violence,  he  had  the 
means  of  resistance  in  his  power.     He  performed 

29  Col.  de  Mendoza,  ap.  Antiq.         30   Sahagun,    Hist,   de    Nueva 
of  Mexico,  vol.  I.  PI.  71 ;  vol.  VI.     Espana,  lib.  9,  cap.  4,  10- 14. 
p.    86.  —  Torquemada,   Monarch. 
Tnd.,  lib.  2,  cap.  41. 


148  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

his  journeys  with  a  number  of  companions  of  his 
own  rank,  and  a  large  body  of  inferior  attendants 
who  were  employed  to  transport  the  goods.  Fifty 
or  sixty  pounds  were  the  usual  load  for  a  man.  The 
whole  caravan  went  armed,  and  so  well  provided 
against  sudden  hostilities,  that  they  could  make  good 
their  defence,  if  necessary,  till  reinforced  from  home. 
In  one  instance,  a  body  of  these  militant  traders 
stood  a  siege  of  four  years  in  the  town  of  Ayotlan, 
which  they  finally  took  from  the  enemy.^'  Their 
own  government,  however,  was  always  prompt  to 
embark  in  a  war  on  this  ground,  finding  it  a  very 
convenient  pretext  for  extending  the  Mexican  em- 
pire. It  was  not  unusual  to  allow  the  merchants  to 
raise  levies  themselves,  which  were  placed  under 
their  command.  It  was,  moreover,  very  common 
for  the  prince  to  employ  the  merchants  as  a  sort  of 
spies,  to  furnish  him  information  of  the  state  of  the 
countries  through  which  they  passed,  and  the  dis- 
positions of  the  inhabitants  towards  himself. -^^ 

Thus  their  sphere  of  action  was  much  enlarged 
beyond  that  of  a  humble  trader,  and  they  acquired 
a  high  consideration  in  the  body  politic.  They  were 
allowed  to  assume  insignia  and  devices  of  their 
own.  Some  of  their  number  composed  what  is 
called  by  the  Spanish  writers  a  council  of  finance  ; 


31  Ibid.,  lib.  9,  cap.  2.  destruction  of  his  city,  for  mal- 

^  Ibid.,  lib.  9,  cap.  2,  4.  treating  the  persons  of  some  Az- 

In  the  Mendoza  Codex  is  a  paint-  tec  merchants.    Antiq.  of  Mexico, 

ing,  representing  the  execution  of  vol.  I.  PI.  67. 

a  cacique  and  his  family,  with  the 


tH.  v.]  MERCHANTS.  149 

at  least,  tliis  was  the  case  in  Tezcuco.^  They  were 
much  consulted  by  the  monarch,  who  had  some  of 
them  constantly  near  his  person ;  addressing  them 
by  the  title  of  "  uncle,"  which  may  remind  one  of 
that  of  primo,  or  "  cousin,"  by  which  a  grandee  of 
Spain  is  saluted  by  his  sovereign.  They  were  al- 
lowed to  have  their  own  courts,  in  which  civil  and 
criminal  cases,  not  excepting  capital,  were  deter- 
mined ;  so  that  they  formed  an  independent  com- 
munity, as  it  were,  of  themselves.  And,  as  their 
various  traffic  supplied  them  with  abundant  stores 
of  wealth,  they  enjoyed  many  of  the  most  essential 
advantages  of  an  hereditary  aristocracy.*^* 

That  trade  should  prove  the  path  to  eminent 
political  preferment  in  a  nation  but  partially  civil- 
ized, where  the  names  of  soldier  and  priest  are 
usually  the  only  titles  to  respect,  is  certainly  an 
anomaly  in  history.  It  forms  some  contrast  to  the 
standard   of   the   more   polished   monarchies  of   the 


^  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,        The  ninth  book  is  taken  up  with 

lib.  2,  cap.  41.  an  account  of  the  merchants,  their 

Ixtlilxochitl  gives  a  curious  story  pilgrimages,  the  religious  rites  on 
of  one  of  the  royal  family  of  Tez-  their  departure,  and  the  sumptuous 
cuco,  who  offered,  with  two  other  way  of  living  on  their  return.  The 
merchants,  otros  mercaderes,  to  whole  presents  a  very  remarkable 
visit  the  court  of  a  hostile  cacique,  picture,  showing  they  enjoyed  a 
and  bring  him  dead  or  alive  to  the  consideration,  among  the  half-civ- 
capital.  They  availed  themselves  ilized  nations  of  Anahuac,  to  which 
of  a  drunken  revel,  at  which  they  there  is  no  parallel,  unless  it  be 
were  to  have  been  sacrificed,  to  that  possessed  by  the  merchant- 
effect  their  object.  Hist.  Chich.,  princesof  an  Italian  republic,  or  the 
MS.,  cap.  62.  princely  merchants  of  our  own 

3^1   Sahagun,    Hist,   de    Nueva 
Espana,  lib.  9,  cap.  2,  5. 


150  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

Old  World,  in  which  rank  is  supposed  to  be  less 
dishonored  by  a  life  of  idle  ease  or  frivolous  pleasure, 
than  by  those  active  pursuits  which  promote  equally 
the  prosperity  of  the  state  and  of  the  individual. 
H  civilization  corrects  many  prejudices,  it  must  be 
allowed  that  it  creates  others. 

We  shall  be  able  to  form  a  better  idea  of  the 
actual  refinement  of  the  natives,  by  penetrating  into 
their  domestic  life  and  observing  the  intercourse 
between  the  sexes.  We  have  fortunately  the  means 
of  doing  this.  We  shall  there  find  the  ferocious 
Aztec  frequently  displaying  all  the  sensibility  of  a 
cultivated  nature  ;  consoling  his  friends  under  afflic- 
tion, or  congratulating  them  on  their  good  fortune, 
as  on  occasion  of  a  marriage,  or  of  the  birth  or  the 
baptism  of  a  child,  when  he  was  punctilious  in  his 
visits,  bringing  presents  of  costly  dresses  and  orna- 
ments, or  the  more  simple  offering  of  flowers,  equally 
indicative  of  his  sympathy.  The  visits,  at  these 
times,  though  regulated  with  all  the  precision  of 
Oriental  courtesy,  were  accompanied  by  expressions 
of  the  most  cordial  and  affectionate  regard. ^^ 

The  discipline  of  children,  especially  at  the  public 
schools,  as  stated  in  a  previous  chapter,  was  exceed - 


35  Sahagun,    Hist,    de    Nueva  scends   to   particulars,  which  his 

Espafia,  lib.  6,  cap.  23-37. — Ca-  Mexican  editor,  Bustamante,  has 

margo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.  excluded,  as  somewhat  too  unre- 

These  complimentary  attentions  served  for  the  public  eye.    If  they 

were  paid  at  stated  seasons,  even  were  more  so  than  some  of  the 

during  pregnancy.   The  details  are  editor's  own  notes,  they  must  have 

given  with  abundant  gravity  and  been  very  communicative  indeed, 
minuteness  by  Sahagun,  who  de- 


ch.  v.]  domestic  manners.  151 

ingly  severe.^*^  But  after  she  had  come  to  a  mature 
age,  the  Aztec  maiden  was  treated  by  her  parents 
with  a  tenderness,  from  which  all  reserve  seemed 
banished.  In  the  counsels  to  a  daughter  about  tc 
enter  into  life,  they  conjured  her  to  preserve  sim- 
plicity in  her  manners  and  conversation,  uniform 
neatness  in  her  attire,  witli  strict  attention  to  per- 
sonal cleanliness.  They  inculcated  modesty,  as  the 
great  ornament  of  a  woman,  and  implicit  reverence 
for  her  husband ;  softening  their  admonitions  by- 
such  endearing  epithets,  as  showed  the  fulness  of  a 
parent's  love.^^ 

Polygamy  was  permitted  among  the  Mexicans, 
though  chiefly  confined,  probably,  to  the  wealthiest 
classes.^^     And  the  obligations  of  the  marriage  vow, 

^  Zurita,  Rapport,  pp.  112-134.  ni  se  oyen,  las  quales  han  proce- 

The  Third  Part  of  the  Col.  de  dido  de  las  entraiias  y  corazon  en 

Mendoza  (Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  que  estaban  atesoradas  ;  y  tu  muy 

I.)  exhibits  the  various  ingenious  amado  padre  bien   sabe  que  ere.s 

punishments  devised  for  the  refrac-  su  hija,  engendrada  de  el,  eres  su 

tory  child.     The  flowery  path  of  sangre  y  su   carne,  y  sabe  Dios 

knowledge  was  well  strewed  with  nuestro  seilor  que  es  asi ;   aunque 

thorns  for  the  Mexican  tyro.  eres  muger,  e  imagen  de  tu  padre 

37   Zurita,    Rapport,    pp.    151-  j  que  mas  te  puedo  deeir,  hija  mia, 

160.  de  lo  que  ya  esta  dicho  ?  "     (Hist. 

Sahagun  has  given  us  the  admo-  de  Nueva  Espafia,  lib.  6,  cap.  19.) 
nitions  of  both  father  and  mother  The  reader  will  find  this  interest- 
to  the  Aztec  maiden,  on  her  coming  ing  document,  which  enjoins  so 
to  years  of  discretion.  What  can  much  of  what  is  deemed  most  es- 
be  more  tender  than  the  beginning  sential  among  civilized  nations, 
of  the  mother's  exhortation?  "Hi-  translated  entire  in  the  Appendix, 
ja  mia  muy  amada,  muy  querida  Part  2,  No.  1. 
palomita  :  ya  has  oido  y  notado  38  Yet  we  find  the  remarkable 
las  palabras  que  tu  seuor  padre  te  declaration,  in  the  counsels  of  a 
ha  dicho  ;  ellas  son  palabras  pre-  father  to  his  son,  that,  for  the  mul- 
ciosas,  y  que  raramente  se  dicen  tiplication  of  the  species,  God  or- 


152  AZTEC  CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1 

which  was  made  with  all  the  formality  of  a  religious 
ceremony,  were  fully  recognised,  and  impressed  on 
both  parties.  The  women  are  described  by  the 
Spaniards  as  pretty,  unlike  their  unfortunate  de- 
scendants, of  the  present  day,  though  with  the  same 
serious  and  rather  melancholy  cast  of  countenance. 
Their  long  black  hair,  covered,  in  some  parts  of  the 
country,  by  a  veil  made  of  the  fine  web  of  the  pita, 
might  generally  be  seen  wreathed  with  flowers,  or, 
among  the  richer  people,  with  strings  of  precious 
stones,  and  pearls  from  the  Gulf  of  California.  They 
appear  to  have  been  treated  with  much  consideration 
by  their  husbands  ;  and  passed  their  time  in  indolent 
tranquillity,  or  in  such  feminine  occupations  as  spin- 
ning, embroidery,  and  the  like  ;  while  their  maidens 
beguiled  the  hours  by  the  rehearsal  of  traditionary 
tales  and  ballads.^^ 

The  women  partook  equally  with  the  men  of  so- 
cial festivities  and  entertainments.  These  were  often 
conducted  on  a  large  scale,  both  as  regards  the  num- 
ber of  guests  and  the  costliness  of  the  preparations. 
Numerous  attendants,  of  both  sexes,  waited  at  the 
banquet.  The  halls  were  scented  with  perfumes, 
and  the  courts  strewed  with  odoriferous  herbs  and 
flowers,  which  were  distributed  in  profusion  among 

dained  one  man  only  for  one  wo-  ron  de  una  muger."     Ibid.  lib.  6, 

man.     "  Nota,  hijo  mio,  lo  que  te  cap.  21. 

digo,  mira  que  el  mundo  ya  tiene        ^  Ibid.,  lib.  6,  cap.  21  -23  ;  lib 

este  estilo  de  engendiar  y  multipli-  8,  cap.  23.  —  Rel.  d'  un  gent.,  ap 

car,  y  para  esta  gencracion  y  mul-  Ramusio,  torn.  III.  fol.  305.  —  Car 

tiplicacion,  ordeno  Dios  que  una  ta  del  Lie.  Zuazo,  MS. 

jnuger  usase  de  un  varon,  v  un  va- 


Ch.  v.] 


DOMESTIC   MANNERS. 


163 


the  guests,  as  they  arrived.  Cotton  napkins  and 
ewers  of  water  were  placed  before  them,  as  they 
took,  their  seats  at  the  board ;  for  the  venerable 
ceremony  of  ablution,^"  before  and  after  eating, 
was  punctiliously  observed  by  the  Aztecs.^^  To- 
bacco was  then  offered  to  the  company,  in  pipes, 
mixed  up  with  aromatic  substances,  or  in  the  form 
of  cigars,  inserted  in  tubes  of  tortoise-shell  or  sil- 
ver. They  compressed  the  nostrils  with  the  fingers, 
while  they  inhaled  the  smoke,  which  they  frequently- 
swallowed.  Whether  the  women,  who  sat  apart 
from  the  men  at  table,  were  allowed  the  indulgence 
of  the  fragrant  weed,  as  in  the  most  polished  circles 


^  As  old  as  the  heroic  age  of 
Greece,  at  least.  We  may  fancy 
ourselves  at  the  table  of  Penelope, 
where  water  in  golden  ewers  was 
poured  into  silver  basins  for  the 
accommodation  of  her  guests,  be- 
fore beginning  the  repast. 

"  X£jv//Jfl!  y  afiip'i'TteXos   r^op^iu  i^i-^ivi 

J^'i^ar^xi '    ta^a  S»   %iirTJiy  Irdtiurfft 

OATi;i:.  A. 
The  feast  affords  many  other  points 
of  analogy  to  the  Aztec,  inferring 
a  similar  stage  of  civilization  in 
the  two  nations.  One  may  be  sur- 
prised, however,  to  find  a  greater 
profusion  of  the  precious  metals  in 
the  barren  isle  of  Ithaca,  than  in 
Mexico.  But  the  poet's  fancy  was 
a  richer  mine  than  either. 

41  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  NuevaEs- 
paiia,  lib.  6,  cap.  22. 

VOL.    I.  20 


Amidst  some  excellent  advice  of 
a  parent  to  his  son,  on  his  gener- 
al deportment,  we  find  the  latter 
punctiliously  enjoined  not  to  take 
his  seat  at  the  board  till  he  has 
washed  his  face  and  hands,  and 
not  to  leave  it  till  he  has  repeated 
the  same  thing,  and  cleansed  his 
teeth.  The  directions  are  given 
with  a  precision  worthy  of  an  Asi- 
atic. "  Al  principio  de  la  comida 
labarte  has  las  manos  y  la  boca,  y 
donde  te  juntares  con  otros  a  co- 
mer, no  te  sientes  luego  ;  mas  an- 
tes tomaras  el  agua  y  la  jicara  pa- 
ra que  se  labeii  los  otros,  y  echarles 
has  agua  a  los  manos,  y  dei;pues  de 
esto,  cojeras  lo  que  se  ha  caido 
por  el  suelo  y  barreras  el  lugar  de 
la  comida,  y  tambien  despues  de 
comer  lavaras  te  las  manos  y  la  bo- 
ca, y  limpiaras  los  dientes."  Tbid., 
loc.  cit. 


154 


AZTEC  CIVILIZATION. 


[Book  I. 


of  modern  Mexico,  is  not  told  us.  It  is  a  curious 
fact,  that  the  Aztecs  also  took  the  dried  leaf  in  the 
pulverized  form  of  snuff.^- 

The  table  was  well  provided  with  substantial 
meats,  especially  game  ;  among  which  the  most  con- 
spicuous was  the  turkey,  erroneously  supposed,  as 
its  name  imports,  to  have  come  originally  from  the 
East."*^     These  more  solid  dishes  were   flanked  by 


42  Rel.  d'  un  gent.,  ap.  Ramu- 
sio,  torn.  III.  fol.  306.  — Sahagun, 
Hist,  de  Nueva  Espaua,  lib.  4,  cap. 
37. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  13,  cap.  33.  —  Clavigero,  Stor. 
del  Messico,  torn.  II.  p.  227. 

The  Aztecs  used  to  smoke  after 
dinner,  to  prepare  for  the  siesta,  in 
which  they  indulged  themselves  as 
regularly  as  an  old  Castilian.  — 
Tobacco,  in  Mexican  r/etl,  is  deriv- 
ed from  a  Haytian  word,  tabaco. 
The  natives  of  llispaniola,  being 
the  first  with  whom  the  Spaniards 
had  much  intercourse,  have  sup- 
plied Europe  with  the  names  of 
several  important  plants.  —  Tobac- 
co, in  some  form  or  other,  was 
used  by  almost  all  the  tribes  of 
the  American  continent,  from  the 
North-west  Coast  to  Patagonia. 
(See  McCulloh,  Researches,  pp. 
91-94.)  Its  manifold  virtues,  both 
social  and  medicinal,  are  profusely 
panegyrized  by  Hernandez,  in  his 
Hist.   Plantarum,  lib.  2,  cap.  109. 

^^  This  noble  bird  was  introduced 
into  Europe  from  Mexico.  The 
Spaniards  called  it  gaUopavo,  from 
its  resemblance  to  the  peacock. 
SeeRel.  d'ungent.,  ap.  Ramusio, 


(tom.  III.  fol.  306)  ;  also  Oviedo, 
(Rel.  Sumaria,  cap.  38,)  the  ear- 
liest naturalist  who  gives  an  ac- 
count of  the  bird,  which  he  saw 
soon  after  the  Conquest,  in  the 
West  Indies,  whither  it  had  been 
brought,  as  he  says,  from  New 
Spain.  The  Europeans,  however, 
soon  lost  sight  of  its  origin,  and  the 
name  "  turkey  "  intimated  the  pop- 
ular belief  of  its  Eastern  origin. 
Several  entiinent  writers  have  main- 
tained its  Asiatic  or  African  de- 
scent ;  but  they  could  not  impose 
on  the  sagacious  and  better  in- 
structed Buffon.  (See  Histoire  Na- 
turelle,  Art.  Dindon.)  The  Span- 
iards saw  immense  numbers  of  tur- 
keys in  the  domesticated  state,  on 
their  arrival  in  Mexico,  where  they 
were  more  common  than  any  other 
poultry.  They  were  found  wild,  not 
only  in  New  Spain,  but  all  along 
the  continent,  in  the  less  frequent- 
ed places,  from  the  North-west- 
ern territory  of  the  United  States 
to  Panama.  The  wild  turkey  is 
larger,  more  beautiful,  and  every 
way  an  incomparably  finer  bird, 
than  the  tame.  Franklin,  with 
some  point,  as  well  as  pleasantry, 


:h,  v.]  domestic  manners.  155 

others  of  vegetables  and  fruits,  of  every  delicious 
variety  found  on  the  North  American  continent. 
The  different  viands  were  prepared  in  various  ways, 
with  delicate  sauces  and  seasoning,  of  which  the 
Mexicans  were  very  fond.  Their  palate  was  still 
further  regaled  by  confections  and  pastry,  for  which 
their  maize-flour  and  sugar  supplied  ample  materials. 
One  other  dish,  of  a  disgusting  nature,  was  some- 
times added  to  the  feast,  especially  when  the  cele- 
bration partook  of  a  religious  character.  On  such 
occasions  a  slave  was  sacrificed,  and  his  flesh,  elab- 
orately dressed,  formed  one  of  the  chief  ornaments 
of  the  banquet.  Cannibalism,  in  the  guise  of  an 
Epicurean  science,  becomes  even  the  more  revolt- 
ing.^* 

The  meats  were  kept  warm  by  chafing-dishes. 
The  table  was  ornamented  with  vases  of  silver,  and 
sometimes  gold,  of  delicate  workmanship.  The 
drinking  cups  and  spoons  were  of  the  same  costly 
materials,  and  likewise  of  tortoise  shell.  The  fa- 
vorite beverage  was  the  chocolatl,  flavojed  with  va- 


insists  on  its  preference  to  the  bald  13  ;  lib.  9,  cap.  10-14.  —  Torque- 
eagle,  as  the  national  emblem.  (See  raada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  13,  cap. 
hisWorks,vol.X.p.63,inSparks's  23.  —  Rol.  d'  ungent.,  ap.  Ramu- 
excellent  edition.)  Interesting  no-  sio,  tom.  III.  fol.  306. 
tices  of  the  history  and  habits  of  Father  Sahagun  has  gone  into 
the  wild  turkey  may  be  found  in  many  particulars  of  the  Aztec  cm- 
the  Ornithology  both  of  Buona-  sine,  and  the  mode  of  preparing 
parte  and  of  that  enthusiastic  lover  sundry  savory  messes,  making, 
of  nature,  Audubon,  vox  Melea-  all  together,  no  despicable  contri- 
gris,  Gallopavo.  bution  to  the  noble  science  of  gas- 

44  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es-  ironomy. 
pana,  lib.  4,  cap.  37  ;  lib.  8,  cap. 


156 


AZTEC  CIVILIZATION. 


[Boor  I 


nilla  and  different  spices.  Tliej  had  a  way  of  pre- 
paring the  froth  of  it,  so  as  to  make  it  almost  solid 
enough  to  be  eaten,  and  took  it  cold.^'  The  fer- 
mented juice  of  the  maguey,  with  a  mixture  of 
sweets  and  acids,  supplied,  also,  various  agreeable 
drinks,  of  different  degrees  of  strength,  and  formed 
the  chief  beverage  of  the  elder  part  of  the  com- 
pany.^*^ 

As  soon  as  they  had  finished  their  repast,  the 
young  people  rose  from  the  table,  to  close  the  festiv- 
ities of  the  day  with  dancing.  They  danced  grace- 
fiilly,  to  the  sound  of  various  instruments,  accom- 
panying their  movements  with  chants,  of  a  pleasing, 
though   somewhat  plaintive  character.^'^     The  older 


^  The  froth,  delicately  flavored 
with  spices  and  some  other  ingre- 
dients, was  taken  cold  by  itself.  It 
had  the  consistency  almost  of  a 
solid  ;  and  the  "  Anonymous  Con- 
queror "  is  very  careful  to  incul- 
cate the  importance  of  "  opening 
the  mouth  wide,  in  order  to  facili- 
tate deglutition,  that  the  foam  may 
dissolve  gradually,  and  descend  im- 
perceptibly, as  it  were,  into  the 
stomach . "  It  was  so  nutritious  that 
a  single  cup  of  it  was  enough  to 
sustain  a  man  through  the  longest 
day's  march.  (Fol.  306.)  The  old 
soldier  discusses  the  beverage  con 
amore. 

^  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es- 
pana,  lib.  4,  cap.  37  ;  lib.  8,  cap. 
13. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  13,  cap.  23.  —  Rel.  d'  ungent., 
ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  III.  fol.  306. 


'*''  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec. 
2,  lib.  7,  cap.  8.  —  Torquemada. 
Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  14,  cap.  11. 

The  Mexican  nobles  entertained 
minstrels  in  their  houses,  who  com- 
posed ballads  suited  to  the  times, 
or  the  achievements  of  their  lord, 
which  they  chanted,  to  the  ac- 
companiment of  instruments,  at  the 
festivals  and  dances.  Indeed,  there 
was  more  or  less  dancing  at  most 
of  the  festivals,  and  it  was  per- 
formed in  the  court-yards  of  the 
houses,  or  in  the  open  squares  of 
the  city.  (Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)  The 
principal  men  had,  also,  buffoons 
and  jugglers  in  their  service,  who 
amused  them,  and  astonished  the 
Spaniards  by  their  feats  of  dexteri- 
ty and  strength  ;  (Acosta,  lib.  6, 
cap.  28  ;)  also  Clavigero,  (Stor. 
del  Messico,tom.II.  pp.  179-186,) 


Ca.  V.J  DOMESTIC  MANNERS.  157 

guests  continued  at  table,  sipping  pulque,  and  gos- 
siping about  other  times,  till  the  virtues  of  the  exhil- 
arating beverage  put  them  in  good-humor  with  their 
own.  Intoxication  was  not  rare  in  this  part  of  the 
company,  and,  what  is  singular,  was  excused  in 
them,  though  severely  punished  in  the  younger. 
The  entertainment  was  concluded  by  a  liberal  distri- 
bution of  rich  dresses  and  ornaments  among  the 
guests,  when  they  withdrew,  after  midnight,  "  some 
commending  the  feast,  and  others  condemning  the 
bad  taste  or  extravagance  of  their  host ;  in  the 
same  manner,"  says  an  old  Spanish  writer,  "  as  with 
us."  ^  Human  nature  is,  indeed,  much  the  same 
all  the  world  over. 

In  this  remarkable  picture  of  manners,  which  1 
have  copied  faithfully  from  the  records  of  earliest 
date  after  the  Conquest,  we  find  no  resemblance  to 
the  other  races  of  North  American  Indians.  Some 
resemblance  we  may  trace  to  the  general  style  of 
Asiatic  pomp  and  luxury.  But,  in  Asia,  woman,  far 
from  being  admitted  to  unreserved  intercourse  with 
the  other  sex,  is  too  often  jealously  immured  with- 

who  has  designed  several  repre-  ^  "  Y  de  esta  manera  pasaban 

sentations  of  their  exploits,  truly  gran  rato  de  la  noche,  y  se  despe- 

surprising.     It   is   natural   that  a  dian,  e  iban  a  sus  casas,  unos  ala- 

people  of  limited  refinement  should  bando  la  fiesta,  y  otros  murmuran- 

find  their  enjoyment  in  material,  do   de  las   demasias,   y  excesos ; 

rather  than  intellectual  pleasures,  cosa  mui  ordinaria  en  los  que  u 

and,  consequently,  should  excel  in  semejantes  actos  se  juntan."   Tor> 

them.    The  Asiatic  nations,  as  the  quemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  13 

Hindoos  and  Chinese,  for  example,  cap.  23.  — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nue  • 

surpass  the  more  polished  Euro-  va  Espana,  lib.  9,  cap.  10-14 
peans  in  displays  of   agility  and 
legerdemain. 


158  BOTURINI.  [Book  I 

111  the  walls  of  the  harem.  European  civilization, 
which  accords  to  this  loveliest  portion  of  creation  her 
proper  rank  in  the  social  scale,  is  still  more  removed 
from  some  of  the  brutish  usages  of  the  Aztecs. 
That  such  usages  should  have  existed  with  the  de- 
gree of  refinement  they  showed  in  other  things  is 
almost  inconceivable.  It  can  only  be  explained  as 
the  result  of  religious  superstition ;  superstition 
which  clouds  the  moral  perception,  and  perverts  even 
the  natural  senses,  till  man,  civilized  man,  is  recon- 
ciled to  the  very  things  which  are  most  revolting  to 
humanity.  Habits  and  opinions  founded  on  religion 
must  not  be  taken  as  conclusive  evidence  of  the  ac- 
tual refinement  of  a  people. 

The  Aztec  character  was  perfectly  original  and 
unique.  It  was  made  up  of  incongruities  apparently 
irreconcilable.  It  blended  into  one  the  marked  pe 
culiarities  of  different  nations,  not  only  of  the  same 
phase  of  civilization,  but  as  far  removed  from  each 
other  as  the  extremes  of  barbarism  and  refine- 
ment. It  may  find  a  fitting  parallel  in  their  own 
wonderful  climate,  capable  of  producing,  on  a  few 
square  leagues  of  surface,  the  boundless  variety  of 
vegetable  forms,  which  belong  to  the  frozen  regions 
of  the  North,  the  temperate  zone  of  Europe,  and 
the  burning  skies  of  Arabia  and  Hindostan  ! 


One  of  the  works  repeatedly  consulted  and  referred  to  in  this  Intro- 
duction is  Boturini's  Idea  de  una  nueva  Historia  General  de  la  Ameri- 
ca Septentrional.  The  singular  persecutions  sustained  by  its  authoi, 
even  more  than  the  merits  of  his  book,  have  associated   his  name 


Ch.  v.]  BOTURINI.  '[h\^ 

inseparably  with  the  literary  history  of  Mexico.  The  Chevalier  Lo- 
renzo Boturini  Benaduci  was  a  Milanese  by  birth,  of  an  ancient  family, 
and  possessed  of  much  learning.  From  Madrid,  where  he  was  residing, 
he  passed  over  to  New  Spain,  in  1735,  on  some  business  of  the  count- 
ess of  Santibanez,  a  lineal  descendant  of  Montezuma.  While  employed 
on  this,  he  visited  the  celebrated  shrine  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadaloupe, 
and,  being  a  person  of  devout  and  enthusiastic  temper,  Avas  filled  with 
the  desire  of  collecting  testimony  to  establish  the  marvellous  fact  of 
her  apparition.  In  the  course  of  his  excursions,  made  with  this  view, 
he  fell  in  with  many  relics  of  Aztec  antiquity,  and  conceived  —  what 
to  a  Protestant,  at  least,  would  seem  much  more  rational  —  the  idea 
of  gathering  together  all  the  memorials  he  could  meet  with  of  the 
primitive  civilization  of  the  land. 

In  pursuit  of  this  double  object,  he  penetrated  into  the  remotest  parts 
of  the  country,  living  much  with  the  natives,  passing  his  nights  some- 
times in  their  huts,  sometimes  in  caves,  and  the  depths  of  the  lonely 
forests.  Frequently  months  would  elapse,  without  his  being  able  to 
add  any  thing  to  his  collection  ;  for  the  Indians  had  suffered  too  much, 
not  to  be  very  shy  of  Europeans.  His  long  intercourse  with  them, 
however,  gave  him  ample  opportunity  to  learn  their  language  and 
popular  traditions,  and,  in  the  end,  to  amass  a  large  stock  of  materials, 
consisting  of  hieroglyphical  charts  on  cotton,  skins,  and  the  fibre  of  the 
maguey  ;  besides  a  considerable  body  of  Indian  manuscripts,  written 
after  the  Conquest.  To  all  these  must  be  added  the  precious  docu- 
ments for  placing  beyond  controversy  the  miraculous  apparition  of  the 
Virgin.  With  this  treasure  he  returned,  after  a  pilgrimage  of  eight 
years,  to  the  capital. 

His  zeal,  in  the  mean  while,  had  induced  him  to  procure  from  Rome 
a  bull  authorizing  the  coronation  of  the  sacred  image  at  Guadaloupe. 
The  bull,  however,  though  sanctioned  by  the  Audience  of  New  Spain, 
had  never  been  approved  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  In  consequence 
of  this  informality,  Boturini  was  arrested  in  the  midst  of  his  proceed- 
ings, his  papers  were  taken  from  him,  and,  as  he  declined  to  give  an 
inventory  of  them,  he  was  thrown  into  prison,  and  confined  in  the  same 
apartment  with  two  criminals !  Not  long  afterward  he  was  sent  to  Spain. 
He  there  presented  a  memorial  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  setting 
forth  his  manifold  grievances,  and  soliciting  redress.  At  the  same 
time,  he  drew  up  his  "  Idea,"  above  noticed,  in  which  he  displayed  the 
catalogue  of  his  museum  in  New  Spain,  declaring,  with  affecting  earn- 
estness, that  "  he  would  not  exchange  these  treasures  for  all  the  gold 
and  silver,  diamonds  and  pearls,  in  the  New  World." 

After  some  delay,  the  Council  gave  an  award  in  his  favor  ;  acquitting 
him  of  any  intentional  violation  of  the  law,  and  pronouncing  a  high 


160  BOTURINI.  [Book  I. 

oucomium  on  his  deserts.  His  papers,  however,  were  not  restored. 
But  his  Majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  appoint  him  Historiographer 
General  of  the  Indies,  with  a  salary  of  one  thousand  dollars  per  annum 
The  stipend  was  too  small  to  allow  him  to  return  to  Mexico.  He  re- 
mained in  Madrid,  and  completed  there  the  first  volume  of  a  "  General 
History  of  North  America,"  in  1749.  Not  long  after  this  event,  and 
before  the  publication  of  the  work,  he  died.  The  same  injustice  was 
continued  to  his  heirs  ;  and,  notwithstanding  repeated  applications  in 
their  behalf,  they  were  neither  put  in  possession  of  their  unfortunate 
kinsman's  collection,  nor  received  a  remuneration  for  it.  What  was 
worse,  —  as  far  as  the  public  was  concerned,  —  the  collection  itself 
was  deposited  in  apartments  of  the  Vice-regal  palace  at  Mexico,  so 
damp,  that  they  gradually  fell  to  pieces,  and  the  few  remaining  were 
stiil  further  diminished  by  the  pilfering  of  the  curious.  When  Baron 
Humboldt  visited  Mexico,  not  one  eighth  of  this  inestimable  treasure 
was  in  existence ! 

I  have  been  thus  particular  in  the  account  of  the  unfortunate  Boturini, 
as  affording,  on  the  whole,  the  most  remarkable  example  of  the  serious 
obstacles  and  persecutions,  which  literary  enterprise,  directed  in  the 
path  of  the  national  antiquities,  has,  from  some  cause  or  other,  been  ex- 
posed to  in  New  Spain. 

Boturini's  manuscript  volume  was  never  printed,  and  probably  nevei 
will  be,  if,  indeed,  it  is  in  existence.  This  will  scarcely  prove  a  great 
detriment  to  science,  or  to  his  own  reputation.  He  was  a  man  of  a 
zealous  temper,  strongly  inclined  to  the  marvellous,  with  little  of  that 
acuteness  requisite  for  penetrating  the  tangled  mazes  of  antiquity,  or  of 
the  philosophic  spirit  fitted  for  calmly  weighing  its  doubts  and  difficul- 
ties. His  "  Idea  "  affords  a  sample  of  his  peculiar  mind.  With  abundant 
learning,  ill-assorted  and  ill-digested,  it  is  a  jumble  of  fact  and  puerile 
fiction,  interesting  details,  crazy  dreams,  and  fantastic  theories.  But  it 
is  hardly  fair  to  judge  by  the  strict  rules  of  criticism  a  work,  which, 
put  together  hastily,  as  a  catalogue  of  literary  treasures,  was  de- 
signed by  the  author  rather  to  show  what  might  be  done,  than  that  he 
could  do  it  himself.  — It  is  rare  that  talents  for  action  and  contemplation 
are  united  in  the  same  individual.  Boturini  was  eminently  qualified,  by 
his  enthusiasm  and  perseverance,  for  collecting  the  materials  necessary 
to  illustrate  the  antiquities  of  the  country.  It  requires  a  more  highly 
gifted  mind  to  avail  itself  of  them. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

Tezctjcans. — Their  Golden  Age. — Accomplished  Princes. — 
Decline  of  their  Monarchy. 

The  reader  would  gather  but  an  imperfect  notion 
of  the  civilization  of  Anahuac,  without  some  account 
of  the  Acolhuans,  or  Tezcucans,  as  they  are  usually 
called ;  a  nation  of  the  same  great  family  with  the 
Aztecs,  whom  they  rivalled  in  power,  and  surpassed 
in  intellectual  culture  and  the  arts  of  social  refine- 
ment. Fortunately,  we  have  ample  materials  for  this 
in  the  records  left  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  a  lineal  descend- 
ant of  the  royal  line  of  Tezcuco,  who  flourished 
in  the  century  of  the  Conquest.  With  every  op- 
portunity for  information  he  combined  much  industry 
and  talent,  and,  if  his  narrative  bears  the  high 
coloring  of  one  who  would  revive  the  faded  glories 
of  an  ancient,  but  dilapidated  house,  he  has  been 
uniformly  commended  for  his  fairness  and  integrity, 
and  has  been  followed  without  misgiving  by  such 
Spanish  writers  as  could  have  access  to  his  manu- 
scripts.' I  shall  confine  myself  to  the  prominent 
features  of  the  two  reigns  which  may  be  said  to 
embrace  the  golden  age  of  Tezcuco ;  without  at- 
tempting to  weigh  the    probability  of  the  details, 

1  For  a  criticism  on  this  writer,  see  the  Postscript  to  this  Chapter. 
VOL.    I.  21 


162  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1. 

which  I  will  leave  to  be  settled  by  the  reader,  ac- 
cording to  the  measure  of  his  faith. 

The  Acolhuans  came  into  the  Valley,  as  we  have 
seen,  about  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  and 
Imilt  their  capital  of  Tezcuco  on  the  eastern  borders 
of  the  lake,  opposite  to  Mexico.  From  this  point 
they  gradually  spread  themselves  over  the  northern 
portion  of  Anahuac,  when  their  career  was  checked 
by  an  invasion  of  a  kindred  race,  the  Tepanecs, 
who,  after  a  desperate  struggle,  succeeded  in  taking 
their  city,  slaying  their  monarch,  and  entirely  sub- 
jugating his  kingdom.^  This  event  took  place  about 
1418;  and  the  young  prince,  Nezahualcoyotl,  the 
heir  to  the  crown,  then  fifteen  years  old,  saw  his 
father  butchered  before  his  eyes,  while  he  himself 
lay  concealed  among  the  friendly  branches  of  a  tree, 
which  overshadowed  the  spot.^  His  subsequent 
history  is  as  full  of  romantic  daring,  and  perilous 
escapes,  as  that  of  the  renowned  Scanderbeg,  or  of 
the  "young  Chevalier."* 

Not  long  after  his  flight  from  the  field  of  his 
father's  blood,  the  Tezcucan  prince  fell  into  the 
hands  of  his  enemy,  was  borne  off"  in  triumph  to  his 
city,  and  was  thrown  into  a  dungeon.     He  effected 


2  See  Chapter  First  of  this  In-  iennes,  chap.  79).      It  is  hardly 

troduction,  p.  15.  necessary,  for  the  latter,  to  refer 

•'  Ixtlilxochitl,Relaciones, MS.,  the  English  reader  to  Chambers's 

No.9.— Idem,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  "History    of    tlie    Rebellion    of 

cap.  19.  1745  "  ;  a  work  which  proves  how 

4  The  adventures  of  the  former  thin  is  the  partition  in  human  life, 

hero  are  told  with  his  usual  spirit  which  divides  romance  from  real- 

by     Sismondi    (R^publiques   Ital-  ily. 


Cn.  VI.]       GOLDEN  AGE  OF  TEZCUCO.  163 

his  escape,  however,  through  the  connivance  of  tiie 
governor  of  the  fortr^^^s,  an  old  servant  of  his  family, 
who  took  the  place  of  the  roj^al  fugitive,  and  paid 
for  his  loyalty  with  his  life.  He  was  at  length  per- 
mitted, through  the  intercession  of  the  reigning  family 
in  Mexico,  which  was  allied  to  him,  to  retire  to  that 
capital,  and  subsequently  to  his  own,  where  he  found 
a  shelter  in  his  ancestral  palace.  Here  he  remained 
unmolested  for  eight  jears,  pursuing  his  studies 
under  an  old  preceptor,  who  had  had  the  care  of  his 
early  youth,  and  who  instructed  him  in  the  various 
duties  befitting  his  princely  station."' 

At  the  end  of  this  period  the  Tepanec  usurper 
died,  bequeathing  his  empire  to  his  son,  Maxtla,  a 
man  of  fierce  and  suspicious  temper.  Nezahual- 
coyotl  hastened  to  pay  his  obeisance  to  him,  on  his 
accession.  But  the  tyrant  refused  to  receive  the 
little  present  of  flowers  which  he  laid  at  his  feet, 
and  turned  his  back  on  him  in  presence  of  his  chief- 
tains. One  of  his  attendants,  friendly  to  the  young 
prince,  admonished  him  to  provide  for  his  own  safety, 
by  withdrawing,  as  speedily  as  possible,  from  the  pal- 
ace, where  his  life  was  in  danger.  He  lost  no  time, 
consequently,  in  retreating  from  the  inhospitable 
court,  and  returned  to  Tezcuco.  Maxtla,  however, 
was  bent  on  his  destruction.  He  saw  with  jealous 
eye  the  opening  talents  and  popular  manners  of  his 
rival,  and  the  favor  he  was  daily  winning  from  his 
ancient  subjects.^ 

5  Ixllilxochitl,  Relaciones,  MS.,     10.  —  Hist.  Chich.,  MS., cap.  20- 
No.  10.  24. 

c  Idem,  Relaciones,  MS.,  No. 


164  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

He  accordingly  laid  a  plan  for  making  way  with 
him  at  an  evening  entertainment.  It  was  defeated 
by  the  vigilance  of  the  prince's  tutor,  who  contrived 
to  mislead  the  assassins,  and  to  substitute  another 
victim  in  the  place  of  his  pupilJ  The  baffled  ty- 
rant now  threw  off  all  disguise,  and  sent  a  strong 
party  of  soldiers  to  Tezcuco,  with  orders  to  enter 
the  palace,  seize  the  person  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  and 
slay  him  on  the  spot.  The  prince,  who  became 
acquainted  with  the  plot  through  the  watchfulness 
of  his  preceptor,  instead  of  flying,  as  he  was  coun- 
selled, resolved  to  await  his  enemy.  They  found 
him  playing  at  ball,  when  they  arrived,  in  the  court 
of  his  palace.  He  received  them  courteously,  and  in- 
vited them  in,  to  take  some  refreshments  after  their 
journey.  While  they  were  occupied  in  this  way,  he 
passed  into  an  adjoining  saloon,  which  excited  no 
suspicion,  as  he  was  still  visible  through  the  open 
doors  by  which  the  apartments  communicated  with 
each  other.  A  burning  censer  stood  in  the  passage, 
and,  as  it  was  fed  by  the  attendants,  threw  up 
such  clouds  of  incense  as  obscured  his  movements 
from  the  soldiers.  Under  this  friendly  veil  he  suc- 
ceeded in  making  his  escape  by  a  secret  passage, 
Avhich  communicated  with  a  large  earthen  pipe  for- 
merly used  to  bring  water  to  the  palace.^     Here  he 

7  Idem,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,ciip.  knows,  —  though  rarely  of  tragic 

25.     The  contrivance  was  effect-  interest. 

ed  by  means  of  an  extraordinary  ^  It  was  customary,  on  entering 

personal  resemblance  of  the  par-  the  presence  of  a  great  lord,  to 

ties  ;    a   fruitful    source   of  com-  throw  aromatics  into  the  censer, 

ic,  —  as  every  reader  of  the  drama  "  Ilccho  en  cl  brascro  incienso,  y 


Ch.  VI.]        GOLDEN  AGE  OF  TEZCUCO.  165 

remained  till  night-fall,  when,  taking  advantage  of 
the  obscurity,  he  found  his  way  into  the  suburbs, 
and  sought  a  shelter  in  the  cottage  of  one  of  his 
father's  vassals. 

The  Tepanec  monarch,  enraged  at  this  repeated 
disappointment,  ordered  instant  pursuit.  A  price 
was  set  on  the  head  of  the  royal  fugitive.  Whoever 
should  take  him,  dead  or  alive,  was  promised,  how- 
ever humble  his  degree,  the  hand  of  a  noble  lady, 
and  an  ample  domain  along  with  it.  Troops  of 
armed  men  were  ordered  to  scour  the  country  in 
every  direction.  In  the  course  of  the  search,  the 
cottage,  in  which  the  prince  had  taken  refuge,  was 
entered.  But  he  fortunately  escaped  detection  by 
being  hid  under  a  heap  of  maguey  fibres  used 
for  manufacturing  cloth.  As  this  was  no  longer  a 
proper  place  of  concealment,  he  sought  a  retreat  in 
the  mountainous  and  ^^oody  district  lying  between 
the  borders  of  his  own  state  and  Tlascala.^ 

Here  he  led  a  wretched,  wandering  life,  exposed 
to  all  the  inclemencies  of  the  weather,  hiding  him- 
self in  deep  thickets  and  caverns,  and  stealing  out, 
at  night,  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  a  ^.petite ;  while 
he  was  kept  in  constant  alarm  by  the  activity  of 
his  pursuers,  always  hovering  on  his  track.  On 
one  occasion  he  sought  refuge  from  them  among  a 
small  party  of  soldiers,  who  proved  friendly  to  him, 

copal,   que   era  uso  y  costumbre  cia   algo   la   sala."     Ixtlilxochitl, 

donde  estaban  los Reyes y  Senores,  Relaciones,  MS.,  No.  11. 
cada  vez  que  los  criados  entraban        ^  Idem,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap. 

con  mucha  reverencia  y  acamiento  26.  —  Relaciones,  MS.,  No.  11. — 

echaban  sahumerio  en  el  brasero  ;  Veytia,  Hist.  Antig.,  lib.2,cap.  47 
y  asi  con  este  perfume  se  obscure- 


166  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

and  concealed  him  in  a  large  drum  around  which 
they  were  dancing.  At  another  time,  he  was  just 
able  to  turn  the  crest  of  a  hill,  as  his  enemies  were 
climbing  it  on  the  other  side,  when  he  fell  in  with  a 
girl  who  was  reaping  chian,  —  a  Mexican  plant,  the 
seed  of  which  was  much  used  in  the  drinks  of  the 
country.  He  persuaded  her  to  cover  him  up  with 
the  stalks  she  had  been  cutting.  When  his  pursuers 
came  up,  and  inquired  if  she  had  seen  the  fugitive, 
the  girl  coolly  answered  that  she  had,  and  pointed 
out  a  path  as  the  one  he  had  taken.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  high  rewards  offered,  Nezahualcoyotl  seems 
to  have  incurred  no  danger  from  treachery,  such  was 
the  general  attachment  felt  to  himself  and  his  house. 
'-  Would  you  not  deliver  up  the  prince,  if  he  came 
in  your  way  ?  "  he  inquired  of  a  young  peasant 
who  was  unacquainted  with  his  person.  "  Not  I," 
replied  the  other.  "  What,  not  for  a  fair  lady's  hand, 
and  a  rich  dowry  beside  ?  "  rejoined  the  prince.  At 
which  the  other  only  shook  his  head  and  laughed."' 
On  more  than  one  occasion,  his  faithful  people  sub- 
niitted  to  torture,  and  even  to  lose  their  lives,  rather 
than  disclose  the  place  of  his  retreat." 

However  gratifying  such  proofs  of  loyalty  might 
be    to  his   feelings,   the  situation  of  the   prince   in 


10  "  Nezahualcoiotzin  le   dixo,  mancebo  se  ri6  de  todo,  no  hacien- 

que  si  viese  a  quien  buscaban,  si  do  caso  ni  de  louno,  ni  de  lo  otro." 

lo  iria  a  denunciar  ■?  respondio,  que  Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.   Chich.,  MS, 

r.o  ;  toriiandole  a  replicar  dicien-  cap.  27. 

dole,  que  haria  mui  mal  en  perder        ^i  Ibid.,  MS.,  cap.  26,  27.  —  Re 

una  muj^er  hermosa,  y  lo  demas,  laciones,  MS.,  No.  11.  —  Veytia, 

que   el    rev  Maxtla   prometia,    el  Hist.  Antig.,  lib.  2,  cap.  47,  48. 


Ch.  VI.]  GOLDEN    AGE  OF   TEZCUCO.  167 

these  mountain  solitudes  became  every  day  more 
distressing.  It  gave  a  still  keener  edge  to  his  own 
sufferings  to  witness  those  of  the  faithful  followers 
who  chose  to  accompany  him  in  his  wanderings. 
'•  Leave  me,"  he  would  say  to  them,  "  to  my  fate  ! 
Why  should  you  throw  away  your  own  lives  for 
one  whom  fortune  is  never  weary  of  persecuting  ?  " 
Most  of  the  great  Tezcucan  chiefs  had  consulted 
their  interests  by  a  timely  adhesion  to  the  usurper. 
But  some  still  clung  to  their  prince,  preferring  pro- 
scription, and  death  itself,  rather  than  desert  him  in 
his  extremity.^^ 

In  the  mean  time,  his  friends  at  a  distance  were 
active  in  measures  for  his  relief.  The  oppressions 
of  Maxtla,  and  his  growing  empire,  had  caused  gen- 
eral alarm  in  the  surrounding  states,  who  recalled 
the  mild  rule  of  the  Tezcucan  princes.  A  coalition 
was  formed,  a  plan  of  operations  concerted,  and,  on 
the  day  appointed  for  a  general  rising,  Nezahualcoyotl 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  force  sufficiently  strong 
to  face  his  Tepanec  adversaries.  An  engagement 
came  on,  in  which  the  latter  were  totally  discom- 
fited; and  the  victorious  prince,  receiving  everywhere 
on  his  route  the  homage  of  his  joyful  subjects,  en- 
tered his  capital,  not  like  a  proscribed  outcast,  but 
as  the  rightful  heir,  and  saw  himself  once  more 
enthroned  in  the  halls  of  his  fathers. 

Soon  after,  he  united  his  forces  with  the  Mexi- 
cans, long  disgusted  with  the  arbitrary  conduct  of 

12  IxtlilxochitljMSS.,  ubi  supra.  — Veytia,  ubi  supra. 


168  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

Maxtla.  The  allied  powers,  after  a  series  of  bloody 
engagements  with  the  usurper,  routed  him  under  the 
walls  of  his  own  capital.  He  fled  to  the  baths, 
whence  he  was  dragged  out,  and  sacrificed  with  the 
usual  cruel  ceremonies  of  the  Aztecs ;  the  royal  city 
of  Azcapozalco  was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the 
wasted  territory  was  henceforth  reserved  as  the  great 
slave-market  for  the  nations  of  Anahuac.^^ 

These  events  were  succeeded  by  the  remarkable 
league  among  the  three  powers  of  Tezcuco,  Mexi- 
co, and  Tlacopan,  of  which  some  account  has  been 
given  in  a  previous  chapter.'^  Historians  are  not 
agreed  as  to  the  precise  terms  of  it ;  the  writers  of 
the  two  former  nations,  each,  insisting  on  the  para- 
mount authority  of  his  own  in  the  coalition.  All 
agree  in  the  subordinate  position  of  Tlacopan,  a  state, 
like  the  others,  bordering  on  the  lake.  It  is  certain, 
that  in  their  subsequent  operations,  whether  of  peace 
or  war,  the  three  states  shared  in  each  other's  coun- 
cils, embarked  in  each  other's  enterprises,  and  moved 
in  perfect  concert  together,  till  just  before  the  coming 
of  the  Spaniards. 

The  first  measure  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  on  returning 
to  his  dominions,  was  a  general  amnesty.  It  was 
his  maxim,  "  that  a  monarch  might  punish,  but  re- 
venge was  unworthy  of  him."  '^     In  the  present  in- 


13    Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  ^^  <<  Que  venganza  no  es  juste 

MS.,  cap.  28-31.  —  Relaciones,  la  procuren  los  Reyes,  sine  casti- 

MS.,  No.  11.  —  Veytia,  Hist.  An-  q.^r  al  que  lo  mereciere."      MS. 

U<!.,  lib.  2,  cap.  .51-54.  de  Ixtlilxochitl. 

'''  Sep  page  18  of  this  volume. 


Ch.  vi]  golden  age  of  tezcuco.  169 

stance,  he  was  averse  even  to  punish,  and  not  only 
freely  pardoned  his  rebel  nobles,  but  conferred  on 
some,  who  had  most  deeply  offended,  posts  of  honor 
and  confidence.  Such  conduct  was  doubtless  politic, 
especially  as  their  alienation  was  owing,  probably, 
much  more  to  fear  of  the  usurper,  than  to  any  dis- 
all'ection  towards  himself.  But  there  are  some  acts 
of  policy  which  a  magnanimous  spirit  only  can 
execute. 

The  restored  monarch  next  set  about  repairing 
the  damages  sustained  under  the  late  misrule,  and 
reviving,  or  rather  remodelling,  the  various  depart- 
ments of  government.  He  framed  a  concise,  but 
comprehensive,  code  of  laws,  so  well  suited,  it  was 
thought,  to  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  that  it  was 
adopted  as  their  own  by  the  two  other  members  of 
the  triple  alliance.  It  was  written  in  blood,  and 
entitled  the  author  to  be  called  the  Draco,  rather 
than  "  the  Solon  of  Anahuac,"  as  he  is  fondly  stj'led 
by  his  admirers.'*^  Humanity  is  one  of  the  best 
fruits  of  refinement.  It  is  only  with  increasing 
civilization,  that  the  legislator  studies  to  economize 
human  suffering,  even  for  the  guilty  ;  to  devise  pen- 
alties, not  so  much  by  way  of  punishment  for  the 
past,  as  of  reformation  for  the  future.*^ 

^6    See    Clavigero,     Stor.    del  tlilxochitl   enumerates   several  of 

Messico,  torn.  I.  p.  247.  them.    Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  38, 

Nezahualcoyotl's  code  consisted  and  Relaciones,  MS.,  Ordenanzas 

of  eighty  laws,   of  which  thirty-  17  Nowhere  are  these  principles 

four  only  have  come  down  to  us,  kept  more  steadily  in  view  than  in 

according  to  Veytia.     (Hist.  An-  the  various  writings  of  our  adopted 

ti?.,  torn.  in.  p.  224,  nota.)  Ix-  countryman,  Dr.  Lieber,  havinj; 
VOL.    I.                       22 


)70  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book   1. 

He  divided  the  burden  of  government  among  a 
number  of  departments,  as  the  council  of  war,  the 
council  of  finance,  the  council  of  justice.  Thhs 
last  was  a  court  of  supreme  authority,  both  in  civil 
and  criminal  matters,  receiving  appeals  from  the 
lower  tribunals  of  the  provinces,  which  were  obliged 
to  make  a  full  report,  every  four  months,  or  eighty 
days,  of  their  own  proceedings  to  this  higher  judica- 
ture. In  all  these  bodies,  a  certain  number  of  citi- 
zens were  allowed  to  have  seats  with  the  nobles  and 
professional  dignitaries.  There  was,  however,  an- 
other body,  a  council  of  state,  for  aiding  the  king 
in  the  despatch  of  business,  and  advising  him  in 
matters  of  importance,  which  was  drawn  altogether 
from  the  highest  order  of  chiefs.  It  consisted  of 
fourteen  members  ;  and  they  had  seats  provided  for 
them  at  the  royal  table. ^^ 

Lastly,  there  was  an  extraordinary  tribunal,  called 
the  council  of  nmsic,  but  which,  differing  from  the 
import  of  its  name,  was  devoted  to  the  encour- 
agement of  science  and  art.  Works  on  astrono- 
my, chronology,  history,  or  any  other  science,  were 
required  to  be  submitted  to  its  judgment,  before 
they  could  be  made  public.  This  censorial  power 
was  of  some  moment,  at  least  with   regard  to  the 

more  or  less  to  do  with  the  theory        According  to  Zurita,  the  princi- 

of  legislation.     Such  works  could  pal  judges,  at  their  general  meet 

not  have  been  produced  before  the  ings  every  four  months,  constilut- 

nineteenth  century.  ed   also   a  sort  of  parliament  oi 

18   Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  c6rtes,  for  advising  the   king  on 

MS.,  cap.  36. — Veytia,  Hist.  An-  matters  of  state.    See  his  Rapport 

li?.,  lib.  3,  cap.  7.  p.  106  ;  also  Ante,  p.  30. 


Ch  VI.]       GOLDEN  AGE  OF  TEZCUCO.  171 

historical  department,  where  the  wilful  perversion  of 
truth  was  made  a  capital  offence  bj  the  bloody  code 
of  Nezahualcoyotl.  Yet  a  Tezcucan  author  must 
have  been  a  bungler,  who  could  not  elude  a  convic- 
tion under  the  cloudy  veil  of  hieroglyphics.  This 
body,  which  was  drawn  from  the  best  instructed 
persons  in  the  kingdom,  with  little  regard  to  rank, 
had  supervision  of  all  the  productions  of  art,  and  of 
the  nicer  fabrics.  It  decided  on  the  qualifications 
of  the  professors  in  the  various  branches  of  science, 
on  the  fidelity  of  their  instructions  to  their  pupils, 
the  deficiency  of  which  was  severely  punished,  and 
it  instituted  examinations  of  these  latter.  In  short, 
it  was  a  general  board  of  education  for  the  country. 
On  stated  days,  historical  compositions,  and  poems 
treating  of  moral  or  traditional  topics,  were  recited 
before  it  by  then-  authors.  Seats  were  provided  for 
the  three  crowned  heads  of  the  empire,  who  delib- 
erated with  the  other  members  on  the  respective 
merits  of  the  pieces,  and  distributed  prizes  of  value 
to  the  successful  competitors. •^ 


19   Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  lo.     Delante  de  las  sillas  de  los 

MS.,  cap.   36.  —  Clavigero,  Stor.  reyes  habia  una  gran  mesa  cargada 

del  Messico,  torn.   II.  p.   137.  —  de   ioyas  de  oro  y  plata,  pedreria, 

Veytia,  Hist.  Antig.,lib.  3,  cap.  7.  plumas,  y  otras  cosas  estimables, 

"  Concurrian  a  este  consejo  las  y  en  los  rincones  de  la  sala  muchas 

tres  cabezas  del  imperio,  en  ciertos  de  mantas  de  todas  calidades,  para 

dias,  a  oir  cantar  las  poesias  histo-  premios  de  las  habilidades  y  esti- 

ricas   antiguas   y  modernas,  para  mulo  de  los  |)rofesores,  las  cuales 

mstruirse  de  toda   su   historia,  y  alhajas  repartian  los  reyes,  en  los 

(ambien  cuando  habia  algun  nuevo  dias  que  concurrian,  a  los  que  se 

hiventoen  cualquierafacullad,para  aventajaban  en  el  ejercicio  de  sua 

ftxaminarlo,  aprobarlo,  6  reprobar-  facultades."     Ibid. 


172  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  1 

Such  are  the  marvellous  accounts  transmitted  to 
s  of  this  institution  ;  an  institution  certainly  not 
to  have  been  expected  among  the  Aborigines  of 
America.  It  is  calculated  to  give  us  a  higher  idea 
of  the  refinement  of  the  people,  than  even  the  noble 
architectural  remains,  which  still  cover  some  parts 
of  the  continent.  Architecture  is,  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, a  sensual  gratification.  It  addresses  itself  to 
the  eye,  and  affords  the  best  scope  for  the  parade 
of  barbaric  pomp  and  splendor.  It  is  the  form  in 
which  the  revenues  of  a  semi-civilized  people  are 
most  likely  to  be  lavished.  The  most  gaudy  and 
ostentatious  specimens  of  it,  and  sometimes  the  most 
stupendous,  have  been  reared  by  such  hands.  It  is 
one  of  the  first  steps  in  the  great  march  of  civiliza- 
tion. But  the  institution  in  question  was  evidence 
of  still  higher  refinement.  It  was  a  literary  luxury  ; 
and  argued  the  existence  of  a  taste  in  the  nation, 
which  relied  for  its  gratification  on  pleasures  of  a 
purely  intellectual  character. 

The  influence  of  this  academy  must  hav§  been 
most  propitious  to  the  capital,  which  became  the 
nursery,  not  only  of  such  sciences  as  could  be  com- 
passed by  the  scholarship  of  the  period,  but  of 
various  useful  and  ornamental  arts.  Its  historians, 
orators,  and  poets  were  celebrated  throughout  the 
country.^     Its  archives,  for  which  accommodations 


20  Veytia.  Hist.  Antig.,  lib.  3,  pute,  of  the  royal  house  of  Tez- 

cap.  7. —  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Mes-  'juco,    descendants   of   the    great 

sico,  torn.  I.  p.  247.  Nezahualcoyotl.    See  his  Account 

The   latter   author    enumerates  of  Writers,  torn.  I.  pp.  6 -21 
foul  historians,  some  of  much  re- 


Ch.  VI.]  GOLDEN   AGE   OF  TEZCUCO.  173 

were  provided  in  the  rojal  palace,  were  stored  with 
the  records  of  primitive  ages,-'  Its  idiom,  more  pol- 
ished than  the  Mexican,  was,  indeed,  the  purest  of 
all  the  Nahuatlac  dialects ;  and  continued,  long  after 
the  Conquest,  to  be  that  in  which  the  best  produc- 
tions of  the  native  races  were  composed.  Tezcuco 
claimed  the  glory  of  being  the  Athens  of  the  West- 
ern World.^^ 

Among  the  most  illustrious  of  her  bards  was  the 
emperor  himself,  —  for  the  Tezcucan  writers  claim 
this  title  for  their  chief,  as  head  of  the  imperial  alh- 
ance.  He,  doubtless,  appeared  as  a  competitor 
before  that  very  academy  where  he  so  often  sat  as 
a  critic.  Many  of  his  odes  descended  to  a  late  gen- 
eration, and  are  still  preserved,  perhaps,  in  some  of 
the  dusty  repositories  of  Mexico  or  Spain.-"  The 
historian,  Ixtlilxochitl,  has  left  a  translation,  in  Cas- 
tilian,  of  one  of  the  poems  of  his  royal  ancestor.     It 


^1  "En  la  ciudad  de  Tezcuco  da."  (Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala, 

estaban  los  Archives    Reales   de  MS.)    "Tezcuco,"  says  Boturini, 

todas  las  cosas  referidas,  por  haver  "  donde  los  Senores  de  la  Tierra 

sido  la  Metropoli  de  todas  las  cien-  embiaban  a  sus  hijos   para  ^pre- 

cias,  uses,  y  buenas   costumbres,  hender  lo  mas  pulido  de  la  Lengua 

porque   los  Reyes  que  fueron  de  Ndhuatl,  la  Poesia,  Filosofia  Mo- 

ella  se  preciaron  de  esto."     (Ix-  ral,  la  Theologia  Gentilica,  la  As- 

tlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,MS.,Pr6-  tronomia,   Medicina,    y   la   Histo- 

logo.)      It   was    from    the    poor  ria."     Idea,  p.  142. 

wreck  of  these  documents,   once  23   "  Compuso   LX.  cantares," 

so  carefully  preserved  by  his  an-  says  the  author  last  quoted,  "  que 

cestors,  that  the  historian  gleaned  quizas  tambien  havran  perecido  en 

the  materials,  as  he  informs  us,  for  las  manos  incendiarias  de  los  igno 

his  own  works.  rantes."     (Idea,  p.  79.)    Boturini 

22  "  Aunque  es  tenida  la  lengua  had  translations  of  two  of  these  in 

Mejicana  por  materna,  y  la  Tez-  his  museum,  (Catalogo,  p.  8,)  and 

cucana  por  mas  cortesana  y  puli-  another  has  since  come  to  light. 


174  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

is  not  easy  to  render  his  version  into  corresponding 
English  rhyme,  without  the  perfume  of  the  original 
escaping  in  this  double  filtration.^  They  remind 
one  of  the  rich  breathings  of  Spanish- Arab  poetry, 
in  which  an  ardent  imagination  is  tempered  by  a 
not  unpleasing  and  moral  melancholy.^  But,  though 
sufficiently  florid  in  diction,  they  are  generally  free 
from  the  meretricious  ornaments  and  hyperbole  with 
which  the  minstrelsy  of  the  East  is  usually  tainted. 
They  turn  on  the  vanities  and  mutability  of  human 
life ;  a  topic  very  natural  for  a  monarch  who  had 
himself  experienced  the  strangest  mutations  of  for- 
tune. There  is  mingled  in  the  lament  of  the  Tezcu- 
can  bard,  however,  an  Epicurean  philosophy,  which 
seeks  relief  from  the  fears  of  the  future  in  the  joj^s 
of  the  present.  "  Banish  care,"  he  says ;  "  if  there 
are  bounds  to  pleasure,  the  saddest  life  must  also 
have  an  end.  Then  weave  the  chaplet  of  flowers, 
and  sing  thy  songs  in  praise  of  the  all-powerful  God ; 
for  the  glory  of  this  world  soon  fadeth  away.  Re- 
joice in  the  green  freshness  of  thy  spring ;  for  the 
day  will  come  when  thou  shalt  sigh  for  these  joys  in 
vain ;  when  the  sceptre  shall  pass  from  thy  hands, 

^  Difficult  as  the  task  may  be,        25  Numerous  specimens  of  this 

it  has  been  executed  by  the  hand  may  be  found  in  Conde's  "Domi- 

of  a  fair  friend,   who,   while  she  nacion  de  los  Arabes  en  Espana."' 

has  adhered  to  the  Castilian  with  None  of  them  are  superior  to  the 

singular  fidelity,  has  shown  a  grace  plaintive  strains  of  the  royal  Ab- 

and  flexibility  in  her  poetical  move-  derahman    on    the   solitary   palm- 

ments,  which  the  Castilian  version,  tree,  which  reminded  him  of  the 

and  probably  the  Mexican  original,  pleasant  land  of   his   birth.     See 

cannot  boast.     See   both  transla-  Parte  2,  cap.  9. 
lions  in  Appendir,  Part  2,  No.  2. 


Ch.  VI.]  GOLDEN   AGE   OF   TEZCUCO.  175 

thj  servants  shall  wander  desolate  in  thy  courts,  thy 
sons,  and  the  sons  of  thy  nobles,  shall  drink  the 
dregs  of  distress,  and  all  the  pomp  of  thy  victories 
and  triumphs  shall  live  only  in  their  recollection. 
Yet  the  remembrance  of  the  just  shall  not  pass  away 
from  the  nations,  and  the  good  thou  hast  done  shall 
ever  be  held  in  honor.  The  goods  of  this  life,  its 
glories  and  its  riches,  are  but  lent  to  us,  its  substance 
is  but  an  illusory  shadow,  and  the  things  of  to-day 
shall  change  on  the  coming  of  the  morrow.  Then 
gather  the  fairest  flowers  from  thy  gardens,  to  bind 
round  thy  brow,  and  seize  the  joys  of  the  present, 
ere  they  perish."  ^° 

But  the  hours  of  the  Tezcucan  monarch  were  not 
all  passed  in  idle  dalliance  with  the  Muse,  nor  in  the 
sober  contemplations  of  philosophy,  as  at  a  later 
period.  In  the  freshness  of  youth  and  early  man- 
hood he  led  the  allied  armies  in  their  annual  expedi 


26  "  lo  tocar6  canlando  "  Rions,  chantons,  dit  celte  troupe  impie; 

El  miisico  instrumento  sonoroso,  De  fleura  en  fleurs,  de  plaisirs  en  plaisirs, 

Tu  de  flores  gozando  Promenons  nos  desirs. 

Danza,  y  festeja  ^  Dios  que  ea  po-  Sur  I'avenir  insense  qui  se  fie. 

deroso;  De  nos  ans   passagers  le  nombre  est  in- 

O  gozemos  de  esta  gloria,  certain. 

Porque  la  humana   vida  es  transi-  HSltons-nous  aujourd'hui  de  jouirdela  vie; 

toria."  Qui  sail  si  nous  serons  demain  ?  " 

MS.  DE  IxTLiLxocHiTL.  Athalie,  Acte  2. 

The  sentiment,  which  is  com-  l^  jg  interesting   to   see   under 
mon  enough,   is    expressed   with  what  different  forms  the  same  sen- 
uncommon  beauty  by  the  Enghsh  ^-^^^^   -^   developed   by   different 
poet,  Herrick  ;  races,  and  in  different  languages. 
'■  Gather  the  rosebud  while  you  may,  j^  jg   ^^   Epicurean    sentiment,  in- 
Old  Time  is  still  a  flying;  ,       1    1        •            • 
The  fairest  flower  that  blooms  today,  deed,  but  Its  universality  proves  Its 
To-morrow  may  be  dying."  truth  tO  nature. 
And  with  still  greater  beauty,  per- 
haps, by  Racine  ; 


176 


AZTEC   CIVILIZATION. 


[Book   I. 


tions,  which  were  certain  to  result  in  a  wider  extent 
of  territory  to  the  empire. ^^  In  the  intervals  of  peace 
he  fostered  those  productive  arts  which  are  the  surest 
sources  of  public  prosperity.  He  encouraged  agri- 
culture above  all ;  and  there  was  scarcely  a  spot  so 
rude,  or  a  steep  so  inaccessible,  as  not  to  confess  the 
power  of  cultivation.  The  land  was  covered  with  a 
busy  population,  and  towns  and  cities  sprung  up  in 
places  since  deserted,  or  dwindled  into  miserable 
villages.^^ 

From  resources  thus  enlarged  by  conquest  and 
domestic  industry,  the  monarch  drew  the  means  for 
the  large  consumption  of  his  own  numerous  house- 
hold,^^ and  for  the  costly  works  which  he  executed 


2^  Some  of  the  provinces  and 
places  thus  conquered  were  held 
hy  the  allied  powers  in  common  ; 
Tlacopan,  however,  only  receiving 
one  fifth  of  the  tribute.  It  was 
more  usual  to  annex  the  vanquished 
territory  to  that  one  of  the  two 
great  states,  to  which  it  lay  near- 
est. See  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
MS.,  cap.  38.  —  Zurita,  Rapport, 
p.  11. 

28  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
MS.,  cap.  41.  The  same  writer,  in 
another  work,  calls  the  population 
of  Tezcuco,  at  this  period,  double 
of  what  it  was  at  the  Conquest ; 
founding  his  estimate  on  the  royal 
registers,  and  on  the  numerous  re- 
mains of  edifices  still  visible  in  his 
day,  in  places  now  depopulated. 
"  Parece  en  las  historias  que  en 
este  tiempo,  antes  que  se  destruye- 


sen,  havia  doblado  mas  gente  de 
la  que  hallo  al  tiempo  que  vino 
Cortes,  y  los  demas  Espailoles ; 
porque  yo  hallo  en  los  padrones 
reales,  que  el  menor  pueblo  tenia 
1100  vecinos,  y  de  alii  para  arriba, 
y  ahora  no  tienen  200  vecinos,  y 
aun  en  algunas  partes  de  todo  pun- 
to  se  han  acabado Como 

se  hecha  de  ver  en  las  ruinas, 
hasta  los  mas  altos  montes  y  sier- 
ras tenian  sus  sementeras,  y  casas 
principales  para  vivir  y  morar  " 
Rclaciones,  MS.,  No.  9. 

^  Torquemada  has  extracted 
the  particulars  of  the  yearly  ex- 
penditure of  the  palace  from  the 
royal  account-book,  which  came 
into  the  historian's  possession. 
The  following  are  some  of  the 
items,  namely  ;  4,900,300  fanegas 
of   maize ;    (the  fanega  is   equal 


ch.  vi.j  golden  age  of  tezcuco.  177 

for  the  convenience  and  embellishment  of  the  capi- 
tal. He  filled  it  with  stately  edifices  for  his  nobles, 
whose  constant  attendance  he  was  anxious  to  se- 
cure at  his  court. ^°  He  erected  a  magnificent  pile 
of  buildings  which  might  serve  both  for  a  royal 
residence  and  for  the  public  offices.  It  extend- 
ed, from  east  to  west,  twelve  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  yards,  and  from  north  to  south,  nine  hundred 
and  seventy-eight.  It  was  encompassed  by  a  wall 
of  unburnt  bricks  and  cement,  six  feet  wide  and 
nine  high,  for  one  half  of  the  circumference,  and 
fifteen  feet  high  for  the  other  half.  Within  this  in- 
closure  were  two  courts.  The  outer  one  was  used 
as  the  great  market-place  of  the  city ;  and  continued 
to  be  so  until  long  after  the  Conquest,  —  if,  indeed, 
it  is  not  now.  The  interior  court  was  surrounded 
by  the  council-chambers  and  halls  of  justice.  There 
were  also  accommodations  there  for  the  foreign  am- 
bassadors ;  and  a  spacious  saloon,  with  apartments 
opening  into  it,  for  men  of  science  and  poets,  who 
pursued  their  studies  in  this  retreat,  or  met  together 
to  hold  converse  under  its  marble  porticos.  In  this 
quarter,  also,  were  kept  the  public  archives ;  which 

to  about  one  hundred  pounds;)  "  Asi  mismo  hizo  edificar  muchas 
2,744,000  fanegas  of  cacao;  8000  casas  y  palacios  para  los  senores 
turkeys ;  1300  baskets  of  salt ;  y  cavalleros,  que  asistian  en  su 
besides  an  incredible  quantity  of  corte,  cada  uno  conforme  a  la  cali- 
game  of  every  kind,  vegetables,  dad  y  m6ritos  de  su  persona,  las 
condiments,  &c.  (Monarch.  Ind.,  quales  llegaron  a  ser  rnaa  de  qua- 
lib.  2,  cap.  53.)  See,  also,  Ixtlilx-  trocientas  casas  de  sei'iores  y  ca- 
ochitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  35.  valleros  de  solar  conocido."  Ibid. 

30  There  were  more  than  four  cap.  38. 
hundred  of  these  lordly  residences. 

VOL.   1.  23 


178  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

fared  better  under  the   Indian  dynasty,  than  they 
have  since  under  their  European  successors.^^ 

Adjoining  this  court  were  the  apartments  of  the 
king,  inchiding  those  for  the  royal  harem,  as  liber- 
ally supplied  with  beauties  as  that  of  an  Eastern 
sultan.  Their  walls  were  incrusted  Avith  alabasters, 
and  richly  tinted  stucco,  or  hung  with  gorgeous 
tapestries  of  variegated  feather-work.  They  led 
through  long  arcades,  and  through  intricate  laby- 
rinths of  shrubbery,  into  gardens,  where  baths  and 
sparkling  fountains  were  overshadowed  by  tall  groves 
of  cedar  and  cypress.  The  basins  of  water  were 
well  stocked  with  fish  of  various  kinds,  and  the 
aviaries  with  birds  glowing  in  all  the  gaudy  plu- 
mage of  the  tropics.  Many  birds  and  animals, 
which  could  not  be  obtained  alive,  were  represent- 
ed in  gold  and  silver  so  skilfully,  as  to  have  fur- 
nished the  great  naturalist,  Hernandez,  with  mod- 
els for  his  work.^ 


31  Ibid.,  cap.  36.     "  Esta  plaza  ivs    various    natural    productions, 

cercada  de  portales,  y  tenia  asi  with  drawings  illustrating  them, 

mismo  per  la  parte  del  poniente  Although  the  government  is  said 

otra  sala  grande,  y  muchos  quar-  to  have  'expended  sixty  thousand 

tos  a  la  redonda,  que  era  la  univer-  ducats  in  elfecting  this   great   ob- 

sidad,  en  donde  asistian  todos  los  ject,  the  volumes  were  not  pub- 

poetas,   historicos,   y  phildsophos  lished  till  long  after  the  author's 

del  reyno,  divididos  en  sus  claves,  death.     In   1C5I  a  mutilated   edi- 

y  acadcmias,  conforme  era  la  fa-  tion  of  the  part  of  the  work  re- 

cultad  de  rada  uno,  y  asi  mismo  lating  to  medical  botany  appeared 

estaban  aqui  los  archives  reales."  at   Rome.      The   original    MSS. 

32_  This  celebrated  naturalist  was  were  supposed  to  have  beer  de- 
sent  by  Philip  II.  to  New  Spain,  stroyed  by  the  great  fire  in  theEs- 
and  he  employed  several  years  in  curial,  not  many  years  after.  For- 
compiling  a  voluminous  work  on  tunately,  another  copy,  in  the  a\i- 


Ch.  VI.]  GOLDEN   AGE  OF  TEZCUCO.  179 

Accommodations  on  a  princely  scale  were  pro- 
vided for  the  sovereigns  of  Mexico  and  Tlacopan, 
when  they  visited  the  court.  The  whole  of  this 
lordly  pile  contained  three  hundred  apartments, 
some  of  them  fifty  yards  square. ^^  The  height  of 
the  building  is  not  mentioned.  It  was  probably 
not  great;  but  supplied  the  requisite  room  by  the 
immense  extent  of  ground  which  it  covered.  The 
interior  was  doubtless  constructed  of  light  mate- 
rials, especially  of  the  rich  woods,  which,  in  that 
country,  are  remarkable,  when  polished,  for  the  bril- 
liancy and  variety  of  their  colors.  That  the  more 
solid  materials  of  stone  and  stucco  were  also  liber- 
ally employed  is  proved  by  the  remains  at  the 
present  day  ;  remains,  which  have  furnished  an  in- 
exhaustible quarry  for  the  churches  and  other  edi- 
fices since  erected  by  the  Spaniards  on  the  site  of 
the  ancient  city.^ 

ihor's  own  hand,  was  detected  by  light  from  the  labors  of  later  nat- 

the   indefatigable   Munoz,   in   the  uralists,  it  still  holds  its  place  as  a 

library  of  the  Jesuits'  College  at  book  of  the  highest  authority,  for 

Madrid,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  the  perspicuity,  fidelity,  and  thor- 

last  century  ;  and  a  beautiful  edi-  oughness,  with  which  the  multifa- 

tion,  from  the  famous  press  of  Ibar-  rious  topics  in  it  are  discussed, 
ra,  was  published  in  that  capital,         ^"  IxtliJxochitl,    Hist.    Chich., 

under   the   patronage   of   govern-  MS.,  cap.  36. 
ment,  in  1790.    (Hist.  Plantarum,         ^'*  ''  Some  of  the   terraces   on 

Praefatio. — Nic.  Antonio,  Biblio-  which  it  stood,"  says  Mr.  Bullock, 

theca     Hispana    Nova,    (Matriti,  speaking  of  this  palace,  "  are  still 

1790,)  tom.  n.  p.  432.)  entire,  and  covered  with  cement, 

The   work   of  Hernandez   is  a  very  hard,  and  equal  in  beauty  to 

monument  of  industry  and  erudi-  that  found  in  ancient  Roman  build- 

tion,  the  more  remarkable,  as  be-  ings The  great  church,  which 

ing  the  first  on  this  difficult  sub-  stands  close  by,  is  almost  entirely 

ject.     And  after  all  the  additional  built  of  the  materials  taken  from 


180  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

We  are  not  informed  of  the  time  occupied  in 
building  this  palace.  But  two  hundred  thousand 
workmen,  it  is  said,  were  employed  on  it !  ^''  How- 
ever this  mav  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  Tezcucan 
monarchs,  like  those  of  Asia,  and  ancient  Egypt,  had 
the  control  of  immense  masses  of  men,  and  would 
sometimes  turn  the  whole  population  of  a  conquered 
city,  including  the  women,  into  the  public  works.^'' — 
The  most  gigantic  monuments  of  architecture  which 
the  world  has  witnessed  would  never  have  been 
reared  by  the  hands  of  freemen. 

Adjoining  the  palace  were  buildings  for  the  king's 
children,  who,  by  his  various  wives,  amounted  to  no 
less  than  sixty  sons  and  fifty  daughters.^^  Here  they 
were  instructed  in  all  the  exercises  and  accomplish- 
ments suited  to  their  station  ;  comprehending,  what 
would  scarcely  find  a  place  in  a  royal  education  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  the  arts  of  working 
in   metals,  jewelry,   and  feather-mosaic.     Once   in 


the  palace,  many  of  the  sculptured  lation  were  compelled,  women  as 

stones  from  which  may  be  seen  in  well  as  men,  says  the  chronicler  so 

the  walls,  though  most  of  the  or-  often  quoted,  to  labor  on  the  royal 

naments  are  turned  inwards.     In-  edifices,  for  four  years  together  ; 

deed,  our  guide  informed  us,  that  and  large  granaries  were  provided 

whoever  built  a  house  at  Tezcuco  with  stores  for  their  maintenance, 

made  the  ruins  of  the  palace  serve  in  the  mean   time.     Idem,    Hist, 

as  his  quarry."     (Six  Months  in  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  46. 

Mexico,  chap.  2G.)     Torquemada  "^^  If  the  people  in  general  were 

notices   the   appropriation   of  the  not  much  addicted  to  polygamy, 

materials   to   the    same   purpose,  the  sovereign,  it  must  be  confess- 

Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  2,  cap.  45.  cd,  —  and   it   was   the  same,  we 

35  Ixtlilxochitl,  MS.,  ubi  supra,  shall  see,  in  Mexico, —  made  ample 

38  Thus,  to  punish  the  Chalcas  amends  for  any  self-denial  on  the 

for  theirrebellion,  the  whole popu-  part  of  his  subjects. 


ch.  vi]  golden  age  of  tezcuco.  181 

every  four  months,  the  whole  household,  not  except- 
ing the  youngest,  and  including  all  the  officers  and 
attendants  on  the  king's  person,  assembled  in  a 
grand  saloon  of  the  palace,  to  listen  to  a  discourse 
from  an  orator,  probably  one  of  the  priesthood. 
The  princes,  on  this  occasion,  were  all  dressed  in 
nequen,  the  coarsest  manufacture  of  the  country. 
The  preacher  began  by  enlarging  on  the  obligations 
of  morality,  and  of  respect  for  the  gods,  especially 
important  in  persons  whose  rank  gave  such  addi- 
tional weight  to  example.  He  occasionally  seasoned 
his  homily  with  a  pertinent  application  to  his  audi- 
ence, if  any  member  of  it  had  been  guilty  of  a  no- 
torious delinquency.  From  this  wholesome  admoni- 
tion the  monarch  himself  was  not  exempted,  and 
the  orator  boldly  reminded  him  of  his  paramount 
duty  to  show  respect  for  his  own  laws.  The  king, 
so  far  from  taking  umbrage,  received  the  lesson  with 
humility ;  and  the  audience,  we  are  assured,  were 
often  melted  into  tears  by  the  eloquence  of  the 
preacher.^^  This  curious  scene  may  remind  one  of 
similar  usages  in  the  Asiatic  and  Egyptian  despot- 
isms, where  the  sovereign  occasionally  condescended 
to  stoop  from  his  pride  of  place,  and  allow  his  mem- 
ory to  be  refreshed  with  the  conviction  of  his  own 
mortality.^^     It  soothed   the  feelings  of  the  subject, 


38  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  of  kingly  virtues  might  descend  on 
MS.,  cap.  37.  the  prince,  they  threw  the  blame 

39  The  Egyptian  priests  managed  of  actual  delinquencies  on  his  min- 
the  affair  in  a  more  courtly  style,  isters;  thus,  "not  by  the  bitterness 
and,  while  they  prayed  that  all  sorts  of  reproof,"  says  Diodorus,  "but 


182  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book   I. 

to  find  himself  thus  placed,  though  but  for  a  mo- 
ment, on  a  level  with  his  king ;  while  it  cost  little  to 
the  latter,  who  was  removed  too  far  from  his  people, 
to  suffer  any  thing  by  this  short-lived  familiarity.  It 
is  probable  that  such  an  act  of  public  humiliation 
would  have  found  less  favor  with  a  prince  less  ab- 
solute. 

Nezahualcoyotl's  fondness  for  magnificence  was 
shown  in  his  numerous  villas,  which  were  embellish- 
ed with  all  that  could  make  a  rural  retreat  delightful. 
His  favorite  residence  was  at  Tezcotzinco ;  a  conical 
hill  about  two  leagues  from  the  capital.^"  It  was 
laid  out  in  terraces,  or  hanging  gardens,  having  a 
flight  of  steps  five  hundred  and  twenty  in  number, 
many  of  them  hewn  in  the  natural  porphyry .^^  In 
the  garden  on  the  summit  was  a  reservoir  of  water, 
fed  by  an  aqueduct  that  was  carried  over  hill  and 
valley,  for  several  miles,  on  huge  buttresses  of  ma- 
sonry. A  large  rock  stood  in  the  midst  of  this  basin, 
sculptured  with  the  hieroglyphics  representing  the 
years  of  Nezahualcoyotl's  reign  and  his  principal 
achievements  in  each.^      On  a  lower   level  were 


by  the  allurements  of  praise,  en-  This  writer,  who  lived  in  the 

ticing  him  to  an  honest  way  of  sixteenth     century,    counted    the 

life."   Lib.  1,  cap.  70.  steps  himself.     Those  which  were 

*>  Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  not  cut  in  the  rock  were  crumbling 

MS.,   cap.    42.  —  See   Appendix,  into  ruins,  as,  indeed,  every  pari 

Part  2,  No.  3,  for  the  original  de-  of  the  establishment  was  even  then 

scription  of  this  royal  residence.  far  gone  to  decay. 

41  "  Quinientos  y  veynte  esca-  ^  On  the  summit  of  the  mount, 

lones."     Davilla  Padilla,  Historia  according  to  Padilla,  stood  an  im- 

de  la  Provincia  de  Santiago,  (Ma-  age  of  a  coyotl,  —  an   animal  re- 

drid,  1596,)  lib.  2,  cap.  81.  sembling  a  fox,  —  which,  according 


Ch.  VI.]       GOLDEN  AGE  OF  TEZCUCO.  183 

three  other  reservoirs,  in  each  of  which  stood  a 
marble  statue  of  a  woman,  emblematic  of  the  three 
states  of  the  empire.  Another  tank  contained  a 
winged  lion,  (?)  cut  out  of  the  solid  rock,  bearing  in 
his  mouth  the  portrait  of  the  emperor.''^  His  likeness 
had  been  executed  in  gold,  wood,  feather-work,  and 
stone,  but  this  was  the  only  one  which  pleased  him. 
From  these  copious  basins  the  water  was  distrib- 
uted in  numerous  channels  through  the  gardens,  or 
was  made  to  tumble  over  the  rocks  in  cascades, 
shedding  refreshing  dews  on  the  flowers  and  odor- 
iferous shrubs  below.  In  the  depths  of  this  fra- 
grant wilderness,  marble  porticos  and  pavilions  were 
erected,  and  baths  excavated  in  the  solid  porphyry, 
which  are  still  shown  by  the  ignorant  natives,  as  the 
"  Baths  of  Montezuma  "!^^  The  visiter  descended  by 


to  tradition,  represented  an  Indian  tiful   basin,   twelve  feet    long   by 

famous  for  his  fasts.     It  was  de-  eight  wide,  having  a  well  five  feet 

stroyed  by  that  stanch  iconoclast,  by  four,  deep  in  the  centre,"  &c.. 

Bishop  Zumarraga,  as  a  relic  of  &c.      Whether  truth  lies  in  the 

idolatry.     (Hist,  de  Santiago,  lib.  bottom  of  this  well  is  not  so  clear. 

2,  cap.  81.)     This  figure  was,  no  Latrobe    describes    the    baths   as 

doubt,  the  emblem  of  Nezahual-  "  two  singular  basins,  perhaps  two 

coyotl   himself,  whose   name,   as  feet  and  a  half  in  diameter,  not 

elsewhere  noticed,  signified  "  hun-  large  enough  for  any  monarch  big- 

gryfox."  ger  than  Oberon  to  take  a  duck 

•13  "  Hecho  de  una  peila  un  leon  in."    (Comp.  Six  Months  in  Mex- 

de  mas  de  dos  brazas  de  largo  con  ico,   chap.  26  ;    and   Rambler  in 

sus  alas  y  plumas  :  estaba  hechado  Mexico,   let.    7.)      Ward  speaks 

y  mirando  a  la  parte  del  oriente,  much  to  the  same  purpose,  (Mex- 

en  cuia  boca  asomaba  un  rostro,  ico  in  1827,  (London,  1828,)  vol. 

que  erael  mismo  retratodel  Rey."  II.    p.  296,)    which   agrees  with 

Ixtlilxochitl,   Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  verbal  accounts  I  have  received  of 

cap.  42.  the  same  spot. 
"  Bullock  speaks  of  a  "beau- 


184  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

Steps  cut  in  the  living  stone,  and  polished  so  bright 
as  to  reflect  like  mirrors."*^  Towards  the  base  of  the 
hill,  in  the  midst  of  cedar  groves,  whose  gigantic 
branches  threw  a  refreshing  coolness  over  the  verdure 
in  the  sultriest  seasons  of  the  year,"*^  rose  the  royal 
villa,  with  its  light  arcades  and  airy  halls,  drinking 
in  the  sweet  perfumes  of  the  gardens.  Here  the 
monarch  often  retired,  to  throw  off  the  burden  of 
state,  and  refresh  his  wearied  spirits  in  the  society 
of  his  favorite  wives,  reposing  during  the  noontide 
heats  in  the  embowering  shades  of  his  paradise,  or 
mingling,  in  the  cool  of  the  evening,  in  their  festive 
sports  and  dances.  Here  he  entertained  his  im- 
perial brothers  of  Mexico  and  Tlacopan,  and  fol- 
lowed the  hardier  pleasures  of  the  chase  in  the  noble 
woods  that  stretched  for  miles  around  his  villa,  flour- 
ishing in  all  their  primeval  majesty.  Here,  too,  he 
often  repaired  in  the  latter  days  of  his  life,  when 
age  had  tempered  ambition  and  cooled  the  ardor 
of  his  blood,  to  pursue  in  solitude  the  studies  of 
philosophy  and  gather  wisdom  from  meditation. 


•*^  "  Gradas  hechas  de  la  misma  81.)  Peter  Martyr  notices  an  enor- 

pena  tan  bien  gravadas  y  lizas  que  mous  wooden  beam,  used   in  the 

parecian  cspejos."     (Ixtlilxochitl,  construction  of  the  palaces  of  Tez- 

MS.,  ubi  supra.)    The  travellers  cuco,  which  was  one  hundred  and 

just  cited  notice  the  beautiful  polish  twenty  feet  long-  by  eight  feet  in 

still  visible  in  the  porphyry.  diameter  !     The   accounts  of  this 

46  Padilla  saw  entire  pieces  of  and  similar  huge  pieces  of  timber 

cedar  among  the  ruins,  ninety  feet  were  so  astonishing,  he  adds,  that 

long,  and  four  in  diameter.    Some  he  could  not  have  received  them 

of  the  massive  portals,  he  observ-  except  on  the  most  unexceptiona- 

ed,  were  made  of  a  single  stone,  ble   testimony.      De  Orbe   Novo, 

(Hist,  de  Santiago,  lib.   11,  cap.  dec.  5,  cap.  10. 


Ch.  VI.]  ACCOMPLISHED   PRINCES.  ]  85 

The  extraordinary  accounts  of  the  Tezcucan  ar- 
chitecture are  confirmed,  in  the  main,  by  the  rehcs 
which  still  cover  the  hill  of  Tezcotzinco,  or  are  half 
buried  beneath  its  surface.  They  attract  little  atten- 
tion, indeed,  in  the  country,  where  their  true  history 
has  long  since  passed  into  oblivion  ;*~  while  the  trav- 
eller, whose  curiosity  leads  him  to  the  spot,  specu- 
lates on  their  probable  origin,  and,  as  he  stumbles 
over  the  huge  fragments  of  sculptured  porphyry  and 
granite,  refers  them  to  the  primitive  races  who  spread 
their  colossal  architecture  over  the  country,  long  be- 
fore the  coming  of  the  Acolhuans  and  the  Aztecs.'*^ 

The  Tezcucan  princes  were  used  to  entertain  a 
great  number  of  concubines.  They  had  but  one 
lawful  wife,  to  whose  issue  the  crown  descended.^^ 
Nezahualcoyotl  remained  unmarried  to  a  late  period. 


47  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  (Rambler  in  Mexico,  let.  7.)  "I 
the  Mexican  government  should  am  of  opinion,"  says  Mr.  Bullock, 
not  take  a  deeper  interest  in  the  "  that  these  were  antiquities  prior 
Indian  antiquities.  What  might  to  the  discovery  of  America,  and 
not  be  effected  by  a  few  hands  erected  by  a  people  whose  history 
drawn  from  the  idle  garrisons  of  was  lost  even  before  the  building 
some  of  the  neighbouring  towns,  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  —  Who  can 
and  employed  in  excavating  this  solve  this  difficulty  ?  "  (Six  Months 
ground,  "  the  Mount  Palatine  "of  in  Mexico,  ubi  supra.)  The  read- 
Mexico  !  But,  unhappily,  the  age  er  who  takes  Ixtlilxochitl  for  his 
of  violence  has  been  succeeded  by  guide  will  have  no  great  trouble 
one  of  apathj'.  in  solving  it.     He  will  find  here, 

48  "  They  are,  doubtless,"  says  as  he  might,  probably,  in  some 
Mr.  Latrobe,  speaking  of  what  he  other  instances,  that  one  need  go 
calls,  "these  inexplicable  ruins,"  little  higher  than  the  Conquest, 
—  "rather  of  Toltec  than  Aztec  for  the  origin  of  antiquities,  which 
origin,  and,  perhaps,  with  still  claim  to  be  coeval  with  Phcenicia 
more  probability,  attributable  to  a  and  Ancient  Egypt. 

peopleof  an  age  yet  more  remote."         49  Zurita,  Rapport,  p.  12. 
VOL.    I.  24 


1B6  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  -^Bcck  1 

He  was  disappointed  in  an  early  attachment,  as  the 
princess,  who  had  been  educated  in  privacy  to  be  the 
partner  of  his  throne,  gave  her  hand  to  another. 
The  injured  monarch  submitted  the  affair  to  the 
proper  tribunal.  The  parties,  however,  were  proved 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  destination  of  the  lady, 
and  the  court,  with  an  independence  which  reflects 
equal  honor  on  the  judges  who  could  give,  and  the 
monarch  who  could  receive  the  sentence,  acquitted 
the  young  couple.  This  story  is  sadly  contrasted 
by  the  following.^° 

The  king  devoured  his  chagrin  in  the  solitude  of 
his  beautiful  villa  of  Tezcotzinco,  or  sought  to  divert 
it  by  travelling.  On  one  of  his  journeys  he*  was 
hospitably  entertained  by  a  potent  vassal,  the  old 
lord  of  Tepechpan,  who,  to  do  his  sovereign  more 
honor,  caused  him  to  be  attended  at  the  banquet  by 
a  noble  maiden,  betrothed  to  himself,  and  who,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  country,  had  been  educated  under 
his  own  roof.  She  was  of  the  blood  royal  of  Mex- 
ico, and  nearly  related,  moreover,  to  the  Tezcucan 
monarch.  The  latter,  who  had  all  the  amorous 
temperament  of  the  South,  was  captivated  by  the 
grace  and  personal  charms  of  the  youthful  Hebe, 
and  conceived  a  violent  passion  for  her.  He  did  not 
disclose  it  to  any  one,  however,  but,  on  his  return 
home,  resolved  to  gratify  it,  though  at  the  expense 
of  his  own  honor,  by  sweeping  away  the  only  obsta- 
cle which  stood  in  his  path. 

50  IxUilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  43. 


Ch.  VI.]  ACCOMPLISHED   PRINCES.  187 

He  accordingly  sent  an  order  to  the  chief  of  Te- 
pechpan  to  take  command  of  an  expedition  set  on 
foot  against  the  Tlascalans.  At  the  same  time  he 
instructed  two  Tezcucan  chiefs  to  keep  near  the 
person  of  the  old  lord,  and  bring  him  into  the  thick- 
est of  the  hght,  where  he  might  lose  his  life.  He 
assured  them,  this  had  been  forfeited  by  a  great 
crime,  but  that,  from  regard  for  his  vassal's  past 
services,  he  was  willing  to  cover  up  his  disgrace  by 
an  honorable  death. 

The  veteran,  who  had  long  lived  in  retirement  on 
his  estates,  saw  himself,  with  astonishment,  called  so 
suddenly  and  needlessly  into  action,  for  which  so 
many  younger  men  were  better  fitted.  He  suspect- 
ed the  cause,  and,  in  the  farewell  entertainment  to 
his  friends,  uttered  a  presentiment  of  his  sad  destiny. 
His  predictions  were  too  soon  verified  ;  and  a  few 
weeks  placed  the  hand  of  his  virgin  bride  at  her 
own  disposal. 

Nezahualcoyotl  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  break 
his  passion  pubUcly  to  the  princess,  so  soon  after  the 
death  of  his  victim.  He  opened  a  correspondence 
with  her  through  a  female  relative,  and  expressed 
his  deep  sympathy  for  her  loss.  At  the  same  time, 
he  tendered  the  best  consolati  m  in  his  power,  by  an 
offer  of  his  heart,  and  hand.  Her  former  lover  had 
been  too  well  stricken  in  years  for  the  maiden  to  re- 
main long  inconsolable.  She  was  not  aware  of  the 
perfidious  plot  against  his  life  ;  and,  after  a  decent 
time,  she  was  ready  to  comply  with  her  duty,  by 
placing  herself  at  the  disposal  of  her  royal  kinsman. 


188  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

It  was  arranged  by  the  king,  in  order  to  give  a 
more  natural  aspect  to  the  affair,  and  prevent  all 
suspicion  of  the  unworthy  part  he  had  acted,  that 
the  princess  should  present  herself  in  his  grounds  at 
Tezcotzinco,  to  Avitness  some  public  ceremony  there. 
Nezahualcoyotl  was  standing  in  a  balcony  of  the 
palace,  when  she  appeared,  and  inquired,  as  if  struck 
with  her  beauty  for  the  first  time,  "  who  the  lovely 
young  creature  was,  in  his  gardens."  When  his 
courtiers  had  acquainted  him  with  her  name  and 
rank,  he  ordered  her  to  be  conducted  to  the  palace, 
that  she  might  receive  the  attentions  due  to  her  sta- 
tion. The  interview  was  soon  followed  by  a  public 
declaration  of  his  passion ;  and  the  marriage  was 
celebrated  not  long  after,  with  great  pomp,  in  the 
presence  of  his  court,  and  of  his  brother  monarchs  of 
Mexico  and  Tlacopan.^^ 

This  story,  which  furnishes  so  obvious  a  counter- 
part to  that  of  David  and  Uriah,  is  told  with  great 
circumstantiality,  both  by  the  king's  son  and  grand- 
son, from  whose  narratives  Ixtlilxochitl  derived  it.^^ 
They  stigmatize  the  action  as  the  basest  in  their 
great  ancestor's  life.  It  is  indeed  too  base  not  to 
leave  an  indelible  stain  on  any  character,  however 
pure  in  other  respects,  and  exalted. 

The  king  was  strict  in  the  execution  of  his  laws, 
though  his  natural  disposition  led  him  to  temper  jus- 
tice with  mercy.  Many  anecdotes  are  told  of  the 
benevolent  interest  he  took  in  the  concerns  of  his 

51  Idem,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  43.  ^~  Idem,  ubi  supra 


Ch.  vi]  accomplished  princes.  189 

subjects,  and  of  his  anxiety  to  detect  and  reward 
merit,  even  in  the  most  humble.  It  was  common  for 
him  to  ramble  among  them  in  disguise,  like  the  cele- 
brated caliph  in  the  "Arabian  Nights,"  mingling 
freely  in  conversation,  and  ascertaining  their  actual 
condition  with  his  own  eyes.^^ 

On  one  such  occasion,  when  attended  only  by  a 
single  lord,  he  met  with  a  boy  who  was  gathering 
sticks  in  a  field  for  fuel.  He  inquired  of  him  "  why 
he  did  not  go  into  the  neighbouring  forest,  where  he 
would  find  a  plenty  of  them."  To  which  the  lad 
answered,  "  It  was  the  king's  wood,  and  he  would 
punish  him  with  death,  if  he  trespassed  there." 
The  royal  forests  were  very  extensive  in  Tezcuco, 
and  were  guarded  by  laws  full  as  severe  as  those  of 
the  Norman  tyrants  in  England.  "What  kind  of 
man  is  your  king  ?  "  asked  the  monarch,  willing  to 
Jearn  the  effect  of  these  prohibitions  on  his  own 
popularity.  '^  A  very  hard  man,"  answered  the 
boy,  "  who  denies  his  people  what  God  has  given 
them."^  Nezahualcoyotl  urged  him  not  to  mind 
such  arbitrary  laws,  but  to  glean  his  sticks  in  the 
forest,  as  there  was  no  one  present  who  would  be- 
tray him.  But  the  boy  sturdily  refused,  bluntly  ac- 
cusing the  disguised  king,  at  the  same  time,  of  being 
a  traitor,  and  of  wishing  to  bring  him  into  trouble. 

53  "  En  traje  de  cazador,  (que  mediarlas."   Idem,  Hist.   Chich., 

lo  acostumbraba  a  hacer  muy  de  MS.,  cap.  46. 
ordinario,)  saliendo  a  solas,  y  dis-         ^  Un    hombresillo    miserable, 

frazadoparaque  no  fueseconocido,  pues  quita  a  los  horabres  lo  que 

a  reconocer  las  faltas  y  necesidad  Dios  a  manosUenasles  da."  Ibid., 

que  havia  en  la  republica  para  re-  loc.  cit. 


190  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

Nezahualcoyotl,  on  returning  to  the  palace,  order 
ed  the  child  and  his  parents  to  be  summoned  before 
him.  They  received  the  orders  with  astonishment, 
but,  on  entering  the  presence,  the  boy  at  once  recog- 
nised the  person  with  whom  he  had  discoursed  so 
unceremoniously,  and  he  was  filled  with  consterna- 
tion. The  good-natured  monarch,  however,  relieved 
his  apprehensions,  by  thanking  him.  for  the  lesson  he 
had  given  him,  and,  at  the  same  time,  commended 
his  respect  for*  the  laws,  and  praised  his  parents  for 
the  manner  in  which  they  had  trained  their  son.  He 
then  dismissed  the  parties  with  a  liberal  largess  ; 
and  afterwards  mitigated  the  severity  of  the  forest 
laws,  so  as  to  allow  persons  to  gather  any  wood 
they  might  find  on  the  ground,  if  they  did  not  med- 
dle with  the  standing  timber.^^ 

Another  adventure  is  told  of  him,  with  a  poor 
woodman  and  his  wife,  who  had  brought  their  little 
load  of  billets  for  sale  to  the  market-place  of  Tez- 
cuco.  The  man  was  bitterly  lamenting  his  hard  lot, 
and  the  difficulty  with  which  he  earned  a  wretched 
subsistence,  while  the  master  of  the  palace  before 
which  they  were  standing  lived  an  idle  life,  with- 
out toil,  and  with  all  the  luxuries  in  the  world  at  his 
command. 

He  was  going  on  in  his  complaints,  when  the 
good  woman  stopped  him,  by  reminding  him  he 
might  be  overheard.  He  was  so,  by  Nezahualcoyotl 
himself,  who,  standing,  screened  from  observation, 

55  Ibid.,  cap.  46. 


Ch.  VI.]  ACCOMPLISHED   PRINCES.  191 

at  a  latticed  window,  which  overlooked  the  market, 
was  amusing  himself,  as  he  was  wont,  with  observ- 
ing the  common  people  chaffering  in  the  square. 
He  immediately  ordered  the  querulous  couple  into 
his  presence.  They  appeared  trembling  and  con- 
science-struck before  him.  The  king  gravely  in- 
quired what  they  had  said.  As  they  answered  him 
truly,  he  told  them  they  should  reflect,  that,  if  he  had 
great  treasures  at  his  command,  he  had  still  greater 
calls  for  them ;  that,  far  from  leading  an  easy  life,  he 
was  oppressed  with  the  whole  burden  of  government ; 
and  concluded  by  admonishing  them  "to  be  more 
cautious  in  future,  as  walls  had  ears."^^  He  then 
ordered  his  officers  to  bring  a  quantity  of  cloth,  and 
a  generous  supply  of  cacao,  (the  coin  of  the  coun- 
try,) and  dismissed  them.  "Go,"  said  he;  "with  the 
little  you  now  have,  you  will  be  rich  ;  while,  with  all 
my  riches,  I  shall  still  be  poor."^'^ 

It  was  not  his  passion  to  hoard.  He  dispensed  his 
revenues  munificently,  seeking  out  poor,  but  merito- 
rious objects,  on  whom  to  bestow  them.  He  was 
particularly  mindful  of  disabled  soldiers,  and  those 
who  had  in  any  way  sustained  loss  in  the  pub- 
lic service ;  and,  in  case  of  their  death,  extended 
assistance  to  their  surviving  famihes.     Open  men- 

56  "  Porque  las  paredes  oian."  poco  le  bastaba,  y  viviria  bien 
(Ibid.)  A  European  proverb  among  aventurado  ;  y  el,  con  toda  la  ma- 
the  American  Aborigines  looks  too  quina  que  le  parecia  que  tenia  arto, 
strange,  not  to  make  one  suspect  no  tenia  nada ;  y  asi  lo  de&pidid." 
the  hand  of  the  chronicler.  Ibid. 

57  "  Le  dijo,   que   con   aquello 


192  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

dicity  was  a  thing  he  would  never  tolerate,  but  chas- 
tised it  with  exemplary  rigor.''^ 

It  would  be  incredible,  that  a  man  of  the  enlarged 
mind  and  endowments  of  Nezahualcoyotl  should  ac- 
quiesce in  the  sordid  superstitions  of  his  countrymen, 
and  still  more  in  the  sanguinary  rites  borrowed  by 
them  from  the  Aztecs.  In  truth,  his  humane  temper 
shrunk  from  these  cruel  ceremonies,  and  he  strenu- 
ously endeavoured  to  recall  his  people  to  the  more 
pure  and  simple  worship  of  the  ancient  Toltecs.  A 
circumstance  produced  a  temporary  change  in  his 
conduct. 

He  had  been  married  some  years  to  the  wife  he 
had  so  unrighteously  obtained,  but  was  not  blessed 
with  issue.  The  priests  represented  that  it  was 
owing  to  his  neglect  of  the  gods  of  his  country,  and 
that  his  only  remedy  was,  to  propitiate  them  by  hu- 
man sacrifice.  The  king  reluctantly  consented,  and 
the  altars  once  more  smoked  with  the  blood  of 
slaughtered  captives.  But  it  was  all  in  vain  ;  and 
he  indignantly  exclaimed,  "  These  idols  of  wood  and 
stone  can  neither  hear  nor  feel ;  much  less  could 
they  make  the  heavens,  and  the  earth,  and  man, 
the  lord  of  it.  These  must  be  th(;  work  of  the  all- 
powerful,  unknown  God,  Creator  of  the  universe, 
on  whom  alone  I  must  rely  for  consolation  and 
support."  °^ 


58  Ibid.  no  pudidron  hacer  ni  formar  la  her- 

59  "  Verdaderamente  los  Dieses  inosura  del  cicio,  el  sol,  luna,  y 
que  io  adore,  que  son  idolos  de  eslrellas  que  lo  hermosean,  y  dan 
piedra  que  no  hablan,  ni  sienten,  luz  a  la  tierra,  rios,  aguas,  y  fuen 


UH.  VI.]  ACCOMPLISHED   PRINCES.  193 

He  then  withdrew  to  his  rural  palace  oi  Tezcot- 
zinco,  where  he  remained  forty  days,  fasting  and 
praying  at  stated  hours,  and  offering  up  no  other  sac- 
rifice, than  the  sweet  incense  of  copal,  and  aromatic 
herbs  and  gums.  At  the  expiration  of  this  time,  he 
is  said  to  have  been  comforted  by  a  vision  assuring 
him  of  the  success  of  his  petition.  At  all  events, 
such  proved  to  be  the  fact ;  and  this  was  followed 
by  the  cheering  intelligence  of  the  triumph  of  his 
arms  in  a  quarter  where  he  had  lately  experienced 
some  humiliating  reverses.^® 

Greatly  strengthened  in  his  former  religious  con- 
victions, he  now  openly  professed  his  faith,  and  was 
more  earnest  to  wean  his  subjects  from  their  degrad- 
ing superstitions,  and  to  substitute  nobler  and  more 
spiritual  conceptions  of  the  Deity.  He  built  a  tem- 
ple in  the  usual  pyramidal  form,  and  on  the  summit  a 
tower  nine  stories  high,  to  represent  the  nine  heavens  ; 
a  tenth  was  surmounted  by  a  roof  painted  black,  and 
profusely  gilded  with  stars,  on  the  outside,  and  in- 
crusted  with  metals  and  precious  stones  v/ithin. 
He  dedicated  this  to  "  the  unknown  God,  the  Cause 
of  causes.^^'^^     It  seems  probable,  from  the  emblem 

tes,  arboles,  y  plantas  que  la  her-  The  manuscript  here  quoted  is 

raosean,  las  gentes  que  la  poseen,  one  of  the  many  left  by  the  author 

y  todo  lo  criado ;  algun  Dios  may  on  the  antiquities  of  his  country, 

poderoso,  oculto,  y  no  conocido  es  and  forms  part  of   a  voluminous 

el    Criador  de   todo   el   universo.  compilation   made   in   Mexico   by 

El  solo  es  el  que  puede  consolarme  father  Vega,  in  1792,  by  order  of 

en  mi  afliccion,  y  socorrerme  en  the  Spanish  government.    SeeAp- 

tan  grande  angustia  como  mi  cora-  pendix,  Part  2,  No.  2. 

zon  siente."    MS.  de  Ixtlilxochitl.  ^i  '<  Al  Dios  no  conocido,  causa 

60  MS.  de  Ixtlilxochitl.  de  las causas."  MS.de  Ixtlilxochitl 

VOL.    I.  25 


194  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

on  the  tower,  as  well  as  from  the  complexion  of  his 
verses,  as  we  shall  see,  that  he  mingled  with  his 
reverence  for  the  Supreme  the  astral  worship  which 
existed  among  the  Toltecs.^^  Various  musical  in- 
struments were  placed  on  the  top  of  the  tower,  and 
th'e  sound  of  them,  accompanied  by  the  ringing  of  a 
sonorous  metal  struck  by  a  mallet,  summoned  the 
worshippers  to  prayers,  at  regular  seasons. ^^  No 
image  was  allowed  in  the  edifice,  as  un suited  to  the 
"  invisible  God " ;  and  the  people  were  expressly 
prohibited  from  profaning  the  altars  with  blood,  or 
any  other  sacrifices  than  that  of  the  perfume  of 
flowers  and  sweet-scented  gums. 

The  remainder  of  his  days  was  chiefly  spent  in 
his  delicious  solitudes  of  Tezcotzinco,  where  he  de 
voted  himself  to  astronomical  and,  probably,  astro- 
logical studies,  and  to  meditation  on  his  immortal 
destiny, — giving  utterance  to  his  feelings  in  songs, 
or  rather  hymns,  of  much  solemnity  and  pathos. 
An  extract  from  one  of  these  will  convey  some  idea 
of  his  religious  speculations.  The  pensive  tender- 
ness of  the  verses  quoted  in  a  preceding  page  is 


62  Their  earliest  temples  were  63  MS.  de  Ixtlilxochitl. 

dedicated  to  the  Sun.     The  Moon  "  This  was  evidently  a  gong,^' 

they  worshipped  as  his  wife,  and  says    Mr.    Ranking,    who    treads 

the  Stars  as  his  sisters.     (Veytia,  with  enviable  confidence  over  the 

Hist.   Antig.,  torn.    1,   cap.  25.)  "suppositos  cineres,"  in  the  path 

The  ruins  still  existing  at  Teoti-  of  the  antiquary.      See  his  His- 

huacan,  about  seven  leagues  from  torical  Researches  on  the  Conquest 

Mexico,  are  supposed  to  have  been  of  Peru,  Mexico,  &c.,  by  the  Mon 

temples,  raised  by  this  ancient  peo-  gols,  (London,  1827,)  p.  310. 
pie,  in  honor  of  the  two  great  de- 
ities.    Boturini,  Idea,  p.  42. 


Ch.  VI.]  ACCOMPLISHED   PRINCES.  195 

deepened  here  into  a  mournful,  and  even  gloomy 
coloring  ;  while  the  wounded  spirit,  instead  of  seek- 
ing relief  in  the  convivial  sallies  of  a  young  and 
buoyant  temperament,  turns  for  consolation  to  the 
world  beyond  the  grave. 

"All  things  on  earth  have  their  term,  and,  in  the 
most  joyous  career  of  their  vanity  and  splendor,  their 
strength  fails,  and  they  sink  into  the  dust.  All  the 
-ound  world  is  but  a  sepulchre ;  and  there  is  nothing, 
which  lives  on  its  surface,  that  shall  not  be  hidden 
and  entombed  beneath  it.  Rivers,  torrents,  and 
streams  move  onward  to  their  destination.  Not 
one  flows  back  to  its  pleasant  source.  They  rush 
onward,  hastening  to  bury  themselves  in  the  deep 
bosom  of  the  ocean.  The  things  of  yesterday  are 
no  more  to-day ;  and  the  things  of  to-day  shall  cease, 
perhaps,  on  the  morrow.^^  The  cemetery  is  fiill  of 
the  loathsome  dust  of  bodies  once  quickened  by 
living  souls,  who  occupied  thrones,  presided  over 
assemblies,  marshalled  armies,  subdued  provinces, 
arrogated  to  themselves  worship,  were  puffed  up 
with  vainglorious  pomp,  and  power,  and  empire. 

"  But  these  glories  have  all  passed  away,  like  the 
fearful  smoke   that  issues  from  the  throat  of  Popo 


^  "  Toda  la  redondez  de  la  tierra  de  Tluloca   [Neptuno],  y  cuanto 

ea  im  sepulcro  :  no  hay  cosa  que  mas   se   arriman   a   sus   dilatadas 

sustente  que  con  titulo  de  piedad  margenes,  tanto  mas  van  labrando 

no  laesconday  entierre.  Correnlos  las  melancolicas  urnas  para  sepul- 

rios.  los  arroyos,  las  fuentes,  y  las  tarse.    Lo  que  fue  ayer  no  es  hoy, 

aguas,  y  ningunas  retroceden  para  ni  lo  de  hoy  se  afianza  que  sera 

sus  alegres  nacimientos :  aceleranse  manana." 
con  ansia  para  los  vastos  dominios 


196  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

catepetl,  with  no  other  memorial  of  their  existence 
than  the  record  on  the  page  of  the  chronicler. 

"  The  great,  the  wise,  the  valiant,  the  beautiful, 
— alas  !  where  arc  they  now  ?  They  are  all  mingled 
with  the  clod ;  and  that  which  has  befallen  them 
shall  happen  to  us,  and  to  those  that  come  after  us. 
Yet  let  us  take  courage,  illustrious  nobles  and  chief- 
tains, true  friends  and  loyal  subjects,  —  let  us  aspire 
to  that  heaven^  where  all  is  eternal,  and  corruption 
cannot  come.^"  The  horrors  of  the  tomb  are  but  the 
cradle  of  the  Sun,  and  the  dark  shadows  of  death 
are  brilliant  lights  for  the  stars." '^'^  The  mystic  im- 
port of  the  last  sentence  seems  to  point  to  that 
superstition  respecting  the  mansions  of  the  Sun, 
which  forms  so  beautiful  a  contrast  to  the  dark  fea- 
tures of  the  Aztec  mythology. 


65  "  Aspiremos  al  cielo,  que  alii  mante,  who  has,  also,  published 
todoeseternoy  nadasecorrompe."  the  Spanish  version  in  his  Galeria 

66  "El  horror  del  sepulcro  es  de  Antiguos  Principes  Mejicanos, 
lisongera  cuna  para  el,  y  lasfunes-  (Puebla,  1821,  (pp.  16,  17),) 
tas  sombras,  brillantes  luces  para  calls  it  the  "  Ode  of  the  Flow- 
los  astros."  er,"  which  was  recited  at  a  ban- 

The  original  text  and  a  Spanish  quetof  the  great  Tezcucan  nobles, 

translation  of  this  poem  first  ap-  If  this  last,  however,  be  the  same 

peared,  I  believe,  in  a  work   of  mentioned  by  Torqnemada,  (Mon- 

Granados  y  Galvez.  (Tardes  Ame-  arch.  Ind.,  lib.  2,  cap.  45,)  it  must 

ricanas,   (Mexico,   1778,)  p.  90  et  have  been  written  in  the  Tezcucan 

seq.)  The  original  is  in  the  Otomio  tongue  ;  and,  indeed,  it  is  not  prob- 

tongue,  and  both,  together  with  a  able  that  the  Otomie,  an  Indian  dia- 

French  version,  have  been  inserted  lect,  so  distinct  from  the  languages 

by  M.Ternaux-Compansin  the  Ap-  of  Anahuac,  however  well  under- 

pendix  to  his  translation  of  Ixtlil-  stood  by  the  royal  poet,  could  have 

xochitl's  Hist,  des  Chichimeques  been  comprehended  by  a  miscella- 

(tom.  I.   pp.   359-367.)     Busta-  neous  audience  of  his  countrymen 


Ch.  vi.]  accomplished  princes.  197 

At  length,  about  the  year  1470,*"^  Nezahualcoyotl, 
full  of  years  and  honors,  felt  himself  drawing  near 
his  end.  Almost  half  a  century  had  elapsed  since 
he  mounted  the  throne  of  Tezcuco.  He  had  found 
his  kingdom  dismembered  by  faction,  and  bowed  to 
the  dust  beneath  the  yoke  of  a  foreign  tyrant.  He 
had  broken  that  yoke  ;  had  breathed  new  life  into 
the  nation,  renewed  its  ancient  institutions,  extended 
wide  its  domain ;  had  seen  it  flourishing  in  all  the 
activity  of  trade  and  agriculture,  gathering  strength 
from  its  enlarged  resources,  and  daily  advancing 
higher  and  higher  in  the  great  march  of  civilization. 
All  this  he  had  seen,  and  might  fairly  attribute  no 
small  portion  of  it  to  his  own  wise  and  beneficent 
rule.  His  long  and  glorious  day  was  now  drawing 
to  its  close ;  and  he  contemplated  the  event  with 
the  same  serenity,  which  he  had  shown  under  the 
clouds  of  its  morning  and  in  its  meridian  splendor. 

A  short  time  before  his  death,  he  gathered  around 
him  those  of  his  children  in  whom  he  most  confided, 
his  chief  counsellors,  the  ambassadors  of  Mexico, 
and  Tlacopan,  and  his  little  son,  the  heir  to  the 
crown,  his  only  offspring  by  the  queen.  He  was 
then  not  eight  years  old  ;  but  had  already  given,  as 
far  as  so  tender  a  blossom  might,  the  rich  promise 
of  future  excellence. ^^ 

67  An  approximation  to  a  date  ther  was  slain  in  1418,  he  says  he 

is  the  most  one  can  hope  to  arrive  died  at  the  age  of  seventy-one,  in 

atwith  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  has  en-  1462.   Jns^arommMm.  Comp.  Hist, 

tangled  his  chronology  in  a  manner  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  18,  19,  49. 

beyond  my  skill  to  unravel.    Thus,  68  MS.  de  Ixtlilxochitl,  —  also, 

after  telling  us  that  Nezahualcoyotl  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  49. 
w  as  fifteen  years  old  when  his  fa- 


198  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

After  tenderly  embracing  the  child,  the  dying 
monarch  threw  over  him  the  robes  of  sovereignty. 
He  then  gave  audience  to  the  ambassadors,  and, 
when  they  had  retired,  made  the  boy  repeat  the 
substance  of  the  conversation.  He  followed  this  by 
such  counsels  as  were  suited  to  his  comprehension, 
and  which,  when  remembered  through  the  long  vista 
of  after  years,  would  serve  as  lights  to  guide  him  in 
his  government  of  the  kingdom.  He  besought  him 
not  to  neglect  the  worship  of  "  the  unknown  God," 
regretting  that  he  himself  had  been  unworthy  to 
know  him,  and  intimating  his  conviction  that  the 
time  would  come  when  he  should  be  known  and 
worshipped  throughout  the  land.^^ 

He  next  addressed  himself  to  that  one  of  his  sons, 
in  whom  he  placed  the  greatest  trust,  and  whom  he 
had  selected  as  the  guardian  of  the  realm.  "  From 
this  hour,"  said  he  to  him,  "  you  will  fill  the  place 
that  I  have  filled,  of  father  to  this  child ;  you  will 
teach  him  to  live  as  he  ought ;  and  by  your  counsels 
he  will  rule  over  the  empire.  Stand  in  his  place, 
and  be  his  guide,  till  he  shall  be  of  age  to  govern  for 
himself."  Then,  turning  to  his  other  children,  he 
admonished  them  to  live  united  with  one  another, 
and  to  show  all  loyalty  to  their  prince,  who,  though 
a  child,  already  manifested  a  discretion  far  above  his 

69  "  No  consentiendo  que  haya  de  conocer  tan  gran  Dies,  el  qual 

sacrificios  de  gente   humana,  que  tengo  por  cierto  que  ya  que  los 

Dios  se  enoja  de  ello,  castigando  presentes  no  lo  conozcan,  ha  deve- 

con  rigor  a  los  que  lo  hicieren  ;  que  nir  tiernpo  en  que  sea  conocido  y 

el  dolor  que  Uevo  cs  no  tener  luz,  adorado  en  esta  tierra.^'     MS.  de 

(li  conocimiento,  ni  ser  merecedor  Ixtlilxochitl. 


Ch.  VI.l  ACCOMPLISHED   PRINCES.  199 


years.  "  Be  true  to  him,"  he  added,  "  and  he  will 
maintain  you  in  your  rights  and  dignities."  ^° 

Feeling  his  end  approaching,  he  exclaimed,  "  Do 
not  bewail  me  with  idle  lamentations.  But  sing  the 
song  of  gladness,  and  show  a  courageous  spirit,  that 
the  nations  I  have  subdued  may  not  believe  you 
disheartened,  but  may  feel  that  each  one  of  you  is 
strong  enough  to  keep  them  in  obedience !  "  The 
undaunted  spirit  of  the  monarch  shone  forth  even 
in  the  agonies  of  death.  That  stout  heart,  howev- 
er, melted,  as  he  took  leave  of  his  children  and 
friends,  weeping  tenderly  over  them,  while  he  bade 
each  a  last  adieu.  When  they  had  withdrawn,  he 
ordered  the  officers  of  the  palace  to  allow  no  one  to 
enter  it  again.  Soon  after,  he  expired,  in  the  seven- 
ty-second year  of  his  age,  and  the  forty-third  of  his 
reign. "^ 

Thus  died  the  greatest  monarch,  and,  if  one  foul 
blot  could  be  effaced,  perhaps  the  best,  who  ever  sat 
upon  an  Indian  throne.  His  character  is  delineated 
with  tolerable  impartiality  by  his  kinsman,  the  Tez- 
cucan  chronicler.  "  He  was  wise,  valiant,  liberal  ; 
and,  when  we  consider  the  magnanimity  of  his 
soul,  the  grandeur  and  success  of  his  enterprises,  his 
deep  policy,  as  well  as  daring,  we  must  admit  him 
to  have  far  surpassed  every  other  prince  and  captain 
of  this  New  World.  He  had  few  failings  himself, 
and  rigorously  punished  those  of  others.     He  pre 

™  Idem,  ubi  supra;  also  Hist.         "'l  Hist.  Chich.,  cap.  49 
Hhich.,  cap.  49. 


!200  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I 

ferred  the  public  to  his  private  interest ;  was  most 
charitable  in  his  nature,  often  bujing  articles,  at 
double  their  worth,  of  poor  and  honest  persons,  and 
giving  them  away  again  to  the  sick  and  infirm.  In 
seasons  of  scarcity  he  was  particularly  bountiful, 
remitting  the  taxes  of  his  vassals,  and  supplying 
their  wants  from  the  royal  granaries.  He  put  no 
faith  in  the  idolatrous  worship  of  the  country.  He 
was  well  instructed  in  moral  science,  a-nd  sought, 
above  all  things,  to  obtain  light  for  knowing  the  true 
God.  He  believed  in  one  God  only,  the  Creator  of 
heaven  and  earth,  by  whom  we  have  our  being,  who 
never  revealed  himself  to  us  in  human  form,  nor  in 
any  other  ;  with  whom  the  souls  of  the  virtuous  are 
to  dwell  after  death,  while  the  wicked  will  suffer 
pains  unspeakable.  He  invoked  the  Most  High,  as 
'  He  by  whom  we  live,'  and  '  AVho  has  all  things  in 
himself.'  He  recognised  the  Sun  for  his  father,  and 
the  Earth  for  his  mother.  He  taught  his  children 
not  to  confide  in  idols,  and  only  to  conform  to  the 
outward  worship  of  them  from  deference  to  public 
opinion.^^  If  he  could  not  entirely  abolish  human 
sacrifices,  derived  from  the  Aztecs,  he,  at  least,  re- 
stricted them  to  slaves  and  captives."  " 

I  have  occupied  so  much  space  with  this  illustrious 
prince,  that  but  little  remains  for  his  son  and  succes- 
sor, Nezahualpilli.  I  have  thought  it  better,  in  our 
narrow  limits,  to  present  a  complete  view  of  a  single 

"^  "  Solia  amonestar  a  sus  hi-     aquello  que  hiciesen  en  publico  fu- 
jos  en  secrete  quo  no  ad  erase  n  &     esc  solo  por  cumplimiento.^'     Ibid 
aquellas  fignras  de  idolos,  y  que         ^3  Idem,  ubi  supra. 


Ch.  VI.]  ACCOMPLISHED  PRINCES.  201 

epoch,  the  most  interesting  in  the  Tezcucan  annals, 
than  to  spread  the  inquiries  over  a  broader,  but  com- 
paratively barren  jfield.  Yet  Nezahualpilli,  the  heir 
to  the  crown,  was  a  remarkable  person,  and  his 
reign  contains  many  incidents,  which  I  regret  to  be 
obliged  to  pass  over  in  silence/^ 

He  had,  in  many  respects,  a  taste  similar  to  his 
father's,  and,  like  him,  displayed  a  profuse  mag- 
nificence in  his  way  of  living  and  in  his  public 
edifices.  He  was  more  severe  in  his  morals ;  and, 
in  the  execution  of  justice,  stern  even  to  the  sacrifice 
of  natural  affection.  Several  remarkable  instances 
of  this  are  told ;  one,  among  others,  in  relation  to  his 
eldest  son,  the  heir  to  the  crown,  a  prince  of  great 
promise.  The  young  man  entered  into  a  poetical 
correspondence  with  one  of  his  father's  concubines, 
the  lady  of  Tula,  as  she  was  called,  a  woman  of  ^ 
humble  origin,  but  of  uncommon  endowments.  She 
wrote  verses  with  ease,  and  could  discuss  graver 
matters  with  the  king  and  his  ministers.  She  main- 
tained a  separate  establishment,  where  she  lived  in 
state,  and  acquired,  by  her  beauty  and  accomplish- 
ments, great  ascendency  over  her  royal  lover.''^    With 

''"*  The  name  Nezahualpilli  sig-    that 
nifies  "  the  prince  for  whom  one     ^„     ,      "Cs^^'ror  Epaminonda. 

'^         .  Could  ne'er  without  names  have  been  known 

has    fasted," — in    allusion,    no  to  us," 

doubt,  to  the  long  fast  of  his  fa-  it  is  no  less  certain  that  such  names 

iher  previous  to  his  birth.      (See  as   those    of   the    two    Tezcucan 

Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.    Chich.,   MS.,  princes,  so  difficult  to  be  pronounced 

cap.   45.)     I  have  explained  the  or    remembered    by  a  European, 

meaning  of  the  equally  euphonious  are   most   unfavorable   to   immor- 

name  of  his  parent,  Nezahualcoy-  tality. 

otl.     (Ante,  ch.  4.)     Ifitbetrue,         '5  "  Dg   las  concubinas  la  que 
VOL.    I.  26 


:202  AZTEC   CIVILIZATION.  [Book  I. 

this  favorite  the  prince  carried  on  a  correspondence 
in  verse,  —  whether  of  an  amorous  nature  does  not 
appear.  At  all  events,  the  offence  was  capital.  It 
was  submitted  to  the  regular  tribunal,  who  pro- 
nounced sentence  of  death  on  the  unfortunate  youth  ; 
and  the  king,  steeling  his  heart  against  all  entreaties 
and  the  voice  of  nature,  suffered  the  cruel  judgment 
to  be  carried  into  execution.  We  might,  in  this 
case,  suspect  the  influence  of  baser  passions  on  his 
mind,i  but  it  was  not  a  solitary  instance  of  his  inex- 
orable justice  towards  those  most  near  to  him.  He 
had  the  stern  virtue  of  an  ancient  Roman,  destitute 
of  the  softer  graces  which  make  virtue  attractive. 
When  the  sentence  w^as  carried  into  effect,  he  shut 
himself  up  in  his  palace  for  many  weeks,  and  com- 
manded the  doors  and  windows  of  his  son's  residence 
to  be  walled  up,  that  it  might  never  again  be  oc- 
cupied.'^^ 

Nezahualpilli  resembled  his  father  in  his  passion 


mas  privo  con  el  rey,  fue  la  que        "^^  Ibid.,  cap.  67. 
llamaban  la  Senora  de  Tula,  no  por        The  Tezcucan  historian  records 

linage,  sino  porque  era  hija  de  un  several  appalling  examples  of  this 

mercader,  y  era  tan  sabia  que  com-  severity  ;  —  one   in   particular,   in 

petia  con  el  rey  y  con  los  mas  sa-  relation  to  his  guilty  wife.     The 

bios  de  sureyno,yera  en  la  poesia  story,  reminding  one  of  the  tales 

muy    avenlajada,    que    con    estas  of   an  Oriental   harem,   has  been 

gracias  y  dones  naturales  tenia  al  translated  for  the  Appendia:,  Part 

rey  muy  sugeto  a  su  voluntad  de  2,  No.  4.     See  also  Torquemada, 

tal  manera  que  lo  que  queria  alcan-  (Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  2,  cap.  66,) 

zaba  de  el,  y  asi  vivia  sola  por  si  and    Zurita    (Rapport,    pp.    108, 

con  grande  aparato  y  magestad  en  100).    He  was  the  terror,  in  par- 

unos  palacios  que  el  rey  le  man-  ticular,  of  all  unjust  magistrates. 

do  edificar."     Ixtlilxochitl,   Hist.  They   had   little   favor   to   expect 

Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  57.  from  the  man  who  could  stifle  the 


Ch.  VI.]  DECLINE   OF  THE  MONARCHY.  203 

for  astronomical  studies,  and  is  said  to  have  had  an 
observatory  on  one  of  his  palaces."  He  was  devoted 
to  war  in  his  youth,  but,  as  he  advanced  in  years, 
resigned  himself  to  a  more  indolent  way  of  life,  and 
sought  his  chief  amusement  in  the  pursuit  of  his 
favorite  science,  or  in  the  soft  pleasures  of  the  se- 
questered gardens  of  Tezcotzinco.  This  quiet  life 
was  ill  suited  to  the  turbulent  temper  of  the  times, 
and  of  his  Mexican  rival,  Montezuma.  The  distant 
provinces  fell  off  from  their  allegiance  ;  the  army 
relaxed  its  discipline ;  disaffection  crept  into  its 
ranks ;  and  the  wily  Montezuma,  partly  by  violence, 
and  partly  by  stratagems  unworthy  of  a  king,  suc- 
ceeded in  plundering  his  brother  monarch  of  some 
of  his  most  valuable  domains.  Then  it  was,  that  he 
arrogated  to  himself  the  title  and  supremacy  of  em- 
peror, hitherto  borne  by  the  Tezcucan  princes,  as 
head  of  the  alliance.  Such  is  the  account  given  by 
the  historians  of  that  nation,  who,  in  this  way,  ex- 
plain the  acknowledged  superiority  of  the  Aztec 
sovereign,  both  in  territory  and  consideration,  on 
the  landing  of  the  Spaniards.'^^ 


voice  of  nature  in  his  own  bosom,  "^^    Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich., 

in   obedience   to   the    laws.      As  MS.,  cap.  73,  74. 

Suetonius   said   of  a  prince  who  This  sudden  transfer  of  empire 

had   not   his  virtue,   "  Vehemens  from  the  Tezcucans,  at  the  close 

et   in   coercendis   quidem   delictis  of  the  reigns  of  two  of  their  ablest 

immodicus."      Vita    Galbae,   sec.  monarchs,  is  so  improbable,  that 

9.  one  cannot  but  doubt  if  they  ever 

"^  Torquemada  saw  the  remains  possessed  it, — at  least,  to  the  ex- 

oT  this,  or  lohat  passed  for  such,  tent  claimed  by  the  patriotic  histo- 

in  his  day.     Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  2,  rian     See  Ante,  Chap.  1,  note  25, 

cap.  64.  and  the  corresponding  text. 


204  AZTEC   CIVILIZAIION.  [Book  I. 

These  misfortunes  pressed  heavily  on  the  spirits 
of  Nezahualpilli.  Their  effect  was  increased  by 
certain  gloomy  prognostics  of  a  near  calamity  which 
was  to  overwhelm  the  country/^  He  withdrew  to 
his  retreat,  to  brood  in  secret  over  his  sorrows.  His 
health  rapidly  declined;  and  in  the  year  1515,  at  the 
age  of  fifty-two,  he  sunk  into  the  grave ;  ^^  happ}',  at 
least,  that,  by  this  timely  death,  he  escaped  witness- 
ing the  fulfilment  of  his  own  predictions,  in  the  min 
of  his  country,  and  the  extinction  of  the  Indian 
dynasties,  for  ever.^' 

In  reviewing  the  brief  sketch  here  presented  of 
the  Tezcucan  monarchy,  we  are  strongly  impressed 
with  the  conviction  of  its  superiority,  in  all  the 
great  features  of  civilization,  over  the  rest  of  Ana- 
huac.  The  Mexicans  showed  a  similar  proficiency, 
no  doubt,  in  the  mechanic  arts,  and  even  in  math- 
ematical science.  But  in  the  science  of  government, 
in  legislation,  in  speculative  doctrines  of  a  religious 
nature,  in  the  more  elegant  pursuits  of  poetry,  elo- 


"''9    Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  ^'^  His  obsequies  were  celebrated 

MS.,  cap.  72.  with  sanguinary  pomp.    Two  hun- 

The  reader  will  find  a  particular  dred  male  and  one  hundred  female 

account  of  these  prodigies,  better  slaves  were  sacrificed  at  his  tomb, 

authenticated  than  most  miracles,  His  body  was  consumed,  amidst  a 

in  a  future  page  of  this  History.  heap   of   jewels,    precious   stuffs, 

^  Ibid.,  cap.  75. — Or,  rather,  at  and  incense,  on  a  funeral  pile  ;  and 

the  age  of  fifty,  if  the  historian  is  the  ashes,  deposited  in  a  golden 

right,  in  placing  his  birth,  as  he  urn,  were  placed  in  the  great  tem- 

does,  in  a  preceding  chapter,  in  pie  of  Huitzilopotchli,  for  whose 

1465.     (See  cap.  46.)     It  is  not  worship  the  king,  notwithstanding 

easy  to  decide  what  is  true,  when  the  lessons  of  his  father,  had  some 

the  writer  does  not  take  the  trouble  partiality.     Ibid, 
to  be  true  to  himself. 


Ch.  VI.]  DECLINE  OF  THE  MONARCHY.  2D5 

quence,  and  whatever  depended  on  refinement  of 
taste  and  a  polished  idiom,  they  confessed  them- 
selves inferior,  by  resorting  to  their  rivals  for  instruc- 
tion, and  citing  their  works  as  the  masterpieces  of 
their  tongue.  The  best  histories,  the  best  poems, 
the  best  code  of  laws,  the  purest  dialect,  were  all 
allowed  to  be  Tezcucan.  The  Aztecs  rivalled  their 
neighbours  in  splendor  of  living,  and  even  in  the 
magnificence  of  their  structures.  They  displayed 
a  pomp  and  ostentatious  pageantry,  truly  Asiatic. 
But  this  was  the  development  of  the  material, 
rather  than  the  intellectual  principle.  They  wanted 
the  refinement  of  manners  essential  to  a  continued 
advance  in  civilization.  An  insurmountable  limit 
was  put  to  theirs,  by  that  bloody  mythology,  which 
threw  its  withering  taint  over  the  very  air  that  they 
breathed. 

The  superiority  of  the  Tezcucans  was  owing, 
doubtless,  in  a  great  measure,  to  that  of  the  two 
sovereigns  whose  reigns  we  have  been  depicting. 
There  is  no  position,  which  affords  such  scope  for 
ameliorating  the  condition  of  man,  as  that  occupied 
by  an  absolute  ruler  over  a  nation  imperfectly  civil- 
ized. From  his  elevated  place,  commanding  all  the 
resources  of  his  age,  it  is  in  his  power  to  diffuse 
them  far  and  wide  among  his  people.  He  may  be 
the  copious  reservoir  on  the  mountain  top,  drinking 
in  the  dews  of  heaven,  to  send  them  in  fertilizing 
streams  along  the  lower  slopes  and  valleys,  clothing 
even  the  wilderness  in  beauty.  Such  were  Neza- 
hualcoyotl,  and  his  illustrious  successor,  whose  en- 


206  IXTLILXOCHITL.  [Book  I. 

lightened  policy,  extending  through  nearly  a  century, 
wrought  a  most  salutary  revolution  in  the  condition 
of  their  country.  It  is  remarkable  that  we,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  same  continent,  should  be  more 
familiar  with  the  history  of  many  a  barbarian  chief, 
both  in  the  Old  and  New  World,  than  with  that 
of  these  truly  great  men,  whose  names  are  iden- 
tified with  the  most  glorious  period  in  the  annals  of 
the  Indian  races. 

What  was  the  actual  amount  of  the  Tezcucan 
civilization,  it  is  not  easy  to  determine,  with  the 
imperfect  light  afforded  us.  It  was  certainly  far 
below  any  thing,  which  the  word  conveys,  measured 
by  a  European  standard.  In  some  of  the  arts, 
and  in  any  walk  of  science,  they  could  only  have 
made,  as  it  were,  a  beginning.  But  they  had  begun 
in  the  right  way,  and  already  showed  a  refinement 
in  sentiment  and  manners,  a  capacity  for  receiving 
instruction,  which,  under  good  auspices,  might  have 
led  them  on  to  indefinite  improvement.  Unhappily, 
they  were  fast  falling  under  the  dominion  of  the 
warlike  Aztecs.  And  that  people  repaid  the  bene- 
fits received  from  their  more  polished  neighbours 
by  imparting  to  them  their  own  ferocious  super- 
stition, which,  falling  like  a  mildew  on  the  land, 
would  soon  have  blighted  its  rich  blossoms  of  prom- 
ise, and  turned  even  its  fruits  to  dust  and  ashes. 


Fernando  de  Alva  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  flourished  in  the  beginning  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  was  a  native  of  Tezcuco,  and  descended  in  a 


Ch.  VI.]  IXTLILXOCHITL.  207 

direct  line  from  the  sovereigns  of  that  kingdom.  The  royal  posterity 
became  so  numerous  in  a  few  generations,  that  it  was  common  to  see 
them  reduced  to  great  poverty,  and  earning  a  painful  subsistence  by 
the  most  humble  occupations.  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  was  descended  from 
the  principal  wife  or  queen  of  Xezahualpilli,  maintained  a  very  re- 
spectable position.  He  filled  the  ofBce  of  interpreter  to  the  Auceroy, 
to  which  he  was.  recommended  by  his  acquaintance  with  the  ancient 
hieroglyphics,  and  his  knowledge  of  the  Mexican  and  Spanish  lan- 
guages. His  birth  gave  him  access  to  persons  of  the  highest  rank 
in  his  own  nation,  some  of  whom  occupied  important  civil  posts  under 
the  new  government,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  make  large  collections 
of  Indian  manuscripts,  which  were  liberally  opened  to  him.  He  had  an 
extensive  library  of  his  own,  also,  and  with  these  means  diligently 
pursued  the  study  of  the  Tezcucan  antiquities.  He  deciphered  the 
hieroglyphics,  made  himself  master  of  the  songs  and  traditions,  and 
fortified  his  narrative  by  the  oral  testimony  of  some  very  aged  persons, 
who  had  themselves  been  acquainted  with  the  Conquerors.  From  such 
authentic  sources  he  composed  various  works  in  the  Castihan,  on  the 
primitive  history  of  the  Toltec  and  the  Tezcucan  races,  continuing  it 
down  to  the  subversion  of  ^e  empire  by  Cortes.  These  various  ac- 
counts, compiled  under  the  title  of  Relaciones,  are,  more  or  less,  repe- 
titions and  abridgments  of  each  other  ,  nor  is  it  easy  to  understand  why 
they  were  thus  composed.  The  Historia  Chichemeca  is  the  best  di- 
gested and  most  complete  of  the  whole  series  ;  and  as  such  has  been 
the  most  frequently  consulted,  for  the  preceding  pages. 

Ixtlilxochitl' s  writings  have  many  of  the  defects  belonging  to  his 
age.  He  often  crowds  the  page  with  incidents  of  a  trivial,  and  some- 
times improbable  character.  The  improbability  increases  with  the  dis- 
tance of  the  period  ;  for  distance,  which  diminishes  objects  to  the  nat- 
ural eye,  exaggerates  them  to  the  mental.  His  chronology,  as  I  have 
more  than  once  noticed,  is  inextricably  entangled.  He  has  often  lent 
a  too  willing  ear  to  traditions  and  reports  which  would  startle  the  more 
skeptical  criticism  of  the  present  time.  Yet  there  is  an  appearance  of 
good  faith  and  simplicity  in  his  writings,  which  may  convince  the  reader, 
that,  when  he  errs,  it  is  from  no  worse  cause  than  national  partiality. 
And  surely  such  partiality  is  excusable  in  the  descendant  of  a  proud 
line,  shorn  of  its  ancient  splendors,  which  it  was  soothing  to  his  own 
feelings  to  revive  again, — though  with  something  more  than  their 
legitimate  lustre,  —  on  the  canvass  of  history.  It  should  also  be  consid- 
ered, that,  if  his  narrative  is  sometimes  startling,  his  researches  pene- 
trate into  the  mysterious  depths  of  antiquity,  where  light  and  darkness 
meet  and  melt  into  each  other  ;  and  when  everything  is  still  further 
liable  to  distortion,  as  seen  through  the  misty  medium  of  hieroglyphics. 


208  IXTLILXOCHITL.  fBooK   I. 

With  these  allowances,  it  will  be  found  that  the  Tezcucan  historian 
has  just  claims  to  our  admiration  for  the  compass  of  his  inquiries,  and 
the  sagacity  with  which  they  have  been  conducted.  He  has  intro- 
duced us  to  the  knowledge  of  the  most  polished  people  of  Anahuac, 
whose  records,  if  preserved,  could  not,  at  a  much  later  period,  have 
been  comprehended  ;  and  he  has  thus  afforded  a  standard  of  compari- 
son, which  much  raises  our  ideas  of  American  civilization.  His  lan- 
guage is  simple,  and,  occasionally,  eloquent  and  touching.  His  de- 
scriptions are  highly  picturesque.  He  abounds  in  familiar  anecdote  ; 
and  the  natural  graces  of  his  manner,  in  detailing  the  more  striking 
events  of  history,  and  the  personal  adventures  of  his  heroes,  entitle 
him  to  the  name  of  the  Livy  of  Anahuac. 

I  shall  be  obliged  to  enter  hereafter  into  his  literary  merits,  in  con- 
nexion with  the  narrative  of  the  Conquest ;  for  which  he  is  a  prominent 
authority.  His  earlier  annals  —  though  no  one  of  his  manuscripts  has 
been  printed  —  have  been  diligently  studied  by  the  Spanish  writers  in 
Mexico,  and  liberally  transferred  to  their  pages  ;  and  his  reputation, 
like  Sahagun's,  has  doubtless  suffered  by  the  process.  His  Historia 
Chichemeca  is  now  turned  into  French  by  M.  Ternaux-Compans,  form- 
ing part  of  that  inestimable  series  of  translations  from  unpublished 
documents,  which  have  so  much  enlarged  our  acquaintance  with  the 
early  American  history.  I  have  had  ample  opportunity  of  proving  the 
merits  of  liis  version  of  Ixtlilxochitl ;  and  am  happy  to  bear  my  testi- 
mony to  the  fidelity  and  elegance  with  which  it  is  executed. 


Note.  It  was  my  intention  to  conclude  this  Introductory  portion  of 
the  work  with  an  inquiry  into  the  Origin  of  the  Mexican  Civilization. 
"  But  the  general  question  of  the  origin  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  conti- 
nent," says  Humboldt,  "is  beyond  the  limits  prescribed  to  history; 
perhaps  it  is  not  even  a  philosophic  question."  "For  the  majority  of 
readers,"  says  Livy,  "the  origin  and  remote  antiquities  of  a  nation 
can  have  comparatively  little  interest."  The  criticism  of  these  great 
writers  is  just  and  pertinent;  and,  on  further  consideration,  I  have 
thrown  the  observations  on  this  topic,  prepared  with  some  care,  into 
the  Appendix  {Part  1)  ;  to  which  those,  who  feel  sufficient  curiosity 
in  the  discussion,  can  turn  before  entering  on  the  narrative  of  the 
Conquest. 


BOOK    SECOND 


DISCOVERY  OF  MEXICO 


VOL.     I.  27 


BOOK  II. 

DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Spain  under  Charles  V. — Progress  of  Discovery. — Colonial 
Policy.  —  Conquest  of  Cuba.  —  Expeditions  to  Yucatan. 

1516—1518. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Spain 
occupied  perhaps  the  most  prominent  position  on 
the  theatre  of  Europe.  The  numerous  states,  into 
which  she  had  been  so  long  divided,  were  consol- 
idated into  one  monarchy.  The  Moslem  crescent, 
after  reigning  there  for  eight  centuries,  was  no  long- 
er seen  on  her  borders.  The  authority  of  the  crown 
did  not,  as  in  later  times,  overshadow  the  inferior 
orders  of  the  state.  The  people  enjoyed  the  inesti- 
mable privilege  of  political  representation,  and  exer- 
cised it  with  manly  independence.  The  nation  at 
large  could  boast  as  great  a  degree  of  constitutional 
freedom,  as  any  other,  at  that  time,  in  Christendom. 
Under  a  system  of  salutary  laws  and  an  equitable 
administration,   domestic   tranquillity   was    secured, 


212  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

public  credit  established,  trade,  manufactures,  and 
even  the  more  elegant  arts,  began  to  flourish ;  while 
a  higher  education  called  forth  the  first  blossoms 
of  that  literature,  which  was  to  ripen  into  so  rich 
a  harvest,  before  the  close  of  the  century.  Arms 
abroad  kept  pace  with  arts  at  home.  Spain  found 
her  empire  suddenly  enlarged  by  important  acquisi- 
tions both  in  Europe  and  Africa,  while  a  New  World 
beyond  the  waters  poured  into  her  lap  treasures  of 
countless  wealth,  and  opened  an  unbounded  field  for 
honorable  enterprise. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  kingdom  at  the 
close  of  the  long  and  glorious  reign  of  Ferdinand 
a.^d  Isabella,  when,  on  the  23d  of  January,  1516, 
the  sceptre  passed  into  the  hands  of  their  daughter 
Joanna,  or  rather  their  grandson,  Charles  the  Fifth, 
who  alone  ruled  the  monarchy  during  the  long  and 
imbecile  existence  of  his  unfortunate  mother.  Dur- 
ing the  two  years  following  Ferdinand's  death,  the 
regency,  in  the  absence  of  Charles,  was  held  by 
Cardinal  Ximenes,  a  man  whose  intrepidity,  extra- 
ordinary talents,  and  capacity  for  great  enterprises 
were  accompanied  by  a  haughty  spirit,  which  made 
him  too  indifferent  as  to  the  means  of  their  execu- 
tion. His  administration,  therefore,  notwithstanding 
the  uprightness  of  his  intentions,  was,  from  his  total 
disregard  of  forms,  unfavorable  to  constitutional  lib- 
el ty  ;  for  respect  for  forms  is  an  essential  element  of 
freedom.  With  all  his  faults,  however,  Ximenes  was 
a  Spaniard ;  and  the  object  he  had  at  heart  was  the 
good  of  his  country. 


Ch.  I]  SPAIN   UNDER  CHARLES   V.  213 

It  was  Otherwise  on  the  arrival  of  Charles,  who, 
after  a  long  absence,  came  as  a  foreigner  into  the 
land  of  his  fathers.  (November,  1517.)  His  man- 
ners, sympathies,  even  his  language,  were  foreign, 
for  he  spoke  the  Castilian  with  difficulty.  He 
knew  little  of  his  native  country,  of  the  character  of 
the  people  or  their  institutions.  He  seemed  to  care 
still  less  for  them ;  while  his  natural  reserve  preclu- 
ded that  freedom  of  communication,  which  might 
have  counteracted,  to  some  extent,  at  least,  the  er- 
rors of  education.  In  everything,  in  short,  he  was  a 
foreigner ,  and  resigned  himself  to  the  direction  of 
his  Flemish  counsellors  with  a  docility  that  gave 
little  augury  of  his  future  greatness. 

On  his  entrance  into  Castile,  the  young  monarch 
was  accompanied  by  a  swarm  of  courtly  sycophants, 
who  settled,  like  locusts,  on  every  place  of  profit 
and  honor  throughout  the  kingdom.  A  Fleming  was 
made  grand  chancellor  of  Castile ;  another  Fleming 
was  placed  in  the  archie piscopal  see  of  Toledo. 
They  even  ventured  to  profane  the  sanctity  of  the 
cortes,  by  intruding  themselves  on  its  deliberations. 
Yet  that  body  did  not  tamely  submit  to  these  usurpa- 
tions, but  gave  vent  to  its  indignation  in  tones  be- 
coming the  representatives  of  a  free  people.' 

1  The  following  passage  —  one  one  who,  though  resident  in  Spain, 

among  many  —  from  that  faithful  was  not  a  Spaniard.     "  Crumenaa 

mirror  of  the  times,  Peter  Mar-  auro  fulcire  inhiant ;  huic  uni  stu- 

tyr's  correspondence,  does  ample  dio  invigilant.     Nee  detrectat  ju- 

justice  to  the  intemperance,  ava-  venis  Rex.  Farcit  quacunque  posse 

rice,  and  intolerable  arrogance  of  datur ;    non  satiat   tamen.      Quae 

the  Flemings.     The  testimony  is  qualisve  sit  gens  hsec,   depingere 

worth  the  more,  as  coming  from  adhuc  nescio.     Insufflat  vulgus  hic 


214  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

The  deportment  of  Charles,  so  different  from  that 
to  which  the  Spaniards  had  been  accustomed  under 
the  benign  administration  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
closed  all  hearts  against  him  ;  and,  as  his  character 
came  to  be  understood,  instead  of  the  spontaneous 
outpourings  of  loyalty,  which  usually  greet  the  ac- 
cession of  a  new  and  youthful  sovereign,  he  was 
everywhere  encountered  by  opposition  and  disgust. 
In  Castile,  and  afterwards  in  Aragon,  Catalonia, 
and  Valencia,  the  commons  hesitated  to  confer  on 
him  the  title  of  King  during  the  lifetime  of  his  moth- 
er ;  and,  though  they  eventually  yielded  this  point, 
and  associated  his  name  with  hers  in  the  sovereign- 
ty, yet  they  reluctantly  granted  the  supplies  he  de- 
manded, and,  when  they  did  so,  watched  over  their 
appropriation  with  a  vigilance  which  left  little  to 
gratify  the  cupidity  of  the  Flemings.  The  language 
of  the  legislature  on  these  occasions,  though  temper- 
ate and  respectful,  breathes  a  spirit  of  resolute  inde- 
pendence not  to  be  found,  probably,  on  the  parlia- 
mentary records  of  any  other  nation  at  that  period. 
No  wonder  that  Charles  should  have  early  imbibed 
a  disgust  for  these  popular  assemblies,  —  the  only 
bodies  whence  truths  so  unpalatable  could  find  their 
way  to  the  ears  of  the  sovereign  !  ^     Unfortunately, 

in  omne  genus  hominum  non  arc-  cus  (sub  rege  temperato)  Bacchus 

toum.     Minores  faciunt  Hispanos,  est  cum  Citherea."     Opus  Episto- 

quam  si  nati  essent  inter  eorum  clo-  larum,  (Amstelodami,  1610,)  ep. 

acas.  Rugiunt  jam  Hispani,  labra  608. 

mordent,  submurmurant  taciti,fato-  ^  Yet  the  nobles  were  not  all 

rum  vices  tales  esse  couqueruntur,  backward  in  manifesting  their  dis- 

quod  ipsi  domitores  regnorum  ita  gust.     When  Charles  would  have 

floocifiant  ab  his,  quorum  Deus  uni-  conferred  the  famous  Burgundian 


Ch    I.]  SPAIN   UNDER   CHARLES   V.  215 

they  had  no  influence  on  his  conduct ;  till  the  dis- 
content, long  allowed  to  fester  in  secret,  broke  out 
into  that  sad  war  of  the  comunidades,  which  shook 
the  state  to  its  foundations,  and  ended  in  the  sub- 
version of  its  liberties. 

The  same  pestilent  foreign  influence  was  felt, 
though  much  less  sensibly,  in  the  Colonial  admin- 
istration. This  had  been  placed,  in  the  preceding 
reign,  under  the  immediate  charge  of  the  two  great 
tribunals,  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  the  Casa 
de  Contratacion,  or  India  House,  at  Sevifle.  It  was 
their  business  to  further  the  progress  of  discovery, 
watch  over  the  infant  settlements,  and  adjust  the  dis- 
putes which  grew  up  in  them.  But  the  licenses 
granted  to  private  adventurers  did  more  for  the  cause 
of  discovery,  than  the  patronage  of  the  crown  or  its 
officers.  The  long  peace,  enjoyed  with  slight  inter- 
ruption by  Spain  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  was  most  auspicious  for  this  ;  and  the  rest- 
less cavalier,  who  could  no  longer  win  laurels  on  the 
fields  of  Africa  or  Europe,  turned  with  eagerness  to 
the  brilliant  career  opened  to  him  beyond  the  ocean. 

It  is  difficult  for  those  of  our  time,  as  familiar 
from  childhood  with  the  most  remote  places  on  the 
globe  as  with  those  in  their  own  neighbourhood,  to 
picture  to  themselves  the  feelings  of  the  men  who 

order  of  the  Golden  Fleece  on  the  indeed,  better  than  those  of  any 

Count  of  Benavente,  that  lord  re-  other."     Sandoval,  Historia  de  la 

fused  it,  proudly  telling  him,  "I  Vida  y  Hechos    del    Emperadoi 

am  a  Castilian.    I  desire  no  honors  Carlos  V.,  (Amberes,  1681,)  torn, 

but  those  of  my  own  country,  in  I.  p.  103. 
my  opinion,  quite   as   ^ood  as  — 


216  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

lived  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  dread  mystery, 
which  had  so  long  hung  over  the  great  deep,  had, 
indeed,  been  removed.  It  vras  no  longer  beset  with 
the  same  undefined  horrors  as  when  Columbus 
launched  his  bold  bark  on  its  dark  and  unknown 
waters.  A  new  and  glorious  world  had  been  thrown 
open.  But  as  to  the  precise  spot  where  that  world 
lay,  its  extent,  its  history,  whether  it  were  island  or 
continent, — of  all  this,  they  had  very  vague  and 
confused  conceptions.  Many,  in  their  ignorance, 
blindly  adopted  the  erroneous  conclusion  into  which 
the  great  Admiral  had  been  led  by  his  superior  sci- 
ence,—  that  the  new  countries  were  a  part  of  Asia  ; 
and,  as  the  mariner  wandered  among  the  Bahamas, 
or  steered  his  caravel  across  the  Caribbean  seas,  he 
fancied  he  was  inhaling  the  rich  odors  of  the  spice- 
islands  in  the  Indian  Ocean.  Thus  every  fresh  dis- 
covery, interpreted  by  this  previous  delusion,  served 
to  confirm  him  in  his  error,  or,  at  least,  to  fill  his 
mind  with  new  perplexities. 

The  career  thus  thrown  open  had  all  the  fascina- 
tions of  a  desperate  hazard,  on  which  the  adventurer 
staked  all  his  hopes  of  fortune,  fame,  and  life  itself. 
It  was  not  often,  indeed,  that  he  won  the  rich  prize 
which  he  most  coveted ;  but  then  he  was  sure  to 
win  the  meed  of  glory,  scarcely  less  dear  to  his  chiv- 
alrous spirit;  and,  if  he  survived  to  return  to  his 
home,  he  had  wonderful  stories  to  recount,  of  peri- 
lous chances  among  the  strange  people  he  had  visited, 
and  the  burning  climes,  whose  rank  fertility  and 
magnificence  of  vegetation  so  far  surpassed  any  thing 


Ch.  1.]  PROGRESS  OF   DISCOVERY.  217 

he  had  witnessed  in  his  own.  These  reports  added 
fresh  fuel  to  imaginations  already  warmed  by  the 
study  of  those  tales  of  chivalry  which  formed  the 
favorite  reading  of  the  Spaniards,  at  that  period. 
Thus  romance  and  reality  acted  on  each  other,  and 
the  soul  of  the  Spaniard  was  exalted  to  that  pitch  of 
enthusiasm,  which  enabled  him  to  encounter  the  ter- 
rible trials  that  lay  in  the  path  of  the  discoverer. 
Indeed,  the  life  of  the  cavalier  of  that  day  was  ro- 
mance put  into  action.  The  story  of  his  adventures 
in  the  New  World  forms  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
pages  in  the  history  of  man. 

Under  this  chivalrous  spirit  of  enterprise,  the  pro- 
gress of  discovery  had  extended,  by  the  beginning 
of  Charles  the  Fifth's  reign,  from  the  Bay  of  Hondu- 
ras, along  the  winding  shores  of  Darien,  and  the 
South  American  continent,  to  the  Rio  de  la  Plata. 
The  mighty  barrier  of  the  Isthmus  had  been  climbed, 
and  the  Pacific  descried,  by  Nunez  de  Balboa,  second 
only  to  Columbus  in  this  valiant  band  of  "  ocean 
chivalry."  The  Bahamas  and  Caribbee  Islands  had 
been  explored,  as  well  as  the  Peninsula  of  Florida 
on  the  northern  continent.  To  this  latter  point 
Sebastian  Cabot  had  arrived  in  his  descent  along 
the  coast  from  Labrador,  in  1497.  So  that  before 
1518,  the  period  when  our  narrative  begins,  the 
eastern  borders  of  both  the  great  continents  had 
been  surveyed  through  nearly  their  whole  extent. 
The  shores  of  the  great  Mexican  Gulf,  however, 
sweeping  with  a  wide  circuit  far  into  the  interior, 
remained  still  concealed,  with  the  rich  realms  that 

VOL.    I.  28 


218  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II. 

lay  beyond,  from  the  eye  of  the  navigator.  The 
time  had  now  come  for  their  discovery. 

The  business  of  colonization  had  kept  pace  with 
that  of  discovery.  In  several  of  the  islands,  and  in 
various  parts  of  Terra  I'irma,  and  in  Darien,  settle- 
ments had  been  established,  under  the  control  of 
governors  who  affected  the  state  and  authority  of 
viceroys.  Grants  of  land  were  assigned  to  the 
colonists,  on  which  they  raised  the  natural  products 
of  the  soil,  but  gave  still  more  attention  to  the  sugar- 
cane, imported  from  the  Canaries.  Sugar,  indeed, 
together  with  the  beautiful  dye-woods  of  the  country 
and  the  precious  metals,  formed  almost  the  only  arti- 
cles of  export  in  the  infancy  of  the  colonies,  which 
had  not  yet  introduced  those  other  staples  of  the 
West  Indian  commerce,  which,  in  our  day,  constitute 
its  principal  wealth.  Yet  the  precious  metals,  pain- 
fully gleaned  from  a  few  scanty  sources,  would  have 
made  poor  returns,  but  for  the  gratuitous  labor  of  the 
Indians. 

The  cruel  system  of  repartimientos,  or  distribution 
of  the  Indians  as  slaves  among  the  conquerors,  had 
been  suppressed  by  Isabella.  Although  subsequently 
countenanced  by  the  government,  it  was  under  the 
most  careful  limitations.  But  it  is  impossible  to  li- 
cense crime  by  halves, — to  authorize  injustice  at  all, 
and  hope  to  regulate  the  measure  of  it.  The  eloquent 
remonstrances  of  the  Dominicans,  —  who  devoted 
themselves  to  the  good  work  of  conversion  in  the 
New  World  with  the  same  zeal  that  they  showed 
for  persecution  in  the  Old,  —  but,  above  all,  those  of 


Ch.  I.]  COLONIAL   POLICY.  219 

Las  Casas,  induced  the  regent,  Ximenes,  to  send 
out  a  commission  with  full  powers  to  inquire  into 
the  alleged  grievances,  and  to  redress  them.  It  had 
authority,  moreover,  to  investigate  the  conduct  of 
the  civil  officers,  and  to  reform  any  abuses  in  their 
administration.  This  extraordinary  commission  con- 
sisted of  three  Hieronymite  friars  and  an  eminent 
jurist,  all  men  of  learning  and  unblemished  piety. 

They  conducted  the  inquiry  in  a  very  dispassion- 
ate manner ;  but,  after  long  deliberation,  came  to 
a  conclusion  most  unfavorable  to  the  demands  of 
Las  Casas,  who  insisted  on  the  entire  freedom  of 
the  natives.  This  conclusion  they  justified  on  the 
grounds,  that  the  Indians  would  not  labor  with- 
out compulsion,  and  that,  unless  they  labored,  they 
could  not  be  brought  into  communication  with  the 
whites,  nor  be  converted  to  Christianity.  Whatev- 
er we  may  think  of  this  argument,  it  was  doubtless 
urged  with  sincerity  by  its  advocates,  whose  conduct 
through  their  whole  administration  places  their  mo- 
tives above  suspicion.  They  accompanied  it  with 
many  careful  provisions  for  the  protection  of  the 
natives.  But  in  vain.  The  simple  people,  accus- 
tomed all  their  days-  to  a  life  of  indolence  and  ease, 
sunk  under  the  oppressions  of  their  masters,  and  the 
population  wasted  away  with  even  more  frightful 
rapidity  than  did  the  Aborigines  in  our  own  country, 
under  the  operation  of  other  causes.  It  is  not  ne- 
cessary to  pursue  these  details  further,  into  which  I 
have  been  led  by  the  desire  to  put  the  reader  in 
possession  of  the  general  policy  and  state  of  affairs 


220  DISCOVERY  OF   MEXICO  Book   II. 

in  the  New  World,  at  the  period  when  the  present 
narrative  begins." 

Of  the  islands,  Cuba  was  the  second  discovered  ; 
but  no  attempt  had  been  made  to  plant  a  colony 
there  during  the  lifetime  of  Columbus;  who,  indeed, 
after  skirting  the  whole  extent  of  its  southern  coast, 
died  in  the  conviction  that  it  was  part  of  the  con- 
tinent.^ At  length,  in  1511,  Diego,  the  son  and 
successor  of  the  "  Admiral,"  who  still  maintained 
the  seat  of  government  in  Hispaniola,  finding  the 
mines  much  exhausted  there,  proposed  to  occupy 
the  neighbouring  island  of  Cuba,  or  Fernandina,  as 
it  was  called,  in  compliment  to  the  Spanish  mon- 
arch.^ He  prepared  a  small  force  for  the  conquest, 
which  he  placed  under  the  command  of  Don  Diego 
Velasquez ;  a  man  described  by  a  contemporary,  as 
"  possessed  of  considerable  experience  in  military 
ajQfairs,  having  served  seventeen  years  in  the  Euro- 
pean wars ;  as  honest,  illustrious  by  his  lineage  and 
reputation,  covetous  of  glory,  and  somewhat  more 


3  I  will  take  the  liberty  to  refer  tion  de  los  Viages  y  de  Descubri- 

the  reader,  who  is  desirous  of  being  mitntos,  (Madrid,  1825,)  torn.  II. 

more  minutely  acquainted  with  the  Col.  liip.,  No.  76. 
S  panish  colonial  administration  and        ^  The  inland  was  originally  called 

the  state  of  discovery  previous  to  by  Columbts,  Juana,  in  honor  of 

Charles  V.,  to  the  "History  of  prince  John,  h°ir  to  the  Castilian 

the  Reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa-  crown.    After  his. death  it  received 

hella,"  (Part  2,  ch.  9,  26,)  where  the   name  of  Fernandina,  at  the 

the  subject  is  treated  in  extenso.  king's  desire.     The  Indian  name 

^  See  the  curious  document  at-  has  survived  both.    Herrera,  Hist 

testing  this,  and  drawn  up  by  order  General,  Descrip.,  cap.  6. 
of  Columbus,  ap.  Navarrete,  Colec- 


Ch.  I.]  CONQUEST  OF  CUBA.  221 

covetous  of  wealth."^  The  portrait  was  sketched 
by  no  unfriendly  hand. 

Velasquez,  or  rather,  his  lieutenant,  Narvaez, 
who  took  the  office  on  himself  of  scouring  the  coun- 
try, met  with  no  serious  opposition  from  the  inhabit- 
ants, who  were  of  the  same  family  with  the  effemi- 
nate natives  of  Hispaniola.  The  conquest,  through 
the  merciful  interposition  of  Las  Casas,  "  the  pro- 
tector of  the  Indians,"  who  accompanied  the  army 
in  its  march,  was  effected  without  much  bloodshed. 
One  chief,  indeed,  named  Hatuey,  having  fled  origi- 
nally from  St.  Domingo  to  escape  the  oppression  of 
its  invaders,  made  a  desperate  resistance,  for  which 
he  was  condemned  by  Velasquez  to  be  burned  alive. 
It  was  he,  who  made  that  memorable  reply,  more 
eloquent  than  a  volume  of  invective.  When  urged 
at  the  stake  to  embrace  Christianity,  that  his  soul 
might  find  admission  into  heaven,  he  inquired  if  the 
white  men  would  go  there.  On  being  answered 
in  the  affirmative,  he  exclaimed,  "  Then  I  will  not 
be  a  Christian  ;  for  I  would  not  go  again  to  a  place 
where  I  must  find  men  so  cruel ! "  '^ 

After  the  conquest,  Velasquez,  now  appointed 
governor,  diligently  occupied  himself  with  measures 

6  "  Erat  Didacus,  ut  hoc  in  loco        "^  The  story  is  told  by  Las  Casas 

de  eo  semel  tantum  dicamus,  vete-  in  his  appalling  record  of  the  cru- 

ranus  miles,  rei  militaris  gnarus,  elties  of  his  countrymen  in  the 

quippe  qui  septem  et  decem  annos  New  World,  which  charity  —  and 

in  Hispania  militiam  exercitus  fue-  common   sense  —  may  excuse   us 

rat,  homo  probus,  opibus,  genere  et  for  believing  the  good  father  has 

fama  clarus,  honoris  cupidus,  pecu-  greatly  overcharged.     Brevissima 

niae  aliquanto  cupidior."  De  Rebus  Relacion  de  la  Destruycion  de  las 

Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  MS.  Indias,  (Venetia,  1643,)  p.  28 


DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II. 

for  promoting  the  prosperity  of  the  Island.  He 
formed  a  number  of  settlements,  bearing  the  same 
names  with  the  modern  towns,  and  made  St.  Jago, 
on  the  south-east  corner,  the  seat  of  government.^ 
He  invited  settlers  by  liberal  grants  of  land  and 
slaves.  He  encouraged  them  to  cultivate  the  soil, 
and  gave  particular  attention  to  the  sugar-cane,  so 
profitable  an  article  of  commerce  in  later  times.  He 
was,  above  all,  intent  on  working  the  gold  mines, 
which  promised  better  returns  than  those  in  Hispan- 
iola.  The  affairs  of  his  government  did  not  prevent 
him,  meanwhile,  from  casting  many  a  wistful  glance 
at  the  discoveries  going  forward  on  the  continent, 
and  he  longed  for  an  opportunity  to  embark  in  these 
golden  adventures  himself.  Fortune  gave  him  the 
occasion  he  desired. 

An  hidalgo  of  Cuba,  named  Hernandez  de  Cordo- 
va, sailed  with  three  vessels  on  an  expedition  to  one 
of  the  neighbouring  Bahama  Islands,  in  quest  of 
Indian  slaves.  (February  8,  1517.)  He  encoun- 
tered a  succession  of  heavy  gales  which  drove  him 
far  out  of  his  course,  and  at  the  end  of  three  weeks 
he  found  himself  on  a  strange  and  unknown  coast. 
On  landing  and  asking  the  name  of  the  country,  he 
was  answered  by  the  natives,  "  Tectetan,^^  meaning 
"  I  do  not  understand  you,"  —  but  which  the  Span- 
iards, misinterpreting  into  the   name  of  the  place. 


8  Among  the  most  ancient  of  or  the  Slaughter,  so  called  from 

these  establishments  we  find  the  a  massacre  of  the  Spaniards  there 

Havana,  Puerto  del  Principe,  Trin-  by  the    Indians.       Bernal    Diaz, 

idad,  St.  Salvador,  and  Malanzas,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  8. 


Ch.  I.]  EXPEDITIONS  TO   YUCATAN.  22.*^ 

easily  corrupted  into  Yucatan.  Some  writers  give  a 
different  etymology.^  Sucli  mistakes,  however,  were 
not  uncommon  with  the  early  discoverers,  and  have 
been  the  origin  of  many  a  name  on  the  American 
continent.'" 

Cordova  had  landed  on  the  north-eastern  end  of 
the  peninsula,  at  Cape  Catoche.  He  was  astonished 
at  the  size  and  solid  materials  of  the  buildings  con 
structed  of  stone  and  lime,  so  different  from  the 
frail  tenements  of  reeds  and  rushes  which  formed 
the  habitations  of  the  islanders.  He  was  struck, 
also,  with  the  higher  cultivation  of  the  soil,  and  with 
the  delicate  texture  of  the  cotton  garments  and  gold 
ornaments  of  the  natives.  Every  thing  indicated  a 
civilization  far  superior  to  any  thing  he  had  before 
witnessed  in  the  New  World.  He  saw  the  evidence 
of  a  different  race,  moreover,  in  the  warlike  spirit  of 
the  people.  Rumors  of  the  Spaniards  had,  perhaps, 
preceded  them,  as  they  were  repeatedly  asked  if  they 
came  from  the  east;  and,  wherever  they  landed,  they 
were  met  with  the  most  deadly  hostility.  Cordova 
himself,  in  one  of  his  skirmishes  with  the  Indians, 


9  Gomara,  Historia  de  las  In-        l°    Two   navigators,   Soils   and 

dias,  cap.  52,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  11.  Pinzon;  had  descried  the  coast  as 

Bernal  Diaz  says  the  word  came  far  back  as  1506,  according  to  Her- 

fjrom  the  vegetable  yiLca,  and  tale  rera,  though  they  had  not  taken 

the  name  for  a  hillock  in  which  it  possession  of  it.     (Hist.  General, 

is  planted.     (Hist,  de  la  Conquis-  dec.   1,  lib.  6,  cap.   17.)     It  is, 

ta,  cap.  6.)     M.  Waldeck  finds  a  indeed,  remarkable   it   should   so 

much  more  plausible  derivation  in  long  have  eluded  discovery,  con 

the  Indian  word  Ouyouckatan,  "lis-  sidering  that  it  is  but  two  degrees 

ten  to  what  they  say."     Voyage  distant  from  Cuba. 
Pittoresque,  p.  25. 


224  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Book  II 

received  more  than  a  dozen  wounds,  and  one  only 
of  his  party  escaped  unhurt.  At  length,  when  he  had 
coasted  the  peninsula  as  far  as  Campeachy,  he  re- 
turned to  Cuba,  which  he  reached  after  an  absence 
of  several  months,  having  suffered  all  the  extremities 
of  ill,  which  these  pioneers  of  the  ocean  were  some- 
times called  to  endure,  and  which  none  but  the  most 
courageous  spirit  could  have  survived.  As  it  was, 
half  the  original  number,  consisting  of  one  hundred 
and  ten  men,  perished,  including  their  brave  com- 
mander, who  died  soon  after  his  return.  The  reports 
he  had  brought  back  of  the  country,  and,  still  more, 
the  specimens  of  curiously  wrought  gold,  convinced 
Velasquez  of  the  importance  of  this  discovery,  and 
he  prepared  with  all  despatch  to  avail  himself  of  it.^^ 
He  accordingly  fitted  out  a  little  squadron  of  four 
vessels  for  the  newly  discovered  lands,  and  placed 
It  under  the  command  of  his  nephew,  Juan  de  Gri- 
jalva,  a  man  on  whose  probity,  prudence,  and  at- 
tachment to  himself  he  knew  he  could  rely.  The 
fleet  left  the  port  of  St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  May  1, 
1518.^-  It  took  the  course  pursued  by  Cordova,  but 
was  driven  somewhat  to  the   south,  the  first  land 

^1  Oviedo,   General   y  Natural  cap.  2.)    But  he  is  contradicted  in 

Historia  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  this  by  the  other  contemporary  re- 

33,  cap.    1. — De   Rebus  Gestis,  cords  above  cited. 

MS.  —  Carta  del  Cabildo  de  Vera  ^^  Itinerario  de  la  isola  de  lucha 

Cruz,  (July  10,  1519,)  MS.  than,  novamente  ritrovata  per  11 

Bemal    Diaz    denies    that    the  signor  Joan  de  Grijalva,  per  il  suo 
original  object  of  the  expedition,  capellano,  MS. 
in  which  he  took  part,  was  to  pro-  The   chaplain's    word  may  be 
cure  slaves,  though  Valasquez  had  taken  for  the  date,  which  is  usual- 
proposed  it.  (Hist.de  la  Conquista,  ly  put  at  the  eighth  of  April. 


Lh.  l.J  EXPEDITIONS   TO   YUCATAN.  225 

that  it  made  being  the  island  of  Cozumel.  From 
this  quarter  Grijaha  soon  passed  over  to  the  conti- 
nent and  coasted  the  peninsula,  touching  at  the 
same  places  as  his  predecessor.  Everywhere  he 
was  struck,  like  him,  with  the  evidences  of  a  higher 
civilization,  especially  in  the  architecture  ;  as  he  well 
might  be,  since  this  was  the  region  of  those  extra- 
ordinary remains  which  have  become  recently  the 
subject  of  so  much  speculation.  He  was  astonished, 
also,  at  the  sight  of  large  stone  crosses,  evidently 
objects  of  worship,  which  he  met  with  in  various 
places.  Reminded  by  these  circumstances  of  his 
own  country,  he  gave  the  peninsula  the  name  of 
"  New  Spain,"  a  name  since  appropriated  to  a  much 
wider  extent  of  territory. ^'^ 

Wherever  Grijalva  landed,  he  experienced  the 
same  unfriendly  reception  as  Cordova,  though  he 
suffered  less,  being  better  prepared  to  meet  it.  In 
the  Rio  de  Tabasco,  or  Grijalva,  as  it  is  often  called, 
after  him,  he  held  an  amicable  conference  with  a 
chief  who  gave  him  a  number  of  gold  plates  fash- 
ioned into  a  sort  of  armor.  As  he  wound  round 
the  Mexican  coast,  one  of  his  captains,  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  afterwards  famous  in  the  Conquest,  en- 
tered a  river,  to  which  he,  also,  left  his  own  name. 
In  a  neighbouring  stream,  called  the  Rio  de  Vande- 
ras,  or  "  River  of  Banners,"  from  the  ensigns  dis- 
played by  the  natives  on  its  borders,  Grijalva  had  the 
first  communication  with  the  Mexicans  themselves 

13  De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS.  — Itinerario  del  Capellano,  MS. 
VOL.    I  29 


226  DISCOVERY    OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

The  cacique  who  ruled  over  this  province  had 
received  notice  of  the  approach  of  the  Europeans, 
and  of  their  extraordinary  appearance.  He  was 
anxious  to  collect  all  the  information  he  could  re- 
specting them  and  the  motives  of  their  visit,  that 
he  might  transmit  them  to  his  master,  the  Aztec 
emperor.  •^  A  friendly  conference  took  place  between 
the  parties  on  shore,  where  Grijalva  landed  with  all 
his  force,  so  as  to  make  a  suitable  impression  on  the 
mind  of  the  barbaric  chief.  The  interview  lasted 
some  hours,  though,  as  there  was  no  one  on  either 
side  to  interpret  the  language  of  the  other,  they 
could  communicate  only  by  signs.  They,  however, 
interchanged  presents,  and  the  Spaniards  had  the 
satisfaction  of  receiving,  for  a  few  worthless  toys  find 
trinkets,  a  rich  treasure  of  jewels,  gold  ornaments 
and  vessels,  of  the  most  fantastic  forms  and  work- 
manship.^^ 

^  Grijalva  now  thought  tliat  in  this  successful  traffic 
—  successful  beyond  his  most  sanguine  expectations 
— he  had  accomplished  the  chief  object  of  his  mission. 
He  steadily  refused  the  solicitations  of  his  followers 
to  plant  a  colony  on  the  spot,  —  a  work  of  no  little 

'■^  According:  to  the  Spanish  au-  ^^  Gomara  has  given  the  per  and 

thorities,  the  cacique  was  sent  with  contra  of  this  negotiation,  in  which 

these  presents  from  the   Mexican  gold  and  jewels,  of  the  value  of 

sovereign,  who  had  received  pre-  fifteen   or  twenty  thousand  pesos 

vious  tidings  of  the  approach  of  de  oro,  were  exchanged  for  glass 

the    Spaniards.      I  have  followed  beads,    pins,   scissors,    and    other 

Sahagun,  who  obtained  his  intelli-  trinkets    common   in    an   assorted 

gence  directly  from  the   natives,  cargo  for  savages.   Cronica,  cap.  6. 
Historia  de    la  Conquista,   MS., 
cap.  2. 


Ch.  I]  EXPEDITIONS  TO   YUCATAN.  227 

difficulty  in  so  populous  and  powerfiil  a  country  a? 
this  appeared  to  be.  To  this,  indeed,  he  was  in- 
clined, but  deemed  it  contrary  to  his  instructions, 
which  limited  him  to  barter  with  the  natives.  He 
therefore  despatched  Alvarado  in  one  of  the  caravels 
back  to  Cuba,  with  the  treasure  and  such  intelligence 
as  he  had  gleaned  of  the  great  empire  in  the  interi- 
or, and  then  pursued  his  voyage  along  the  coast. 

He  touched  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and  at  the  Isla 
de  los  Sacrijicios,  so  called  by  him  from  the  bloody 
remains  of  human  \ictims  found  in  one  of  the  tem- 
ples. He  then  held  on  his  course  as  far  as  the  prov- 
mce  of  Panuco,  where  finding  some  difficulty  in 
doubling  a  boisterous  headland,  he  returned  on  his 
track,  and,  after  an  absence  of  nearly  six  months, 
reached  Cuba  in  safety.  Grijalva  has  the  glory  of 
being  the  first  navigator  who  set  foot  on  the  Mexican 
soil,  and  opened  an  intercourse  with  the  Aztecs.^^ 

On  reachino;  the  island,  he  was  surprised  to  learn, 
that  another  and  more  formidable  armament  had 
been  fitted  out  to  follow  up  his  own  discoveries, 
and  to  find  orders,  at  the  same  time,  from  the  gov- 
ernor, couched  in  no  very  courteous  language,  to  re- 
pair at  once  to  St.  Jago.  He  was  received  by  that 
personage,  not  merely  with  coldness,  but  with  re- 
proaches for  having  neglected  so  fair  an  opportunity 
of  establishing  a  colony  in  the  country  he  had  vis- 
ited. Velasquez  was  one  of  those  captious  spirits, 
who,  when  things  do  not  go  exactly  to  their  minds. 

16  Itinerario  del  Capellano,  MS.  —  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. 


228  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  11 

are  sure  to  shift  the  responsibility  of  the  failure  from 
their  own  shoulders,  where  it  should  lie,  to  those  of 
others.  He  had  an  ungenerous  nature,  says  an  old 
writer,  credulous,  and  easily  moved  to  suspicion,'^ 
In  the  present  instance  it  was  most  unmerited. 
Grijalva,  naturally  a  modest,  unassuming  person,  had 
acted  in  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  his  com- 
mander, given  before  sailing  ;  and  had  done  this  in 
opposition  to  his  own  judgment  and  the  importuni- 
ties of  his  followers.  His  conduct  merited  any  thing 
but  censure  from  his  employer. ^^ 

When  Alvarado  had  returned  to  Cuba  with  his 
golden  freight,  and  the  accounts  of  the  rich  empire 
of  Mexico  which  he  had  gathered  from  the  natives, 
the  heart  of  the  governor  swelled  with  rapture  as 
he  saw  his  dreams  of  avarice  and  ambition  so  likely 
to  be  realized.  Impatient  of  the  long  absence  of 
Grijalva,  he  despatched  a  vessel  in  search  of  him 
under  the  command  of  Olid,  a  cavalier  who  took  an 
important  part  afterwards  in  the  Conquest,  Finally 
he  resolved  to  fit  out  another  armament  on  a  suffi- 
cient scale  to  insure  the  subjugation  of  the  country. 

He  previously  solicited  authority  for  this  from  the 
Hieronymite  commission  in  St.  Domingo.  He  then 
despatched  his  chaplain  to  Spain  with  the  royal  share 


^"Hombre  de  terrible  condi-  18  At  least,  such  is  the  testimo- 

cioD,"  says  Herrera,  citing  the  good  ny  of  Las  Casas,  who  knew  both 

Bishop  of  Chiapa,  "  para  los  que  the   parties   well,    and   had   often 

le  Servian,  i  aiudaban,  i  que  facil-  conversed  with  Grijalva  upon  his 

mente  se  indignaba  contra  aquel-  voyage.     Historia  General  de  las 

los."     Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  113 
3,  cap.  10. 


Ch.  I.]  EXPEDITIONS  TO  YUCATAN.  22*^ 

of  the  gold  brought  from  Mexico,  and  a  full  account 
of  the  intelhgence  gleaned  there.  He  set  forth  his 
own  manifold  services,  and  solicited  from  the  court 
full  powers  to  go  on  with  the  conquest  and  coloniza- 
tion of  the  newly  discovered  regions.'^  Before  re- 
ceiving an  answer,  he  began  his  preparations  for  the 
armament,  and,  first  of  all,  endeavoured  to  find  a 
suitable  person  to  share  the  expense  of  it,  and  to 
take  the  command.  Such  a  person  he  found,  after 
some  difficulty  and  delay,  in  Hernando  Cortes ;  the 
man  of  all  others  best  calculated  to  achieve  this 
great  enterprise,  —  the  last  man,  to  whom  Velasquez, 
could  he  have  foreseen  the  results,  would  have  con- 
fided it. 

19  Itinerario  del  Capellano,  MS.  to   Ferdinand   Columbus,   is    still 

—  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  extant  in  the  library  of  the  great 

MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  113.  church  of  Seville.     The  book  had 

The  most  circumstantial  account  become  so  exceedingly  rare,  hovv- 

of  Grijalva's  expedition  is  to  be  ever,  that  the  historiographer,  Mu- 

found  in  the  Itinerary  of  his  chap-  noz,   made  a  transcript  of  it  with 

lain  above  quoted.     The  original  his  own  hand,  and  from  his  manu- 

is  lost,  but  an  indifferent  Italian  script  that  in  my  possession  waa 

version  was  published  at  Venice,  taken. 
in  1522.     A  copy,  which  belonged 


CHAPTER   11. 

Hernando  Cortes.  —  His  Early  Life.  —  Visits  the  New  World. 
—  His  Residence  in  Cuba. — Difficulties  with  Velasquez. — 
Armada  intrusted  to  Cortes. 


1518. 

Hernando  Cortes  was  bom  at  Medellin,  a  town 
in  the  south-east  comer  of  Estremadura,  in  1485.' 
He  came  of  an  ancient  and  respectable  family ;  and 
historians  have  gratified  the  national  vanity  by  tra- 
cing it  up  to  the  Lombard  kings,  whose  descend- 
ants crossed  the  Pyrenees,  and  established  them- 
selves in  Aragon  under  the  Gothic  monarchy.-  This 
royal  genealogy  was  not  found  out  till  Cortes  had 
acquired  a  name  which  would  confer  distinction  on 


^  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  1. — 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquis- 
ta,  cap.  203.  I  find  no  more  pre- 
cise notice  of  the  date  of  his  birth  ; 
except,  indeed,  by  Pizarro  y  Ore- 
liana,  who  tells  us  "  that  Cortes 
came  into  the  world  the  same  day 
that  that  infernal  beast,  the  false 
heretic  Luther,  entered  it,  —  by 
way  of  compensation,  no  doubt, 
since  the  labors  of  the  one  to  pull 
down  the  true  faith  were  counter- 
balanced by  those  of  the  other  to 
maintain  and  extend  it"!  (Va- 
rones  Tiustrcs  del  Nuevo  Mundo, 
(■Madrid,  1639,)  p.  66.)     But  this 


statement  of  the  good  cavalier, 
which  places  the  birth  of  our  hero 
in  1483,  looks  rather  more  like  a 
zeal  for  "  the  true  faith,"  than  for 
historic. 

2  Argensola,  in  particular,  has 
bestowed  great  pains  on  the  pros- 
apia  of  the  house  of  Cortes  ;  which 
he  traces  up,  nothing  doubting,  to 
Names  Cortes,  king  of  Lombardy 
and  Tuscany.  Anales  de  Ara- 
gon, (Zaragoza,  1630,)  pp.  621- 
625.  —  Also,  Caro  de  Torres,  His- 
toria  de  las  Ordenes  Militates, 
(Madrid,  1629,)  fol.  103. 


Ch.  II.]  HERNANDO  CQRTES.  231 

anj  descent,  however  noble.  His  father,  Manin 
Cortes  de  Monroy,  was  a  captain  of  infantry,  in 
moderate  circumstances,  but  a  man  of  unblemished 
honor ;  and  both  he  and  his  wife.  Dona  Catalina 
Pizarro  Altamirano,  appear  to  have  been  much  re- 
garded for  their  excellent  qualities.^ 

In  his  infancy  Cortes  is  said  to  have  had  a  feeble 
constitution,  which  strengthened  as  he  grew  older. 
At  fourteen,  he  was  sent  to  Salamanca,  as  his  father, 
who  conceived  great  hopes  from  his  quick  and  showy 
parts,  proposed  to  educate  him  for  the  law,  a  profes- 
sion which  held  out  better  inducements  to  the  young 
aspirant  than  any  other.  The  son,  however,  did 
not  conform  to  these  views.  He  showed  little  fond- 
ness for  books,  and,  after  loitering  away  two  years 
at  college,  returned  home,  to  the  great  chagrin 
of  his  parents.  Yet  his  time  had  not  been  wholly 
misspent,  since  he  had  laid  up  a  little  store  of  Latin, 
and  learned  to  write  good  prose,  and  even  verses 
"  of  some  estimation,  considering  "  —  as  an  old  wri- 
ter quaintly  remarks  —  "  Cortes  as  the  author."  * 
He  now  passed  his  days  in  the  idle,  unprofitable 
manner  of   one  who,   too  wilful   to  be   guided    by 

^  De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS.  Las  Casas  and  Bernal  Diaz  both 

Las  Casas,  who  knew  the  father,  State  that  he  was  Bachelor  of  Laws 

bears   stronger    testimony   to   his  at  Salamanca.     (Hist,  de  las  In- 

pnverty  than    to  his   noble   birth,  dias,  MS.,  ubi  supra.  —  Hist,  de  la 

"  Un  escudero,"  he  says  of  him,  Conquista,   cap.   203.)      The   do- 

"  que  yo  conoci  harto  pobre  y  hu-  gree  was  given  probably  in  later 

milde,  aunque  Christiano,  viejo  y  life,  when   the   University   might 

dizen  que  hidalgo.''''     Hist,  de  las  feel  a  pride  in  claiming  him  among 

Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  27.  her  sons. 
4  Argensola,  Anales,  p.  220. 


232  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Book  II 

Others,  proposes  no  object  to  himself.  His  buoyant 
spirits  were  continually  breaking  out  in  troublesome 
frolics  and  capricious  humors,  quite  at  variance  with 
the  orderly  habits  of  his  father's  household.  He 
showed  a  particular  inclination  for  the  military  pro- 
fession, or  rather  for  the  life  of  adventure  to  which 
in  those  days  it  was  sure  to  lead.  And  when,  at  the 
a,ge  of  seventeen,  he  proposed  to  enrol  himself  under 
the  banners  of  the  Great  Captain,  his  parents,  prob- 
ably thinking  a  life  of  hardship  and  hazard  abroad 
preferable  to  one  of  idleness  at  home,  made  no  ob- 
jection. 

The  youthful  cavalier,  however,  hesitated  whether 
to  seek  his  fortunes  under  that  victorious  chief,  or  in 
the  New  World,  where  gold  as  well  as  glory  was  to  be 
won,  and  where  the  very  dangers  had  a  mystery  and 
romance  in  them  inexpressibly  fascinating  to  a  youth- 
ful fancy.  It  was  in  this  direction,  accordingly,  that 
the  hot  spirits  of  that  day  found  a  vent,  especially 
from  that  part  of  the  country  where  Cortes  lived, 
the  neighbourhood  of  Seville  and  Cadiz,  the  focus 
of  nautical  enterprise.  He  decided  on  this  latter 
'  ourse,  and  an  opportunity  offered  in  the  splendid 
armament  fitted  out  under  Don  Nicolas  de  Ovando, 
successor  to  Columbus.  An  unlucky  accident  de- 
feated the  purpose  of  Cortes.*^ 

As  he  was  scaling  a  high  wall,  one  night,  which 
gave  him  access  to  the  apartmc^nt  of  a  lady  with 
whom  he  was  engaged  in  an  intrigue,  the  stones 
gave  way,  and  he  was  thrown  down  with  much  vio- 

■'•  De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS.  — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  1 


CH.  II.]  VISITS  THE  NEW   WORLD.  233 

lence  and  buried  under  the  ruins.  A  severe  contu- 
sion, though  attended  with  no  other  serious  conse- 
quences, confined  him  to  his  bed  till  after  the  de- 
parture of  the  fleet.^ 

Two  years  longer  he  remained  at  home,  profiting 
little,  as  it  would  seem,  from  the  lesson  he  had  re- 
ceived. At  length  he  availed  himself  of  another 
opportunity  presented  by  the  departure  of  a  small 
squadron  of  vessels  bound  to  the  Indian  islands. 
He  was  nineteen  years  of  age,  when  he  bade  adieu 
to  his  native  shores  in  1504,  —  the  same  y^ar  in 
which  Spain  lost  the  best  and  greatest  in  \v.)(  long 
line  of  princes,  Isabella  the  Catholic. 

The  vessel  in  which  Cortes  sailed  was  com- 
manded by  one  Alonso  Quintero.  The  fleet  touched 
at  the  Canaries,  as  was  common  in  the  outward  pas- 
sage. While  the  other  vessels  were  detained  there 
taking  in  supplies,  Quintero  secretly  stole  out  by 
night  from  the  island,  with  the  design  of  reaching 
Hispaniola,  and  securing  the  market,  before  the  ar- 
rival of  his  companions.  A  furious  storm,  which  he 
encountered,  however,  dismasted  his  ship,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  return  to  port  and  refit.  The  convoy 
consented  to  wait  for  their  unworthy  partner,  and 
after  a  short  detention  they  all  sailed  in  company 
again.  But  the  faithless  Quintero,  as  they  drew 
near  the  Islands,  availed  himself  once  more  of  the 


6  De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS.  — Go-     "  Suspendio  el  v\a,je,  por  enamora- 
mara,  Ibid.  do  y  for  quartanano.''^      Anales, 

Argensola  slates  the  cause  of     p.  621. 
his   detention    concisely   enough  ; 
VOL.    I.  30 


234  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXKO.  [Book  II. 

darkness  of  the  night,  to  leave  the  squadron  with 
the  same  purpose  as  before.  Unluckily  for  him,  he 
met  vv^ith  a  succession  of  heavy  gales  and  head  winds, 
which  drove  him  from  his  course,  and  he  wholly  lost 
his  reckoning.  For  many  days  the  vessel  was  tossed 
about,  and  all  on  board  were  filled  with  apprehensions, 
and  no  little  indignation  against  the  author  of  their 
calamities.  At  length  they  were  cheered  one  morn- 
ing with  the  sight  of  a  white  dove,  which,  wearied 
by  its  flight,  lighted  on  the  topmast.  The  biogra- 
{)hers  of  Cortes  speak  of  it  as  a  miracle."  Fortu- 
nately it  was  no  miracle,  but  a  very  natural  occur- 
rence, showing  incontestably  that  they  were  near 
land.  In  a  short  time,  by  taking  the  direction  of 
the  bird's  flight,  they  reached  the  island  of  Hispan- 
iola ;  and,  on  coming  into  port,  the  worthy  master 
had  the  satisfaction  to  find  his  companions  arrived 
before  him,  and  their  cargoes  already  sold.^ 

Immediately  on  landing,  Cortes  repaired  to  the 
house  of  the  governor,  to  whom  he  had  been  person- 
ally known  in  Spain.  Ovando  was  absent  on  an 
expedition  into  the  interior,  but  the  young  man  was 
kindly  received  by  the  secretary,  who  assured  him 
there  would  be  no  doubt  of  his  obtaining  a  liberal 
grant  of  land  to  settle  on.  "But  I  came  to  get  gold," 
replied  Cortes,  "  not  to  till  the  soil,  like  a  peasant." 

"^  Some  thoupht  it  was  the  Holy  reasonable  to  Pizarro  y  Orellana, 

Ghost  in  the  form  of  this  dove;  since  the  expedition  was  to  "  re- 

"  Sanctum  esse  Spiritum,  qui,  in  dound  so  much  to  the  spread  of  the 

illius  alitis  specie,   ut  mcestos  et  Catholic  faith,   and    the  Castilian 

afflictos  solaretur,  venire  erat  dig-  monarchy  "  !       Varones    Ihistres 

natus"  ;  (Dc  Rebus  Gestis,  MS. ;)  p.  70. 
a   conjecture    which    seems    very         ^  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  2. 


Ch.  II.]  RESIDENCE  IN   CUBA.  235 

On  the  governor's  return,  Cortes  consented  to 
give  up  his  roving  thoughts,  at  least  for  a  time,  as 
the  other  labored  to  convince  him  that  he  would  be 
more  likely  to  realize  his  wishes  from  the  slow,  in- 
deed, but  sure,  returns  of  husbandry,  where  the  soil 
and  the  laborers  were  a  free  gift  to  the  planter,  than 
by  taking  his  chance  in  the  lottery  of  adventure, 
in  which  there  were  so  many  blanks  to  a  prize.  He 
accordingly  received  a  grant  of  land,  with  a  reparti- 
miento  of  Indians,  and  was  appointed  notary  of  the 
town  or  settlement  of  A^ua.  His  graver  pursuits, 
however,  did  not  prevent  his  indulgence  of  the  amo- 
rous propensities  which  belong  to  the  sunny  clime 
where  he  was  born ;  and  this  frequently  involved 
him  in  affairs  of  honor,  from  which,  though  an  expert 
swordsman,  he  carried  away  scars  that  accompanied 
him  to  his  grave. ^  He  occasionally,  moreover,  found 
the  means  of  breaking  up  the  monotony  of  his  way  of 
life  by  engaging  in  the  military  expeditions,  which, 
under  the  command  of  Ovando's  lieutenant,  Diego 
Velasquez,  were  employed  to  suppress  the  insurrec- 
tions of  the  natives.  In  this  school  the  young  ad- 
venturer first  studied  the  wild  tactics  of  Indian  war- 
fare ;  he  became  familiar  with  toil  and  danger,  and 
with  those  deeds  of  cruelty  v/hicli  have  too  often, 
alas !  stained  the  bright  scutcheons  of  the  Castilian 
chivalry  in  the  New  World.  He  was  only  prevented 
by  illness  —  a  most  fortunate  one,  on  this  occasion 
—  from  embarking  in  Nicuessa's  expedition,  which 
furnished  a  tale  of  woe,  not  often  matched  in  the 

9  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  203. 


236  DISCOVERY  OF  MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

annals  of  Spanish  discovery.  Providence  reserved 
him  for  higher  ends. 

At  length,  in  1511,  when  Velasquez  undertook 
the  conquest  of  Cuba,  Cortes  willingly  abandoned 
his  quiet  life  for  the  stirring  scenes  there  opened, 
and  took  part  in  the  expedition.  He  displayed, 
throughout  the  invasion,  an  activity  and  courage  that 
won  him  the  approbation  of  the  commander ;  while 
his  free  and  cordial  manners,  his  good-humor,  and 
lively  sallies  of  wit  made  him  the  favorite  of  the 
soldiers.  "  He  gave  little  evidence,"  says  a  contem- 
porary, "  of  the  great  qualities  which  he  afterwards 
showed."  It  is  probable  these  qualities  were  not 
known  to  himself;  while  to  a  common  observer  his 
careless  manners  and  Jocund  repartees  might  well 
seem  incompatible  with  any  thing  serious  or  pro- 
found ;  as  the  real  depth  of  the  current  is  not  sus- 
pected under  the  light  play  and  sunny  sparkling  of 
the  surface.  ^° 

After  the  reduction  of  the  island,  Cortes  seems  to 
have  been  held  in  great  favor  by  Velasquez,  now 
appointed  its  governor.  According  to  Las  Casas, 
he  was  made  one  of  his  secretaries.''  He  still  re- 
tained the  same  fondness  for  gallantry,  for  which  his 
handsome  person  afforded  obvious  advantages,  but 
which  had  more  than  once  brought  him  into  trouble 

^^  De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS.  —  Go-  "  Res  omnes  arduas  difficilesqne 

mara,  Cronica,  cap.   3,4. — Las  per  Cortesium,  quern  in  dies  ma- 

Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  gis  magisque  amplectebatur,  Ve- 

lib.  3,  cap.  27.  lasquius  agit.     Ex  eo  ducis  favore 

11  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  loc.  et   gratia  magna  Cortesio  invidia 

cit.  est  orta."     De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS. 


Ch.  II.]  DIFFICULTIES   WITH   VELASQUEZ  237 

in  earlier  life.  Among  the  families  who  had  taken 
up  their  residenee  in  Cuba  was  one  of  the  name  of 
Xuarez,  from  Granada  in  Old  Spain.  It  consisted 
of  a  brother,  and  four  sisters  remarkable  for  their 
beauty.  With  one  of  them,  named  Catalina,  the 
susceptible  heart  of  the  young  soldier  became  en- 
amoured.'^' How  far  the  intimacy  was  carried  is  not 
(juite  certain.  But  it  appears  he  gave  his  promise 
to  marry  her,  —  a  promise,  which,  when  the  time 
came,  and  reason,  it  may  be,  had  got  the  better  of 
passion,  he  showed  no  alacrity  in  keeping.  He 
resisted,  indeed,  all  remonstrances  to  this  effect,  from 
the  lady's  family,  backed  by  the  governor,  and  some- 
what sharpened,  no  doubt,  in  the  latter  by  the  par- 
ticular interest  he  took  in  one  of  the  fair  sisters,  whf» 
is  said  not  to  have  repaid  it  with  ingratitude. 

Whether  the  rebuke  of  Velasquez,  or  some  other 
cause  of  disgust,  rankled  in  the  breast  of  Cortes,  he 
now  became  cold  toward  his  patron,  and  connected 
himself  with  a  disaffected  party  tolerably  numerous 
in  the  island.  They  were  in  the  habit  of  meeting 
at  his  house  and  brooding  over  their  causes  of  dis- 
content, chiefly  founded,  it  would  appear,  on  what 
they  conceived  an  ill  requital  of  their  services  in  the 
distribution  of  lands  and  offices.  It  may  well  be 
imagined,  that  it  could  have  been  no  easy  task  for 


'2  Soils  has  found  a  patent  of  treats    her    with   less    ceremony, 

nobility  for  this  lady  also,  —  "don-  " Una hermanadeiwi  Juan  Xuarez, 

cella  noble  yrecatada."    (Historia  gente  pobre."    Hist,  de  las  Indias, 

de  la  Conquista  de  Mejico,  (Paris,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  17. 
1838,)  lib.  1,  cap.  9.)     Las  Casas 


238  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

the  ruler  of  one  of  these  colonies,  however  discreet 
and  well  intentioned,  to  satisfy  the  indefinite  crav- 
ings of  speculators  and  adventurers,  who  swarmed, 
like  so  many  famished  harpies,  in  the  track  of  dis- 
covery in  the  New  World. '^ 

The  malecontents  determined  to  lay  their  griev- 
ances before  the  higher  authorities  in  Hispaniola, 
from  whom  Velasquez  had  received  his  commission. 
The  voyage  was  one  of  some  hazard,  as  it  was  to 
be  made  in  an  open  boat,  across  an  arm  of  the  sea 
eighteen  leagues  wide  ;  and  they  fixed  on  Cortes, 
with  whose  fearless  spirit  they  were  well  acquainted, 
as  the  fittest  man  to  undertake  it.  The  conspiracy 
got  wind,  and  came  to  the  governor's  ears  before 
the  departure  of  the  envoy,  ^^hom  he  instantly  caused 
to  be  seized,  loaded  with  fetters,  and  placed  in  strict 
confinement.  It  is  even  said,  he  would  have  hung 
him,  but  for  the  interposition  of  his  friends. ^^  The 
fact  is  not  incredible.  The  governors  of  these  little 
territories,  having  entire  control  over  the  fortunes  of 
their  subjects,  enjoyed  an  authority  far  more  despotic 
than  that  of  the  sovereign  himself.  They  were 
generally  men  of  rank  and  personal  consideration ; 
their  distance  from  the  mother  country  withdrew 
their  conduct  from  searching  scrutiny,  and,  when  that 
did  occur,  they  usually  had  interest  and  means  of 
corruption  at  command,  sufficient  to  shield  them  from 

13  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  4. —  Martinez,  capelhindeD.  Velasquez, 

Las   Casas,   Hist,   de   las   Indias,  contra  H.  Cortes,  MS. 
MS.,  ubi  supra.  —  De  Rebus  Ges-        i"*  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias. 

lis,    MS. — Memorial    de    Benito  MS.,  ubi  supra. 


Ch    II]  difficulties   with   VELASQUEZ.  239 

punishment.  The  Spanish  colonial  history,  in  its 
earher  stages,  affords  striking  instances  of  the  extra- 
ordinary assumption  and  abuse  of  powers  by  these 
petty  potentates  ;  and  the  sad  fate  of  Vasquez  Nunez 
de  Balboa,  the  illustrious  discoverer  of  the  Pacific, 
though  the  most  signal,  is  by  no  means  a  solitar}^ 
example,  that  the  greatest  services  could  be  requited 
by  persecution  and  an  ignominious  death. 

The  governor  of  Cuba,  however,  although  irasci- 
ble and  suspicious  in  his  nature,  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  vindictive,  nor  particularly  cruel.  In  the 
present  instance,  indeed,  it  may  well  be  doubted 
whether  the  blame  would  not  be  more  reasonably 
charged  on  the  unfounded  expectations  of  his  fol 
lowers  than  on  himself. 

Cortes  did  not  long  remain  in  durance.  He  con 
trived  to  throw  back  one  of  the  bolts  of  his  fetters ; 
and,  after  extricating  his  limbs,  succeeded  in  forcing 
open  a  window  with  the  irons  so  as  to  admit  of 
his  escape.  He  was  lodged  on  the  second  floor  of 
the  building,  and  was  able  to  let  himself  down  to 
the  pavement  without  injury,  and  unobserved.  He 
then  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  a  neighbouring 
church,  where  he  claimed  the  privilege  of  sanctuary. 

Velasquez,  though  incensed  at  his  escape,  was 
afraid  to  violate  the  sanctity  of  the  place  by  employ- 
ing force.  But  he  stationed  a  guard  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, with  orders  to  seize  the  fugitive,  if  he 
should  forget  himself  so  far  as  to  leave  the  sanc- 
tuary. In  a  few  days  this  happened.  As  Cortes 
was  carelesslv  standing  without  the  walls  in  front  of 


240  DISCOVERY  OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

the  building,  an  alguacil  suddenly  sprung  on  him 
from  behind  and  pinioned  his  arms,  while  others 
rushed  in  and  secured  him.  This  man,  whose  name 
Wcis  Juan  Escudero,  was  afterwards  hung  by  Cortes 
for  some  offence  in  New  Spain. '^ 

The  unlucky  prisoner  was  again  put  in  irons,  and 
carried  on  board  a  vessel  to  sail  the  next  morninir  for 
Hispaniola,  there  to  undergo  his  trial.  Fortune  fa- 
vored him  once  more.  He  succeeded,  after  much 
difficulty  and  no  little  pain,  in  passing  his  feet 
through  the  rings  which  shackled  them.  He  then 
came  cautiously  on  deck,  and,  covered  by  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night,  stole  quietly  down  the  side  of  the 
ship  into  a  boat  that  lay  floating  below.  He  pushed 
off  from  the  vessel  with  as  little  noise  as  possible. 
As  he  drew  near  the  shore,  the  stream  became  rapid 
and  turbulent.  He  hesitated  to  trust  his  boat  to  it ; 
and  as  he  was  an  excellent  swimmer  prepared  to 
breast  it  himself,  and  boldly  plunged  into  the  water. 
The  current  was  strong,  but  the  arm  of  a  man 
struggling  for  life  was  stronger;  and  after  buffet- 
ing the  waves  till  he  was  nectrly  exhausted,  he 
succeeded  in  gaining  a  landing ;  when  he  sought 
refuge  in  the  same  sanctuary  which  had  protected 
him  before.  The  facility  with  which  Cortes  a  sec- 
ond time  effected  his  escape  may  lead  one  to  doubt 
the  fidelity  of  his  guards  ;  who  perhaps  looked  on 
him  as  the  victim  of  persecution,  and  felt  the  influ- 
ence of  those  popular  manners  which  seem  to  have 

'5  Las  Casas,  Hist,   de  las  Indias,  MS.,  loc.  cit.  —  Memorial  de 
Martinez,  MS. 


Ch.  11]  DIFFICULTIES   WITH   VELASQUEZ.  241 

gained  him  friends  in  every  society  into  which  he 
was  thrown.^^ 

For  some  reason  not  explained,  —  perhaps  from 
policy, — he  now  relinquished  his  objections  to  the 
marriage  with  Catalina  Xuarez.  He  thus  secured 
the  good  offices  of  her  family.  Soon  afterwards  the 
governor  himself  relented,  and  became  reconciled  to 
his  unfortunate  enemy.  A  strange  story  is  told  in 
connexion  with  this  event.  It  is  said,  his  proud 
spirit  refused  to  accept  the  proffers  of  reconciliation 
made  him  by  Velasquez ;  and  that  one  evening, 
leaving  the  sanctuary,  he  presented  himself  unex- 
pectedly before  the  latter  in  his  own  quarters,  when 
on  a  military  excursion  at  some  distance  from  the 
capital.  The  governor,  startled  by  the  sudden  ap- 
parition of  his  enemy  completely  armed  before  him, 
with  some  dismay  inquired  the  meaning  of  it.  Cor- 
tes answered  by  insisting  on  a  full  explanation  of 
his  previous  conduct.  After  some  hot  discussion  the 
interview  terminated  amicably ;  the  parties  embraced, 
and,  when  a  messenger  arrived  to  announce  the  es- 
cape of  Cortes,  he  found  him  in  the  apartments 
of  his  Excellency,  where,  having  retired  to  rest, 
both  were  actually  sleeping  in  the  same  bed  !  The 
anecdote  is  repeated  without  distrust  by  more  than 
one  biographer  of  Cortes.^''     It  is  not  very  probable, 

16  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  4.  tide.     Hist.  General,  dec.   1,  lib. 

Herrera  tells  a  silly  story  of  his  9,  cap.  8. 

beiiig  unable  to  swim,  and  throw-  ^"^  Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  4. 

ing  himself  on   a  plank,   which,  "  Coenat    cubatque    Cortesius 

after  being  carried  out  to  sea,  was  cum   Velasquio  eodem    in    lecto. 

washed  ashore  with  him  at  flood  Qui    postero    die    fugae    Cortesii 
VOL.    I.                       31 


242  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  IJ. 

liowever,  that  a  haughty,  irascible  man  like  Velas- 
quez should  have  given  such  uncommon  proofs  of 
condescension  and  familiarity  to  one,  so  far  beneath 
him  in  station,  with  whom  he  had  been  so  recently 
in  deadly  feud ;  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  that  Cortes 
should  have  had  the  silly  temerity  to  brave  the  lion 
in  his  den,  where  a  single  nod  would  have  sent  him 
to  the  gibbet,  —  and  that,  too,  with  as  little  com- 
punction or  fear  of  consequences,  as  would  have  at- 
tended the  execution  of  an  Indian  slave. ^^ 

The  reconciliation  with  the  governor,  however 
brought  about,  was  permanent.  Cortes,  though  not 
reestablished  in  the  office  of  secretary,  received  a 
liberal  repartimiento  of  Indians,  and  an  ample  terri- 
tory in  the  neighbourhood  of  St.  Jago,  of  which  he 
was  soon  after  made  alcalde.  He  now  lived  almost 
wholly  on  his  estate,  devoting  himself  to  agriculture 
with  more  zeal  than  formerly.  He  stocked  his 
plantation  with  different  kinds  of  cattle,  some  of 
which  were  first  introduced  by  him  into  Cuba.^^  He 
wrought,  also,  the  gold  mines  which  fell  to  his  share, 
and  which  in  this   island   promised   better   returns 


nuntius  venerat,  Velasquium  et  lasquez]  sintiera  de  Cortes  una 
Cortesium  juxta  accubantes  intui-  puncta  de  alfiler  de  cerviguillo  6 
tus,  miratur."  De  Rebus  Gestis,  presuncion,  6  lo  ahorcara  6  a  lo 
MS.  menos  lo  echara  de  la  tierra  y  lo 
18  Las  Casas,  who  remembered  sumiera  en  ella  sin  que  alzara  ca- 
Cortes  at  this  time  "  so  poor  and  beza  en  su  vida."  Hist,  de  las  In- 
lowly  that  he  would  have  gladly  dias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  27. 
received  any  favor  from  the  least  ^^  ' '  Pecuariam  primus  quoque 
of  Velasquez'  attendants,"  treats  habuit,  in  insulamque  induxit,  om- 
the  story  of  the  bravado  with  con-  ni  pecorum  genere  ex  Hispania  pe- 
tempt.     "  Por  lo  qual  si  el  [Ve-  tito."     De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS. 


Ch.  II.]  ARMADA   INTRUSTED   TO   CORTES.  243 

than  those  in  Hispaniola.  By  this  course  of  indus- 
try he  found  himself,  in  a  few  years,  master  of  some 
two  or  three  thousand  castellanos,  a  large  sum  for 
one  in  his  situation.  "  God,  who  alone  knows  at 
what  cost  of  Indian  lives  it  was  obtained,"  exclaims 
Las  Casas,  "will  take  account  of  it!"^°  His  days 
glided  smoothly  away  in  these  tranquil  pursuits,  and 
in  the  society  of  his  beautiful  wife,  who,  however 
ineligible  as  a  connexion,  from  the  inferiority  of  her 
condition,  appears  to  have  fulfilled  all  the  relations 
of  a  faithful  and  affectionate  partner.  Indeed,  he 
was  often  heard  to  say  at  this  time,  as  the  good 
bishop  above  quoted  remarks,  "  that  he  lived  as 
happily  with  her  as  if  she  had  been  the  daughter  of 
a  duchess."  Fortune  gave  him  the  means  in  after 
life  of  verifying  the  truth  of  his  assertion.^^ 

Such  was  the  state  of  things,  when  Alvarado  re- 
turned with  the  tidings  of  Grijalva's  discoveries,  and 
the  rich  fruits  of  his  traffic  with  the  natives.  The 
news  spread  like  wildfire  throughout  the  island  ;  for 
all  saw  in  it  the  promise  of  more  important  results 
than  any  hitherto  obtained.  The  governor,  as  al- 
ready noticed,  resolved  to  follow  up  the  track  of 
discovery  with  a  more  considerable  armament ;  and 
he  looked  around  for  a  proper  person  to  share  the 
expense  of  it,  and  to  take  the  command. 


20  "Los  que  por  sacarle  el  oro  21 "  Egtando  conmigo,  me  lo  dixo 

murieron  Dios  abra  tenido   mejor  que  estava  tan  contento  con  ella 

cuenta  que  yo."     Hist,  de  las  In-  como  si  fuera  hija  de  una  Duques- 

dias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  y?.     The  sa."  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  ubi 

text  is  a  free  translation.  supra.  —  Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  4. 


S44  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

Several  hidalgos  presented  themselves,  whom,  from 
want  of  proper  qualifications,  or  from  his  distrust  of 
their  assuming  an  independence  of  theh  employer, 
he,  one  after  another,  rejected.  There  were  two  per- 
sons in  St.  Jago  in  whom  he  placed  great  confidence, 
— Amador  de  Lares,  the  contador,  or  royal  treasur- 
er,^'^ and  his  own  secretary,  Andres  de  Duero.  Cor- 
tes was  also  in  close  intimacy  with  both  these  per- 
sons ;  and  he  availed  himself  of  it  to  prevail  on  them 
to  recommend  him  as  a  suitable  person  to  be  intrust- 
ed with  the  expedition.  It  is  said,  he  reinforced  the 
proposal,  by  promising  a  liberal  share  of  the  proceeds 
of  it.  However  this  may  be,  the  parties  urged  his 
selection  by  the  governor  with  all  the  eloquence  of 
which  they  were  capable.  That  officer  had  had 
ample  experience  of  the  capacity  and  courage  of  the 
candidate.  He  knew,  too,  that  he  had  acquired  a 
fortune  which  would  enable  him  to  cooperate  mate- 
rially in  fitting  out  the  armament.  His  popularity 
in  the  island  would  speedily  attract  followers  to  his 
standard.^^  All  past  animosities  had  long  since  been 
buried  in  oblivion,  and  the  confidence  he  was  now 
to  repose  in  him  would  insure  his  fidelity  and  grati- 
tude.    He  lent  a  willing  ear,  therefore,  to  the  rec- 


22  The  treasurer  used  to  boast  years  in  Italy."  Hist,  de  las  In- 
he  had  passed  some  two  and  twen-  dias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  113. 
ty  years  in  the  wars  of  Italy.  He  23  "  gj  ^\  no  fuera  por  Capitan, 
was  a  shrewd  personage,  and  Las  que  no  fuera  la  tercera  parte  de  la 
Casas,  thinking  that  country  a  slip-  gente  que  con  el  fue."  Declara- 
pery  school  for  morals,  warned  the  cion  de  Puertocarrero,  MS.  (Co- 
governor,  he  says,  more  than  once  runa,  30  de  Abril,  1520.) 
''  to  beware    of   the   twenty- two 


CH.  11]  ARMADA   INTRUSTED  TO   CORTES.  245 

ommendation  of  his  counsellors,  and,  sending  for 
Cortes,  announced  his  purpose  of  making  him  Cap- 
tain-General of  the  Armada.^ 

Cortes  had  now  attained  the  object  of  his  wishes, 
—  the  object  for  which  his  soul  had  panted,  ever 
since  he  had  set  foot  in  the  New  World.  He  was 
no  longer  to  be  condemned  to  a  life  of  mercenary 
drudgery ;  nor  to  be  cooped  up  within  the  precincts 
of  a  petty  island.  But  he  was  to  be  placed  on  a 
new  and  independent  theatre  of  action,  and  a  bound- 
less perspective  was  opened  to  his  view,  which  might 
satisfy  not  merely  the  wildest  cravings  of  avarice,  but, 
to  a  bold,  aspiring  spirit  like  his,  the  far  more  impor- 
tunate cravings  of  ambition.  He  fully  appreciated 
the  importance  of  the  late  discoveries,  and  read  in 
them  the  existence  of  the  great  empire  in  the  far 
West,  dark  hints  of  which  had  floated,  from  time  to 
time,  to  the  Islands,  and  of  which  more  certain 
glimpses  had  been  caught  by  those  who  had  reached 
the  continent.  This  was  the  country  intimated  to 
the  "  Great  Admiral "  in  his  visit  to  Honduras  in 
1502,  and  which  he  might  have  reached,  had  he  held 
on  a  northern  course,  instead  of  striking  to  the  south 
in  quest  of  an  imaginary  strait.  As  it  was,  "  he  had 
but  opened  the  gate,"  to  use  his  own  bitter  expres- 
sion, "  for  others  to  enter."  The  time  had  at  length 
come,  when  they  were  to  enter  it ;  and  the  young 
adventurer,  whose  magic  lance  was  to  dissolve  the 

24  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  7.  —  Las  Casas,  Hist.  General  de 
quista,  cap.  19. — De  Rebus  Ges-  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  113, 
tis,  MS.  —  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap. 


24>6  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

speJl  which  had  so  long  hung  over  these  mysterious 
regions,  now  stood  ready  to  assume  the  enterprise. 

From  this  hour  the  deportment  of  Cortes  seemed 
to  undergo  a  change.  His  thoughts,  instead  of  evap- 
orating in  empty  levities  or  idle  flashes  of  merriment, 
were  wholly  concentrated  on  the  great  object  to 
which  he  was  devoted.  His  elastic  spirits  were 
shown  in  cheering  and  stimulating  the  companions 
of  his  toilsome  duties,  and  he  was  roused  to  a  gener- 
ous enthusiasm,  of  which  even  those  who  knew  him 
best  had  not  conceived  him  capable.  He  applied  at 
once  all  the  money  in  his  possession  to  fitting  out 
the  armament.  He  raised  more  by  the  mortgage  of 
his  estates,  and  by  giving  his  obligations  to  some 
wealthy  merchants  of  the  place,  who  relied  for  their 
reimbursement  on  the  success  of  the  expedition  ; 
and,  when  his  own  credit  was  exhausted,  he  availed 
himself  of  that  of  his  friends. 

The  funds  thus  acquired  he  expended  in  the  pur- 
chase of  vessels,  provisions,  and  military  stores,  while 
he  invited  recruits  by  offers  of  assistance  to  such  as 
were  too  poor  to  provide  for  themselves,  and  by  the 
additional  promise  of  a  liberal  share  of  the  anticipated 
profits.^^ 

All  was  now  bustle  and  excitement  in  the  little 
town  of  St.  Jago.  Some  were  busy  in  refitting  the 
vessels  and  getting  them  ready  for  the  voyage ;  some 
in  providing  naval  stores  ;  others  in  converting  their 
own  estates  into  money  in  order  to  equip  themselves  ; 

25  Declaracion  de  Puertocarrero,    — Probanza  en  la  Villa  Segura, 
MS.— Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.     MS.  (4  de  Oct.,  1520.) 


Ch.  II.]  ARMADA   INTRUSTED  TO   CORTES.  247 

every  one  seemed  anxious  to  contribute  in  some  way 
or  other  to  the  success  of  the  expedition.  Six  ships, 
some  of  them  of  a  large  size,  had  aheady  been  pro- 
cured ;  and  three  hundred  recruits  enrolled  them- 
selves in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  eager  to  seek 
their  fortunes  under  the  banner  of  this  daring  and 
popular  chieftain. 

How  far  the  governor  contributed  towards  the  ex- 
penses of  the  outfit  is  not  very  clear.  If  the  friends 
of  Cortes  are  to  be  believed,  nearly  the  whole  bur- 
den fell  on  him ;  since,  while  he  supplied  the  squad- 
ron without  remuneration,  the  governor  sold  many 
of  his  own  stores  at  an  exorbitant  profit.^''  Yet  ii 
does  not  seem  probable  that  Velasquez,  with  such 
ample  means  at  his  command,  should  have  thrown 
on  his  deputy  the  burden  of  the  expedition,  nor  that 
the  latter  —  had  he  done  so  —  could  have  been  in  a 
condition  to  meet  these  expenses,  amounting,  as  we 
are  told,  to  more  than  twenty  thousand  gold  ducats. 


*  The  letter  from  the  Munici-  ales  Altezas  ha  hecho  Diego  Ve- 

pality  of  Vera  Cruz,  after  stating  lasquez  su  rescate  y  granosea  de 

that  Velasquez  bore  only  one  third  sua  dineros  cobrandolos  muy  bien." 

of  the  original  expense,  adds,  "  Y  (Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.)     Pu- 

sepan  Vras.    Magestades   que  la  ertocarrero  and  Montejo,  also,  in 

mayor  parte  de  la  dicha  tercia  par-  their  depositions  taken  in  Spain , 

te  que  el  dicho  Diego  Velasquez  both  speak  of  Cortes'  having  fur- 

gasto  en   hacer  la  dicha  armada  nished  two  thirds  of  the  cost  of  the 

fue,  emplear  sus  dineros  en  vinos  flotilla.  (Declaracion  de  Puertocar- 

y  en  ropas,  y  en  otras  cosas  de  rero,  MS. — Declaracion  de  Mon- 

poco  valor  para  nos  lo  vender  aca  tejo,  MS.  (29  de  Abril,  1520.).) 

en  mucha  mas  cantidad  de  lo  que  The  letter  from  Vera  Cruz,  how- 

a  el  le  costo,  por  manera  que  po-  ever,  was  prepared  under  the  eye 

demos  decir  que  entre  nosotros  los  of  Cortes  ;  and  the  two  last  were 

Espaiioles  vasallos  de  Vras.    Re-  his  confidential  officers. 


248  DISCOVERY  OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

Still  it  cannot  be  denied  that  an  ambitious  man  like 
Cortes,  who  was  to  reap  all  the  glory  of  the  enter- 
prise, would  very  naturally  be  less  solicitous  to  count 
the  gains  of  it,  than  his  employer,  who,  inactive  at 
home,  and  having  no  laurels  to  win,  must  look  on 
the  pecuniary  profits  as  his  only  recompense.  The 
question  gave  rise,  some  years  later,  to  a  furious  liti- 
gation between  the  parties,  with  which  it  is  not 
necessary  at  present  to  embarrass  the  reader. 

It  is  due  to  Velasquez  to  state  that  the  instructions 
delivered  by  him  for  the  conduct  of  the  expedition 
cannot  be  charged  with  a  narrow  or  mercenary  spirit. 
The  first  object  of  the  voyage  was  to  fiiid  Grijalva, 
after  which  the  two  commanders  were  to  proceed  in 
company  together.  Reports  had  been  brought  back 
by  Cordova,  on  his  return  from  the  first  visit  to  Yu- 
catan, that  six  Christians  were  said  to  be  lingering  in 
captivity  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  It  was  sup- 
posed they  might  belong  to  the  party  of  the  unfortu- 
nate Nicuessa,  and  orders  were  given  to  find  them 
out,  if  possible,  and  restore  them  to  liberty.  But 
the  great  object  of  the  expedition  was  barter  with 
the  natives.  In  pursuing  this,  special  care  was  to 
be  taken  that  they  should  receive  no  wrong,  but  be 
treated  with  kindness  and  humanity.  Cortes  was 
to  bear  in  mind,  above  all  things,  that  the  object 
which  the  Spanish  monarch  had  most  at  heart  was 
the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  He  was  to  impress 
on  them  the  grandeur  and  goodness  of  his  royal 
master,  to  invite  them  "  to  give  in  their  allegiance  to 
him,  and   to  manifest  it  by  regaling  him  with  such 


Ch.  II.]  ARMADA   INTRUSTED   TO   CORTES.  249 

comfortable  presents  of  gold,  pearls,  and  precious 
stones  as,  by  showing  their  own  good-will,  would 
secure  his  favor  and  protection."  He  was  to  make 
an  accurate  survey  of  the  coast,  sounding  its  bays 
and  inlets  for  the  benefit  of  future  navigators.  He 
was  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  natural  products  of 
the  country,  with  the  character  of  its  different  races, 
their  institutions  and  progress  in  civilization  ;  and 
he  was  to  send  home  minute  accounts  of  all  these, 
together  with  such  articles  as  he  should  obtain  in  his 
intercourse  with  them.  Finally,  he  was  to  take  the 
most  careful  care  to  omit  nothing  that  might  redound 
to  the  service  of  God  or  his  sovereign  .^'^ 

Such  was  the  general  tenor  of  the  instructions 
given  to  Cortes,  and  they  must  be  admitted  to  pro- 
vide for  the  interests  of  science  and  humanity,  as 
well  as  for  those  which  had  reference  only  to  a  com- 
mercial speculation.  It  may  seem  strange,  consider- 
ing the  discontent  shown  by  Velasquez  with  his 
former  captain,  Grijalva,  for  not  colonizing,  that  no 
directions  should  have  been  given  to  that  effect  here. 
But  he  had  not  yet  received  from  Spain  the  warrant 
for  investing  his  agents  with  such  powers  ;  and  that 
which  had  been  obtained  from  the  Hieronymite  fa- 
thers in  Hispaniola  conceded  only  the  right  to  traffic 
with  the   natives.      The   commission   at  the  same 


27  The  instrument,  in  the  origi-  Cortes  and  Velasquez.     It  is,  in 

nal  Castilian,  will  be  found  in  Af-  fact,  only  the  instructions  given  by 

pendix,  Part  2,  No.  5.    It  is  often  this  latter  to  his  officer,  who  was 

referred  to  by  writers  who  never  no  party  to  it. 
saw  it,  as  the  Agreement  between 

VOL.    I.  32 


250 


DISCOVERY  OF    MEXICO. 


[Book  II 


time  recognised  the  authority  of  Cortes  as  Captain- 
General  of  the  expedition."^ 


28  Declaracion  de  Puertocarrero, 
MS. — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  7. 

Velasquez  soon  after  obtained 
from  the  crown  authority  to  colo- 
nize the  new  countries,  with  the 
title  of  adelantado  o\ei  them.  The 
instrument  was  dated  at  Barcelona, 
Nov.  13th,  1518.  (Herrera,  Hist. 
General,  dec.  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  8.) 


Empty  privileges !  Las  Casas  gives 
a  caustic  etymology  of  the  title  of 
adelantado,  so  often  granted  to  the 
Spanish  discoverers.  "  Adelanta- 
dos  porque  se  adelantaran  en  hazer 
males  y  danos  tan  gravisimos  a 
gentes  pacificas."  Hist,  de  las 
Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  117. 


CHAPTER   III. 

Jealousy  of  Velasquez. — Cortes  embarks.  —  Equipment  of  his 
Fleet.  —  His  Person  and  Character.  —  Rendezvous  at  Ha- 
vana.—  Strength  of  his  Armament. 

1519. 

The  importance  given  to  Cortes  by  his  new  posi- 
tion, and,  perhaps,  a  somewhat  more  lofty  bearing, 
gradually  gave  uneasiness  to  the  naturally  suspicious 
temper  of  Velasquez,  who  became  apprehensive  that 
his  officer,  when  away  where  he  would  have  the 
power,  might  also  have  the  inclination,  to  throw  off 
his  dependence  on  him  altogether.  An  accidental 
circumstance  at  this  time  heightened  these  suspi- 
cions. A  mad  fellow,  his  jester,  one  of  those  crack- 
brained  wits,  —  half  wit,  half  fool,  —  who  formed  in 
those  days  a  common  appendage  to  every  great 
man's  establishment,  called  out  to  the  governor,  as 
he  was  taking  his  usual  walk  one  morning  with 
Cortes  towards  the  port,  "  Have  a  care,  master 
Velasquez,  or  we  shall  have  to  go  a  hunting,  some 
day  or  other,  after  this  same  captain  of  ours ! " 
"  Do  you  hear  what  the  rogue  says  ? "  exclaimed 
the  governor  to  his  companion.  "  Do  not  heed  him," 
said  Cortes,  "  he  is  a  saucy  knave,  and  deserves  a 
good  whipping."  The  words  sunk  deep,  however, 
in  the  mind  of  Velasquez,  —  as,  indeed,  true  jests 
are  apt  to  stick. 


232  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

There  were  not  wanting  persons  about  his  Excel- 
lency, who  fanned  the  latent  embers  of  jealousy 
into  a  blaze.  These  worthy  gentlemen,  some  of 
them  kinsmen  of  Velasquez,  who  probably  felt  their 
own  deserts  somewhat  thrown  into  the  shade  by 
the  rising  fortunes  of  Cortes,  reminded  the  gover- 
nor of  his  ancient  quarrel  with  that  officer,  and  of 
the  little  probability  that  affronts  so  keenly  felt  at 
the  time  could  ever  be  forgotten.  By  these  and 
similar  suggestions,  and  by  misconstructions  of  the 
present  conduct  of  Cortes,  they  wrought  on  the  pas- 
sions of  Velasquez  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  re- 
solved to  intrust  the  expedition  to  other  hands.' 

He  communicated  his  design  to  his  confidential 
advisers.  Lares  and  Duero,  and  these  trusty  person- 
ages reported  it  without  delay  to  Cortes,  although, 
"to  a  man  of  half  his  penetration,"  says  Las  Casas, 
"  the  thing  would  have  been  readily  divined  from 
the  governor's  altered  demeanour."^  The  two  func- 
tionaries advised  their  friend  to  expedite  matters  as 
much  as  possible,  and  to  lose  no  time  in  getting  his 
fleet  ready  for  sea,  if  he  would  retain  the  command 
of  it.     Cortes    showed  the   same    prompt   decision 


^  "Deterrebat,"  says  the  anony-  de  la  Conquista,  cap.   19.  —  Las 

mous  biographer,   "eum  Cortesii  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 

natura  imperii   avida,  fiducia  sui  cap.  114. 

ingens,  et  nimius  sumptus  in  classe        2  «« Cortes  no  avia  menester  mas 

paranda.     Timere    itaque   Velas-  para  entendello  de  mirar  el  gesto 

quins  coepit,  si  Cortesius  cum  ea  k  Diego  Velasquez  scgun  su  astuta 

classe  iret,  nihil  ad  se  vel  honoris  vivezaymundanasabiduria."  Hist 

vel  lucri  rcdilurum."     De  Rebus  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  cap.  114. 
Gestis,  MS.  —  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 


Ch.  III.]  CORTES  EMBARKS.  253 

on  this  occasion,  which  more  than  once  afterwards 
in  a  similar  crisis  gave  the  direction  to  his  destiny. 

He  had  not  jet  got  his  complement  of  men,  nor 
of  vessels ;  and  was  very  inadequately  provided  with 
supplies  of  any  kind.  But  he  resolved  to  weigh 
anchor  that  very  night.  He  waited  on  his  officers, 
informed  them  of  his  purpose,  and  probably  of  the 
cause  of  it ;  and  at  midnight,  when  the  town  was 
hushed  in  sleep,  they  all  went  quietly  on  board,  and 
the  little  squadron  dropped  down  the  bay.  First, 
however,  Cortes  had  visited  the  person  whose  busi- 
ness it  was  to  supply  the  place  with  meat,  and  re- 
lieved him  of  all  his  stock  on  hand,  notwithstanding 
his  complaint  that  the  city  must  suffer  for  it  on  the 
morrow,  leaving  him,  at  the  same  time,  in  payment, 
a  massive  gold  chain  of  much  value,  which  he  wore 
round  his  neck.'* 

Great  was  the  amazement  of  the  good  citizens 
of  St.  Jago,  when,  at  dawn,  they  saw  that  the  fleet, 
which  they  knew  was  so  ill  prepared  for  the  voyage, 
had  left  its  moorings  and  was  busily  getting:  under 
way.  The  tidings  soon  came  to  the  ears  of  his 
Excellency,  who,  springing  from  his  bed,  hastily 
dressed  himself,  mounted  his  horse,  and,  followed  by 
his  retinue,  galloped  down  to  the  quay.  Cortes,  as 
soon  as  he  descried  their  approach,  entered  an  armed 
boat,  and  came  within  speaking  distance  of  the 
shore.     "  And  is  it  thus  you  part  from  me  ! "  ex- 

3  Las  Casas  had  the  story  from     Cr6nica,  cap.  7  — De  Rebus  Gfes- 
Cortes'  own  mouth.     Hist,  de  las     tis,  MS. 
Indias,  MS.,  cap.  114. — Gomara, 


254  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  fBooK  II. 

claimed  Velasquez;  "a  courteous  way  of  taking 
leave,  truly !  "  "  Pardon  me,"  answered  Cortes, 
"  time  presses,  and  there  are  some  things  that  should 
be  done  before  they  are  even  thought  of.  Has  your 
Excellency  any  commands  ? "  But  the  mortified 
governor  had  no  commands  to  give  ;  and  Cortes, 
politely  waving  his  hand,  returned  to  his  vessel,  and 
the  little  fleet  instantly  made  sail  for  the  port  of  Ma- 
caca,  about  fifteen  leagues  distant.  (November  18, 
1518.)  Velasquez  rode  back  to  his  house  to  digest 
his  chagrin  as  he  best  might ;  satisfied,  probably, 
that  he  had  made  at  least  two  blunders  ;  one  in 
appointing  Cortes  to  the  command,  —  the  other  in 
attempting  to  deprive  him  of  it.  For,  if  it  be  true, 
that,  by  giving  our  confidence  by  halves,  we  can 
scarcely  hope  to  make  a  friend,  it  is  equally  true, 
that,  by  withdrawing  it  when  given,  we  shall  make 
an  enemy .^ 

This  clandestine  departure  of  Cortes  has  been 
severely  criticized  by  some  writers,  especially  by  Las 
Casas.^     Yet  much  may  be  urged  in  vindication  of 

^  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  that  Cortes  intended  a  rupture  with 

MS.,  cap.   114. — Herrera,  Hist,  his  employer  by  this  clandestine 

General,  dec.  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  12.  movement;  but  only  to  secure  him- 

Soils,  who  follows  Bernal  Diaz  self  in  the  command.  At  all  events, 

in  saying  that  Cortes  parted  open-  the  text  conforms  in  every  partic- 

ly  and  amicably  from  Velasquez,  ular  to  the  statement  of  Las  Casas, 

seems  to  consider  it  a  great  slander  who,  as  he  knew  both  the  parties 

on  the  character  of  the  former  to  well,  and  resided  on  the  island  at 

suppose  that  he  wanted  to  break  the  time,  had  ample  means  of  in- 

with  the  governor  so  soon,  when  formation. 

he  had  received  so  little  provoca-        ^  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  cap. 

tion.    (Conquista,  lib.  1,  cap.  10.)  114. 
But  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose 


Ch.  Ill]  EQUIPMENT  OF  HIS  FLEET.  265 

his  conduct.  He  had  been  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand by  the  voluntary  act  of  the  governor,  and  this 
had  been  fully  ratified  by  the  authorities  of  Hispani- 
ola.  He  had  at  once  devoted  all  his  resources  to 
the  undertaking,  incurring,  indeed,  a  heavy  debt  in 
addition.  He  was  now  to  be  deprived  of  his  com- 
mission, without  any  misconduct  having  been  al- 
leged or  at  least  proved  against  him.  Such  an  event 
must  overwhelm  him  in  irretrievable  ruin,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  friends  from  whom  he  had  so  largely 
borrowed,  and  the  followers  who  had  embarked 
their  fortunes  in  the  expedition  on  the  faith  of  his 
commanding  it.  There  are  few  persons,  probably, 
who,  under  these  circumstances,  would  have  felt 
called  tamely  to  acquiesce  in  the  sacrifice  of  their 
hopes  to  a  groundless  and  arbitrary  whim.  The 
most  to  have  been  expected  from  Cortes  was,  that 
he  should  feel  obliged  to  provide  faithfully  for  the 
interests  of  his  employer  in  the  conduct  of  the  en- 
terprise. How  far  he  felt  the  force  of  this  obligation 
will  appear  in  the  sequel. 

From  Macaca,  where  Cortes  laid  in  such  stores  as 
he  could  obtain  from  the  royal  farms,  and  which,  he 
said,  he  considered  as  "  a  loan  from  the  king,"  he 
proceeded  to  Trinidad;  a  more  considerable  town, 
on  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba.  Here  he  landed, 
and,  erecting  his  standard  in  front  of  his  quarters, 
made  proclamation,  with  liberal  offers  to  all  who 
would  join  the  expedition.  Volunteers  came  in  daily, 
and  among  them  more  than  a  hundred  of  Grijalva's 
men,  just  returned  from  their  voyage,  and  willing 


256  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

to  follow  up  the  discovery  under  an  enterprising  lead- 
er. The  fame  of  Cortes  attracted,  also,  a  number  of 
cavaliers  of  faffiily  and  distinction,  some  of  whom, 
having  accompanied  Grijalva,  brought  much  infor- 
mation valuable  for  the  present  expedition.  Among 
these  hidalgos  may  be  mentioned  Pedro  de  Alvarado 
and  his  brothers,  Cristoval  de  Olid,  Alonso  de  Avila, 
Juan  Velasquez  de  Leon,  a  near  relation  of  the 
governor,  Alonso  Hernandez  de  Puertocarrero,  and 
Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  —  all  of  them  men  who  took  a 
most  important  part  in  the  Conquest.  Their  pres- 
ence was  of  great  moment,  as  giving  consideration 
to  the  enterprise ;  and,  when  they  entered  the  little 
camp  of  the  adventurers,  the  latter  turned  out  to 
welcome  them  amidst  lively  strains  of  music  and 
Joyous  salvos  of  artillery. 

Cortes  meanwhile  was  active  in  purchasing  mili- 
tary stores  and  provisions.  Learning  that  a  trading 
vessel  laden  with  grain  and  other  commodities  for 
the  mines  was  off  the  coast,  he  ordered  out  one  of 
his  caravels  to  seize  her  and  bring  her  into  port- 
He  paid  the  master  in  bills  for  both  cargo  and  ship, 
and  even  persuaded  this  man,  named  Sedeno,  who 
was  wealthy,  to  Join  his  fortunes  to  the  expedition. 
He  also  despatched  one  of  his  officers,  Diego  de 
Ordaz,  in  quest  of  another  ship,  of  which  he  had 
tidings,  with  instmctions  to  sei25e  it  in  like  manner, 
and  to  meet  him  with  it  off  Cape  St.  Antonio,  the 
westerly  point  of  the  island.^'     By  this  he  effected 

*5  Las  Casas  had  this,  also,  from     do  esto  me  dixo  el  mismo  Cortes, 
the  lips  of  Cort6s  in  later  life.  "  To-     con   otras  cosas  gerca  dello  des- 


.H.  Ill]  EQUIPMENT  OF   HIS   FLEET.  257 

another  object,  that  of  getting  rid  of  Ordaz,  who 
was  one  of  the  governor's  household,  and  an  in- 
convenient spy  on  his  own  actions. 

While  thus  occupied,  letters  from  Velasquez  were 
received  by  the  commander  of  Trinidad,  requiring 
him  to  seize  the  person  of  Cortes  and  to  detain  him, 
as  he  had  been  deposed  from  the  command  of  the 
fleet,  which,  was  given  to  another.  This  functiona- 
ry communicated  his  instructions  to  the  principal 
officers  in  the  expedition,  who  counselled  him  not 
to  make  the  attempt,  as  it  would  undoubtedly  lead 
to  a  commotion  among  the  soldiers,  that  might  end 
in  laying  the  town  in  ashes.  Verdugo  thought  it 
prudent  to  conform  to  this  advice.^ 

As  Cortes  was  willing  to  strengthen  himself  by 
still  further  reinforcements,  he  ordered  Alvarado  with 
a  small  body  of  men  to  march  across  the  country  to 
the  Havana,  while  he  himself  would  sail  round  the 
westerly  point  of  the  island,  and  meet  him  there 
with  the  squadron.  In  this  port  he  again  displayed 
his  standard,  making  the  usual  proclamation.  He 
caused  all  the  large  guns  to  be  brought  on  shore, 
and,  with  the  small  arms  and  crossbows,  to  be  put  in 
order.  As  there  was  abundance  of  cotton  raised  in 
this  neighbourhood,  he  had  the  jackets  of  the  sol- 
diers thickly  quilted  with  it,  for  a  defence  against 


pues  de  Marques  ; reindo  y  '  De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS.  —  Gro- 

mofando  e  con  estas  formales  pala-  mara,  Crdnica,  cap.  8.  —  Las  Ca- 

bras,  A  la  mi  fie  andvie  por  alii  co-  sas,  Hist,  de  las  ladias,  MS,,  cap. 

mo  tm  gentil  cosario.^^     Hist,  de  114,  115. 
las  Indias,  MS.,  cap.  115. 

VOL.   I.  33 


258  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  TBook  II. 

the  Indian  arrows,  from  which  the  troops  in  the 
former  expeditions  had  grievously  suffered.  He  dis- 
tributed his  men  into  eleven  companies,  each  under 
the  command  of  an  experienced  officer ;  and  it  was 
observed,  that,  although  several  of  the  cavaliers  in 
the  service  were  the  personal  friends  and  even  kins- 
men of  Velasquez,  he  appeared  to  treat  them  all 
with  perfect  confidence. 

His  principal  standard  was  of  black  velvet  em- 
broidered with  gold,  and  emblazoned  with  a  red 
cross  amidst  flames  of  blue  and  white,  with  this 
motto  in  Latin  beneath ;  "  Friends,  let  us  follow  the 
Cross  ;  and  under  this  sign,  if  we  have  faith,  we  shall 
conquer."  He  now  assumed  more  state  in  his  own 
person  and  way  of  living,  introducing  a  greater  num- 
ber of  domestics  and  officers  into  his  household,  and 
})lacing  it  on  a  footing  becoming  a  man  of  high  sta- 
tion. This  state  he  maintained  through  the  rest  of 
his  life.^ 

Cortes  at  this  time  was  thirty-three,  or  perhaps 
thirty-four  years  of  age.  In  stature  he  was  rather 
above  the  middle  size.  His  complexion  was  pale ; 
and  his  large  dark  eye  gave  an  expression  of  gravity 
to  his  countenance,  not  to  have  been  expected  in 
one  of  his  cheerful  temperament.  His  figure  was 
slender,  at  least  until  later  life ;  but  his  chest  was 


**  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  The  legend    on    the    standard 

quista,  cap.  24. — De  Rebus  Ges-  was,  doubtless,  suggested  by  that 

tis,  MS.  — Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  on  the  labarum,  —  the  sacred  ban- 

8.  —  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Tn-  ner  of  Constantine. 
dias,  MS.,  cap.  115. 


Ch.  III.]  HIS   PERSON   AND   CHARACTER.  259 

deep,  his  shoulders  broad,  his  frame  muscular  and 
well  proportioned.  It  presented  the  union  of  agility 
and  vigor  which  qualified  him  to  excel  in  fencing, 
horsemanship,  and  the  other  generous  exercises  of 
chivalry.  In  his  diet  he  was  temperate,  careless 
of  what  he  ate,  and  drinking  little ;  while  to  toil 
and  privation  he  seemed  perfectly  indifferent.  His 
dress,  for  he  did  not  disdain  the  impression  produced 
by  such  adventitious  aids,  was  such  as  to  set  off  his 
handsome  person  to  advantage ;  neither  gaudy  nor 
striking,  but  rich.  He  wore  few  ornaments,  and 
usually  the  same ;  but  those  were  of  great  price. 
His  manners,  frank  and  soldierlike,  concealed  a  most 
cool  and  calculating  spirit.  With  his  gayest  humor 
there  mingled  a  settled  air  of  resolution,  which  made 
those  who  approached  him  feel  they  must  obey;  and 
which  infused  something  like  awe  into  the  attach- 
ment of  his  most  devoted  followers.  Such  a  combi- 
nation, in  which  love  was  tempered  by  authority, 
was  the  one  probably  best  calculated  to  inspire  de- 
votion in  the  rough  and  turbulent  spirits  among 
whom  his  lot  was  to  be  cast. 

The  character  of  Cortes  seems  to  have  undergone 
some  change  with  change  of  circumstances ;  or,  to 
speak  more  correctly,  the  new  scenes  in  which  he 
was  placed  called  forth  qualities  which  before  lay 
dormant  in  his  bosom.  There  are  some  hardy  na- 
tures that  require  the  heats  of  excited  action  to  un- 
fold their  energies ;  like  the  plants,  which,  closed 
to  the  mild  influence  of  a  temperate  latitude,  come 
to   their   full    growth,   and   give   forth    their   fruits 


260  DISCOVERY   OF    MEXICO.  [Book  II 

only  in  the  burning  atmosphere  of  the  tropics.  — 
Such  is  the  portrait  left  to  us  by  his  contemporaries 
of  this  remarkable  man ;  the  instrument  selected  by 
Providence  to  scatter  terror  among  the  barbarian 
monarchs  of  the  Western  World,  and  lay  their  em- 
pires in  the  dust.^ 

Before  the  preparations  w^ere  fully  completed  at 
the  Havana,  the  commander  of  the  place,  Don 
Pedro  Barba,  received  despatches  from  Velasquez 
ordering  him  to  apprehend  Cortes,  and  to  prevent 
the  departure  of  his  vessels  ;  vs^hile  another  epistle 
from  the  same  som'ce  w^as  delivered  to  Cortes  him- 
self, requesting  him  to  postpone  his  voyage  till  the 
governor  could  communicate  with  him,  as  he  pro 
posed,  in  person.  "Never,"  exclaims  Las  Casas, 
"  did  I  see  so  little  know^ledge  of  affairs  shovi^n,  as 
in  this  letter  of  Diego  Velasquez,  —  that  he  should 
have  imagined,  that  a  man,  who  had  so  recently  put 
such  an  affiont  on  him,  would  defer  his  departure 
at  his  bidding  !  "  '°  It  was,  indeed,  hoping  to  stay 
the  flight  of  the  arrow  by  a  word,  after  it  had  left 
the  bow. 

The  Captain-General,  however,  during  his  short 
stay,  had  entirely  conciliated  the  good-will  of  Barba. 
And,  if  that  officer  had  had  the  inclination,  he  knew 
he  had  not  the  power,  to  enforce  his  principal's  or- 

^  The  most  minute    notices  of  ral's  chaplain.     See  in  particular 

the  person  and  habits   of  Cortes  the  last  chapter  of  Gomara's  Cro- 

are  to  be  gathered  from  the  narra-  nica,  and  cap.  203  of  the  Hist,  de 

tive   of    the   old    cavalier   Bernal  la  Conquista. 

Diaz,  who  served  so  long  under  '"  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  laa  Id- 

him,  and  from  Gomara,  the  gene-  dias,  MS.,  cap.  115. 


Ch.  Ill]  STRENGTH   OF   HIS   ARMAMENT.  261 

ders,  in  the  face  of  a  resolute  soldiery,  incensed  at 
this  ungenerous  persecution  of  their  commander,  and 
"all  of  whom,"  in  the  words  of  the  honest  chroni- 
cler who  bore  part  in  the  expedition,  "  officers  and 
privates,  would  have  cheerfully  laid  down  their  lives 
for  him."  '^  Barba  contented  himself,  therefore,  with 
explaining  to  Velasquez  the  impracticability  of  the 
attempt,  and  at  the  same  time  endeavoured  to  tran- 
quillize his  apprehensions  by  asserting  his  own  con- 
fidence in  the  fidelity  of  Cortes.  To  this  the  latter 
added  a  communication  of  his  own,  couched  "  in 
the  soft  terms  he  knew  so  well  how  to  use,"  '^  in 
which  he  implored  his  Excellency  to  rely  on  his  de- 
votion to  his  interests,  and  concluded  with  the  com- 
fortable assurance  that  he  and  the  whole  fleet,  God 
willing,  would  sail  on  the  following  morning. 

Accordingly  on  the  10th  of  February,  1519,  the 
little  squadron  got  under  way,  and  directed  its 
course  towards  Cape  St.  Antonio,  the  appointed 
place  of  rendezvous.  When  all  were  brought  to- 
gether, the  vessels  were  found  to  be  eleven  in  num- 
ber ;  one  of  them,  in  which  Cortes  himself  went, 
was  of  a  hundred  tons,  burden,  three  others  were 
from  seventy  to  eighty  tons;  the  remainder  were 
caravels  and  open  brigantines.  The  whole  was  put 
under  the  direction  of  Antonio  de  Alaminos,  as  chief 
pilot;  a  veteran  navigator,  who  had  acted  as  pilot 
to  Columbus  in  his  last  voyage,  and  to  Cordova  and 
Grijalva  in  the  former  expeditions  to  Yucatan. 

n  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  24.         ^  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


262  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   Ii 

Landing  on  the  Cape  and  mustering  his  forces, 
Cortes  found  thej  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ten 
mariners,  five  hundred  and  fifty-three  soldiers,  in- 
cluding thirty-two  crossbowmen,  and  thirteen  arque- 
busiers,  besides  tvi^o  hundred  Indians  of  the  island, 
and  a  few  Indian  women  for  menial  offices.  He 
was  provided  with  ten  heavy  guns,  four  lighter  pieces 
called  falconets,  and  with  a  good  supply  of  ammuni- 
tion.^^ He  had  besides  sixteen  horses.  They  were 
not  easily  procured ;  for  the  difficulty  of  transporting 
them  across  the  ocean  in  the  ffimsy  craft  of  that  day 
made  them  rare  and  incredibly  dear  in  the  Islands.'^ 
But  Cortes  rightfully  estimated  the  importance  of 
cavalry,  however  small  in  number,  both  for  their 
actual  service  in  the  field,  and  for  striking  terror  into 

13  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  the  depositions  at  Villa  Segura,  ii 

quista,  cap.  26.  appears  that  the  cost  of  the  horses 

There  is  some  discrepancy  among  for  the  expedition  was  from  four  to 

authorities,  in  regard  to  the  num-  five hundredpesosrfeoro each!  "Si 

bers  of  the  army.  The  Letter  from  saben  que  de  caballos  que  el  dicho 

Vera  Cruz,  which  should  have  been  Seiior  Capitan  General  Hernando 

exact,  speaks  in  round  terms  of  Cortes  ha  comprado  para  servir  en 

only  four  hundred  soldiers.     (Car-  la  dicha  Conquista,  que  son  diez  e 

ta  de  Vera  Cruz,   MS.)     Velas-  ocho,  que  le  han  costado  a  quatro- 

quez  himself,  in  a  communication  cientos   cinquenta   e   a  quinientos 

to  the  Chief  Judge  of  Hispaniola,  pesos  ha  pagado,  e  que  deve  mas 

states  the  number  at  six  hundred,  de  ocho  mil  pesos  de  oro  dellos." 

(Carta  de  Diego  Velasquez  al  Lie.  (Probanza  en  Villa  Segura,  MS.) 

Figueroa,  MS.)     I  have  adopted  The  estimation  of  these  horses  ia 

the  estimates  of  Bernal  Diaz,  who,  sufficiently  shown  by  the  minute  in- 

in  his  long  service,  seems  to  have  formation  Bernal  Diaz  has  thought 

become  intimately  acquainted  with  proper  to  give   of  every  one   of 

every  one  of  his  comrades,  their  them ;  minute  enough  for  the  pages 

persons,  and  private  history.  of  a  sporting  calendar.     See  His* 

1'*  Incredibly  dear  indeed,  since,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  23. 
from  the  statements  contained  in 


Ch.  III.]  STRENGTH   OF   HIS   ARMAMENT.  263 

the  savages.  With  so  paltry  a  force  did  he  enter  on 
a  Conquest  which  even  his  stout  heart  must  have 
shrunk  from  attempting  with  such  means,  had  he 
but  foreseen  half  its  real  difficulties ! 

Before  embarking,  Cortes  addressed  his  soldiers 
in  a  short  but  animated  harangue.  He  told  them 
they  were  about  to  enter  on  a  noble  enterprise,  one 
that  would  make  their  name  famous  to  after  ages. 
He  was  leading  them  to  countries  more  vast  and 
opulent  than  any  yet  visited  by  Europeans.  "  I  hold 
out  to  you  a  glorious  prize,"  continued  the  orator, 
"  but  it  is  to  be  won  by  incessant  toil.  Great  things 
are  achieved  only  by  great  exertions,  and  glory  was 
never  the  reward  of  sloth. '^  If  I  have  labored  hard 
and  staked  my  all  on  this  undertaking,  it  is  for  the 
love  of  that  renown,  which  is  the  noblest  recompense 
of  man.  But,  if  any  among  you  covet  riches  more, 
be  but  true  to  me,  as  I  will  be  true  to  you  and  to 
the  occasion,  and  I  will  make  you  masters  of  such  as 
our  countrymen  have  never  dreamed  of!  You  are  few 
in  number,  but  strong  in  resolution  ;  and,  if  this  does 
not  falter,  doubt  not  but  that  the  Almighty,  who  has 
never  deserted  the  Spaniard  in  his  contest  with  the 
infidel,  will  shield  you,  though  encompassed  by  a 
cloud  of  enemies  ;  for  your  cause  is  a  just  cause,  and 
you  are  to  fight  under  the  banner  of  the  Cross.  Go 
forward,  then,"  he  concluded,   "with   alacrity  and 


15  <«  lo  vos  propongo    grandes  9.)    It  is  the  thought  so  finely  ex- 

prernios,  mas  embueltos  en  grandes  pressed  by  Thomson  ; 

trabajos;   pero  la  virtudno  quiere  ..porslugsard's  brow  the  laurel  never  grows; 

ociosidad."  (Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  Renown  is  not  the  child  of  indolent  repose." 


264  DISCOVLRY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II 

confidence,  and  carry  to  a  glorious  issue  the  work 
so  auspiciously  begun."  '^ 

The  rough  eloquence  of  the  general,  touching  the 
various  chords  of  ambition,  avarice,  and  religious 
zeal,  sent  a  thrill  through  the  bosoms  of  his  martial 
audience ;  and  receiving  it  with  acclamations,  they 
seemed  eager  to  press  forward  under  a  chief  who 
was  to  lead  them  not  so  much  to  battle,  as  to  tri- 
umph. 

Cortes  was  well  satisfied  to  find  his  own  enthu- 
siasm so  largely  shared  by  his  followers.  Mass  was 
then  celebrated  with  the  solemnities  usual  with  the 
Spanish  navigators,  when  entering  on  their  voyages 
of  discovery.  The  fleet  was  placed  under  the  im- 
mediate protection  of  St.  Peter,  the  patron  saint  of 
Cortes  ;  and  weighing  anchor,  took  its  departure  on 
the  eighteenth  day  of  February,  1519,  for  the  coast 
of  Yucatan. ''' 


^6  The  text  is  a  very  condensed  to  have  been  part  of  a  great  corn- 
abridgment  of  the  original  speech  pilation  "  DeOrbe  Novo,"  written, 
of  Cortes,  —  or  of  his  chaplain,  as  probably,  on  the  plan  of  a  series  of 
the  case  may  be.  See  it,  in  Goma-  biographical  sketches,  as  the  in- 
ra,  Cronica,  cap.  9.  troduction  speaks  of  a  life  of  Co- 

'^'^  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  lumbus  preceding  this  of  Cortes. 

MS.,  cap.  1 15. — Gomara,  Cronica,  It  was  composed,  as  it  states,  while 

cap.  10. — De  Rebus  Gestis,  MS.  many  of  the  old  Conquerors  were 

"  Tantus  fuit  armorum  appara-  still  surviving,  and  is  addressed  to 
tus,"  exclaims  the  author  of  the  the  son  of  Cortes.  The  historian, 
last  work,  "  quo  alterum  terrarum  therefore,  had  ample  means  of  ver- 
omem  bellis  Cortesius  concutit ;  ifying  the  truth  of  his  own  state- 
ex  tam  parvis  opibus  tantum  im-  ments,  although  they  too  often  be- 
perium  Carolo  facit  ;  aperitque  tray,  in  his  partiality  for  his  hero, 
omnium  primus  Hispanas  genti  the  influence  of  the  patronage  un 
Hispaniam  novam  !  "  The  author  der  which  the  work  was  produced, 
iif  this  work  is  unknown.  It  seems  It  runs  into  a  prolixity  of  deiail 


Cu.  III.] 


ESTRELLA'S   MANUSCRIPT. 


265 


which,  however  tedious,  has  its 
uses  in  a  contemporary  document. 
Unluckily,  only  the  first  book  was 
finished,  or,  at  least,  has  survived  ; 
terminating  with  the  events  of  this 
Chapter.  It  is  written  in  Latin,  in 
a  pure  and  perspicuous  style ;  and 
is  conjectured  with  some  plausibil- 


ity to  be  the  work  of  Calvet  de 
Estrella,  Chronicler  of  the  Indies. 
The  original  exists  in  the  Archives 
of  Simancas,  where  it  was  discov- 
ered and  transcribed  by  Munoz, 
from  whose  copy  that  in  my  library 
was  taken. 


VOL.    I. 


34 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Voyage  to  Cozumel.  —  Conversion  of  the  Natives.  —  JERdNiMO 
DE  Aguilar. — Army  arrives  at  Tabasco.  —  Great  Battle  with 
THE  Indians. — Christianity  introduced. 

1519. 

Orders  were  given  for  the  vessels  to  keep  as  near 
together  as  possible,  and  to  take  the  direction  of  the 
capitama,  or  admiral's  ship,  which  carried  a  beacon 
light  in  the  stern  during  the  night.  But  the  weather, 
which  had  been  favorable,  changed  soon  after  their 
departure,  and  one  of  those  tempests  set  in,  which 
at  this  season  are  often  found  in  the  latitudes  of  the 
West  Indies.  It  fell  with  terrible  force  on  the  little 
navy,  scattering  it  far  asunder,  dismantling  some  of 
the  ships,  and  driving  them  all  considerably  south  of 
their  proposed  destination. 

Cortes,  who  had  lingered  behind  to  convoy  a  disa- 
bled vessel,  reached  the  island  of  Cozumel  last.  On 
landing,  he  learned  that  one  of  his  captains,  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  had  availed  himself  of  the  short  time  he 
had  been  there,  to  enter  the  temples,  rifle  them  of 
their  few  ornaments,  and,  by  his  violent  conduct,  so 
far  to  terrify  the  simple  natives,  that  they  had  fled 
for  refuge  into  the  interior  of  the  island.  Cortes, 
highly  incensed  at  these  rash  proceedings,  so  contrary 


Ch.  IV.]  VOYAGE   TO   COZUMEL.  267 

to  the  policy  he  had  proposed,  could  not  refrain  from 
severely  reprimanding  his  officer  in  the  presence  of 
the  army.  He  commanded  two  Indian  captives, 
taken  by  Alvarado,  to  be  brought  before  him,  and 
explained  to  them  the  pacific  purpose  of  his  visit. 
This  he  did  through  the  assistance  of  his  interpreter, 
Melchorejo,  a  native  of  Yucatan,  who  had  been 
brought  back  by  Grijalva,  and  who,  during  his  resi- 
dence in  Cuba,  had  picked  up  some  acquaintance 
with  the  Castilian.  He  then  dismissed  them  loaded 
with  presents,  and  with  an  invitation  to  their  coun- 
trymen to  return  to  their  homes  without  fear  of  fur- 
ther annoyance.  This  humane  policy  succeeded. 
The  fugitives,  reassured,  were  not  slow  in  coming 
back ;  and  an  amicable  intercourse  was  established, 
in  which  Spanish  cutlery  and  trinkets  were  exchang- 
ed for  the  gold  ornaments  of  the  natives  ;  a  traffic 
in  which  each  party  congratulated  itself —  a  philoso- 
pher might  think  with  equal  reason  —  on  outwitting 
the  other. 

The  first  object  of  Cortes  was,  to  gather  tidings  of 
the  unfortunate  Christians  who  were  reported  to  be 
still  lingering  in  captivity  on  the  neighbouring  con- 
tinent. From  some  traders  in  the  island,  he  obtain- 
ed such  a  confirmation  of  the  report,  that  he  sent 
Diego  de  Ordaz  with  two  brigantines  to  the  oppo- 
site coast  of  Yucatan,  with  instructions  to  remain 
there  eight  days.  Some  Indians  went  as  messen- 
gers in  the  vessels,  who  consented  to  bear  a  letter 
to  the  captives  informing  them  of  the  arrival  of  their 
countrymen  in  Cozumel,  with  a  liberal  ransom  foi 


268  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

their  release.  Meanwhile  the  general  proposed  to 
make  an  excursion  to  the  different  parts  of  the  island, 
that  he  might  give  employment  to  the  restless  spirits 
of  the  soldiers,  and  ascertain  the  resources  of  the 
country. 

It  was  poor  and  thinly  peopled.  But  everywhere 
he  recognised  the  vestiges  of  a  higher  civilization 
than  what  he  had  before  witnessed  in  the  Indian 
islands.  The  houses  were  some  of  them  large,  and 
often  built  of  stone  and  lime.  He  was  particularly 
struck  with  the  temples,  in  which  were  towers  con- 
structed of  the  same  solid  materials,  and  rising  seve- 
ral stories  in  height.  In  the  court  of  one  of  these  he 
was  amazed  by  the  sight  of  a  cross,  of  stone  and 
lime,  about  ten  palms  high.  It  was  the  emblem  of 
the  God  of  rain.  Its  appearance  suggested  the  wild- 
est conjectures,  not  merely  to  the  unlettered  soldiers, 
but  subsequently  to  the  European  scholar,  who  spec- 
ulated on  the  character  of  the  races  that  had  intro- 
duced there  the  sacred  symbol  of  Christianity.  But 
no  such  inference,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  could 
be  warranted.'  Yet  it  must  be  regarded  as  a  curi- 
ous fact,  that  the  Cross  should  have  been  venerated 
as  the  object  of  religious  worship  both  in  the  New 
World,  and  in  regions  of  the  Old,  where  the  light 
of  Christianity  had  never  risen. "^ 

1  See  Appendix,  Part  1,  Note  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3, 
27.  cap.   115. — Herrera,  Hist.  Gene- 

2  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.  —  ral,  dec.  2,  lib.  4,  cap.  6. — Martyr, 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  de  Insulis  nuper  inventis,  (Colo- 
cap.   25,  et  seq. — Gomara,  Cro-  iiias,  1574,)  p.  344. 

nica,   cap.   10,    15.  —  Las  Casas,        While  these  pages  were  passirijj 


Ch.  IV.]  CONVERSION   OF  THE   NATIVES.  269 

The  first  object  of  Cortes  was  to  reclaim  the  na- 
tives from  their  gross  idolatry  and  to  substitute  a 
purer  form  of  worship.  In  accomplishing  this  he  was 
prepared  to  use  force,  if  milder  measures  should  be 
ineffectual.  There  was  nothing  which  the  Spanish 
government  had  more  earnestly  at  heart,  than  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians.  It  forms  the  constant 
burden  of  their  instructions,  and  gave  to  the  military 
expeditions  in  this  western  hemisphere  somewhat  of 
the  air  of  a  crusade.  The  cavalier  who  embarked 
in  them  entered  fully  into  these  chivalrous  and  de- 
votional feelings.  No  doubt  was  entertained  of  the 
efficacy  of  conversion,  however  sudden  might  be  the 
change,  or  however  violent  the  means.  The  sword 
was  a  good  argument,  when  the  tongue  failed ;  and 
the  spread  of  Mahometanism  had  shown  that  seeds 
sown  by  the  hand  of  violence,  far  from  perishing  in 
the  ground,  would  spring  up  and  bear  fruit  to  after 
time.  If  this  were  so  in  a  bad  cause,  how  much  more 
would  it  be  true  in  a  good  one.    The  Spanish  cavalier 

through  the  press,  but  not  till  two  and  Cortes,  and  which  suggest  to 

years  after  they  were  written,  Mr.  him   some    important    inferences. 

Stephens'  important  and  interest-  He  is  led  into  further  reflections 

ing  volumes  appeared,  containing  on  the  existence  of  the  cross  as  a 

the  account  of  his  second  expe-  s)nnbol  of  worship  among  the  is- 

dition  to  Yucatan.     In  the  latter  landers.     (Incidents  of  Travel  in 

part  of  the  work,  he  describes  his  Yucatan,  (New  York,  1843,)  vol. 

visit  to   Cozumel,  now  an   unin-  II.  chap.  20.)     As  the  discussion 

habited  island  covered  with  impen-  of  these  matters  would  lead  me 

etrable   forests.     Near  the   shore  too  far  from  the  track  of  our  nar- 

he  saw  the  remains  of  ancient  In-  rative,  I  shall  take  occasion  to  re- 

dian    structures,    which  he    con-  turn   to    them   hereafter,  when   I 

ceives  may  possibly  have  been  the  treat  of  the  architectural  remains 

same  that  met  the  eyes  of  Grijalva  of  the  country. 


270  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

felt  he  had  a  high  mission  to  accomplish  as  a  soldier 
of  the  Cross.  However  unauthorized  or  unrighteous 
the  war  into  which  he  had  entered  may  seem  to  us, 
to  him  it  was  a  holy  war.  He  was  in  arms  against 
the  infidel.  Not  to  care  for  the  soul  of  his  benighted 
enemy  was  to  put  his  own  in  jeopardy.  The  con- 
version of  a  single  soul  might  cover  a  multitude  of 
sins.  It  was  not  for  morals  that  he  was  concerned, 
but  for  the  faith.  This,  though  understood  in  its 
most  literal  and  limited  sense,  comprehended  the 
whole  scheme  of  Christian  morality.  Whoever  died 
in  the  faith,  however  immoral  had  been  his  life, 
might  be  said  to  die  in  the  Lord.  Such  was  the 
creed  of  the  Castilian  knight  of  that  day,  as  imbibed 
from  the  preachings  of  the  pulpit,  from  cloisters 
and  colleges  at  home,  from  monks  and  missionaries 
abroad,  —  from  all  save  one,  whose  devotion,  kindled 
at  a  purer  source,  was  not,  alas !  permitted  to  send 
forth  its  radiance  far  into  the  thick  gloom  by  which 
he  was  encompassed.^ 

No  one  partook  more  fully  of  the  feelings  above 
described  than  Hernan  Cortes.  He  was,  in  truth, 
the  very  mirror  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived,  re- 
flecting its  motley  characteristics,  its  speculative  de- 
votion and  practical  license,  —  but  with  an  intensity 
all  his  own.  He  was  greatly  scandalized  at  the 
exhibition  of  the  idolatrous  practices  of  the  people 
of  Cozumel,  though  untainted,  as  it  would  seem, 

3  See  the  biographical  sketch  of     Postscript  at  the  close  of  the  pres- 
the  good  bishop  Las  Casas,  the     ent  Book. 
"  Protector  of  the  Indians,"  in  the 


Ch.  IV.]  CONVERSION   OF   THE   NATIVES.  271 

with  human  sacrifices.  He  endeavoured  to  persuade 
them  to  embrace  a  better  faith,  through  the  agency 
of  two  ecclesiastics  who  attended  the  expedition,  — 
the  licentiate  Juan  Diaz  and  father  Bartolome  de 
Olmedo.  The  latter  of  these  godlj  men  afforded  the 
rare  example  —  rare  in  any  age — of  the  union  of 
fervent  zeal  with  charity,  while  he  beautifully  illus- 
trated in  his  own  conduct  the  precepts  which  he 
taught.  He  remained  \vith  the  army  through  the 
whole  expedition,  and  by  his  wise  and  benevolent 
counsels  was  often  enabled  to  mitigate  the  cruelties 
of  the  Conquerors,  and  to  turn  aside  the  edge  of  the 
sword  from  the  unfortunate  natives. 

These  two  missionaries  vainly  labored  to  persuade 
the  people  of  Cozumel  to  renounce  their  abomina- 
tions, and  to  allow  the  Indian  idols,  in  which  the 
Christians  recognised  the  true  lineaments  of  Satan,^ 
to  be  thrown  down  and  demolished.  The  simple 
natives,  filled  with  horror  at  the  proposed  profana- 
tion, exclaimed  that  these  were  the  gods  who  sent 
them  the  sunshine  and  the  storm,  and,  should  any 
violence  be  offered,  they  would  be  sure  to  avenge  it 
by  sending  their  lightnings  on  the  heads  of  its  per- 
petrators. 

Cortes  was  probably  not  much  of  a  polemic.  At 
all  events,  he  preferred  on  the  present  occasion  ac- 
tion to  argument ;  and  thought  that  the  best  way  to 
convince  the  Indians  of  their  error  was  to  prove  the 

*  "  Fuese  que  el  Demonio  se  les     que  seria  primorosa  imitacion  del 
aparecia  como  es,  y  dejaba  en  su     artifice  la  fealdad  del  simulacro 
imaginacion  aquellas  especies  ;  con     Solis,  Conquista,  p.  39. 


272  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Book   II. 

falsehood  of  the  prediction.  He  accordingly,  with- 
out further  ceremony,  caused  the  venerated  images 
to  be  rolled  down  the  stairs  of  the  great  temple, 
amidst  the  groans  and  lamentations  of  the  natives. 
An  altar  was  hastily  constructed,  an  image  of  the 
Virgin  and  Child  placed  over  it,  and  mass  was  per- 
formed by  father  Olmedo  and  his  reverend  compan- 
ion for  the  first  time  within  the  walls  of  a  temple 
in  New  Spain.  The  patient  ministers  tried  once 
more  to  pour  the  light  of  the  gospel  into  the  benighted 
understandings  of  the  islanders,  and  to  expound  the 
mysteries  of  the  Catholic  faith.  The  Indian  inter- 
preter must  have  afforded  rather  a  dubious  channel 
for  the  transmission  of  such  abstruse  doctrines.  But 
they  at  length  found  favor  with  their  auditors,  who, 
whether  overawed  by  the  bold  bearing  of  the  in- 
vaders, or  convincea  of  the  impotence  of  deities  that 
could  not  shield  their  own  shrines  from  violation, 
now  consented  to  embrace  Christianity.^ 

5  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. —  the  heathen  shall  gather  some  ideas 

Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  13.  —  Her-  of  the   true  nature  of  the  Deity 

rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  and  of  the  doctrines  they  are  to 

4,   cap.    7. — Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist,  embrace.     Above  all,  the  lives  of 

Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  78.  the  Christians  should  be  such  as  to 

Las  Casas,  whose  enlightened  exemplify  the  truth  of  these  doc- 
views  in  religion  would  have  done  trines,  that,  seeing  this,  the  poor 
honor  to  the  present  age,  insists  Indian  may  glorify  the  Father,  anr! 
on  the  futility  of  these  forced  con-  acknowledge  him,  who  has  sucli 
versions,  by  which  it  is  proposed  worshippers,  for  the  true  and  only 
in  a  few  days  to  wean  men  from  God.'"  See  the  original  remarks, 
the  idolatry  which  they  had  been  which  I  quote  m  ej^^enso,  as  a  good 
taught  to  reverence  from  the  era-  specimen  of  the  Bishop's  style, 
die.  "  The  only  way  of  doing  when  kindled  by  his  subject  into 
this,  "  hesays,  "  is,  by  long,assid-  eloquence,  in  Appendix,  Part  2, 
uous,  and  faithful  preaching,  until  No.  0. 


Ch.  IV.]  JERONIMO   DE   AGUILAR.  273 

While  Cortes  was  thus  occupied  with  the  triumphs 
of  the  Cross,  he  received  inteUigence  that  Ordaz  had 
returned  from  Yucatan  without  tidings  of  the  Span- 
ish captives.  Though  much  chagrined,  the  general 
did  not  choose  to  postpone  longer  his  departure  from 
Cozumel.  The  fleet  had  been  well  stored  with  pro- 
visions by  the  friendly  inhabitants,  and,  embarking 
his  troops,  Cortes,  in  the  beginning  of  March,  took 
leave  of  its  hospitable  shores.  The  squadron  had 
not  proceeded  far,  however,  before  a  leak  in  one  of 
the  vessels  compelled  them  to  return  to  the  same 
port.  The  detention  was  attended  with  important 
consequences  ;  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  a  writer  of 
the  time  discerns  in  it  "a  great  mystery  and  a  mir- 
acle." ^ 

Soon  after  landing,  a  canoe  with  several  Indians 
was  seen  making  its  way  from  the  neighbouring 
shores  of  Yucatan.  On  reaching  the  island,  one  of 
the  men  inquired,  in  broken  Castilian,  "  if  he  were 
among  Christians  " ;  and,  being  answered  in  the  af- 
firmative, threw  himself  on  his  knees  and  returned 
thanks  to  Heaven  for  his  delivery.  He  was  one  of 
the  unfortunate  captives  for  whose  fate  so  much  in- 
terest had  been  felt.  His  name  was  Jerdnimo  dc 
Aguilar,  a  native  of  Ecija,  in  Old  Spain,  where  he 
had  been  regularly  educated  for  the  church.  He 
had  been  established  with  the  colony  at  Darien,  and 
on  a  voyage  from  that  place  to  Hispaniola,  eight 
years  previous,  was  wrecked  near  the  eoast  of  Yuca- 

6  "  Muy  gran  misterio  y  milagro  de  Dios."     Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. 
VOL.    I.  36 


274  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II 

tan.  He  escaped  with  several  of  his  companions  in 
the  ship's  boat,  where  some  perished  from  hunger  and 
exposure,  while  others  were  sacrificed,  on  their  reach- 
ing land,  by  the  cannibal  natives  of  the  peninsula. 
Aguilar  was  preserved  from  the  same  dismal  fate  by 
c;scaping  into  the  interior,  where  he  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  powerful  cacique,  who,  though  he  spared 
his  life,  treated  him  at  first  with  great  rigor.  The 
patience  of  the  captive,  however,  and  his  singular 
humility,  touched  the  better  feelings  of  the  chieftain, 
who  would  have  persuaded  Aguilar  to  take  a  wife 
among  his  people,  but  the  ecclesiastic  steadily  re- 
fused, in  obedience  to  his  vows.  This  admirable 
constancy  excited  the  distrust  of  the  cacique,  who 
put  his  virtue  to  a  severe  test  by  various  temptations, 
and  much  of  the  same  sort  as  those  with  which  the 
Devil  is  said  to  have  assailed  St.  Anthony.^  From 
all  these  fiery  trials,  however,  like  his  ghostly  prede- 
cessor, he  came  out  unscorched.  Continence  is  too 
rare  and  difficult  a  virtue  with  barbarians,  not  to 
challenge  their  veneration,  and  the  practice  of  it  has 
made  the  reputation  of  more  than  one  saint  in  the 
Old  as  well  as  the  New  World.  Aguilar  was  no^\^ 
intrusted  with  the  care  of  his  master's  household 
and  his  numerous  wives.  He  was  a  man  of  discre- 
tion, as  well  as  virtue ;  and  his  counsels  were  found 

^  They  are  enumerated  by  Her-  2,  lib.   4,  cap.  6-8.)     The  story 

rera  witli  a  minuteness  which  may  is  prettily  told  by  Washintfton  Ir- 

claim,  at  least,  the  merit  of  giving  ving.      Voyages  and   Discoveries' 

a  much  higher  notion  of  Aguilar's  of  the   Companions  of  Columbus, 

virtue  than  the  barren  generalities  (London,  1833,)  p.  263,  et  seq. 
of  the  text.     (Hist.  General,  dec. 


Ch.  IV.]  JERONIMO   DE   AGUILAR.  275 

SO  salutary,  that  he  was  consulted  on  all  important 
matters.  In  short,  Aguilar  became  a  great  man 
among  the  Indians. 

It  was  with  much  regret,  therefore,  that  his  mas- 
ter received  the  proposals  for  his  return  to  his  coun- 
trymen, to  which  nothing  but  the  rich  treasure  of 
glass  beads,  hawk-bells,  and  other  jewels  of  like 
value,  sent  for  his  ransom,  would  have  induced  him 
to  consent.  When  Aguilar  reached  the  coast,  there 
had  been  so  much  delay,  that  the  brigantines  had 
sailed,  and  it  was  owing  to  the  fortunate  return  of 
the  fleet  to  Cozumel,  that  he  was  enabled  to  join  it. 

On  appearing  before  Cortes,  the  poor  man  saluted 
him  in  the  Indian  style,  by  touching  the  earth  ^vith 
his  hand,  and  carrying  it  to  his  head.  The  com- 
mander, raising  him  up,  affectionately  embraced  him, 
covering  him  at  the  same  time  with  his  own  cloak, 
as  Aguilar  was  simply  clad  in  the  habiliments  of  the 
country,  somewhat  too  scanty  for  a  European  eye. 
It  was  long,  indeed,  before  the  tastes  which  he  had 
acquired  in  the  freedom  of  the  forest  could  be  recon- 
ciled to  the  constraints  either  of  dress  or  manners  im- 
posed by  the  artificial  forms  of  civilization.  Aguilar's 
long  residence  in  the  country  had  familiarized  him 
with  the  Mayan  dialects  of  Yucatan,  and,  as  he  grad- 
ually revived  his  Castilian,  he  became  of  essential  im- 
portance as  an  interpreter.  Cortes  saw  the  advan- 
tage of  this  from  the  first,  but  he  could  not  fully  esti- 
mate all  the  consequences  that  were  to  flow  from  it." 

8  Camargo,  Historia  de  Tlasca-     Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.  — Mar- 
ia, MS. — Oviedo,    Hist,    de    las    tyr,  De  Insulis,  p.  347.  —  BemaJ- 


276  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Bojk  U. 

The  repairs  of  the  vessels  being  at  length  com- 
pleted, the  Spanish  commander  once  more  took  leave 
of  the  friendly  natives  of  Cozumel,  and  set  sail  on 
the  4th  of  March.  Keeping  as  near  as  possible  to 
the  coast  of  Yucatan,  he  doubled  Cape  Catoche, 
and  with  flowing  sheets  swept  down  the  broad  bay 
of  Campeachy,  fringed  with  the  rich  dye-woods 
which  have  since  furnished  so  important  an  article 
of  commerce  to  Europe.  He  passed  Potonchan, 
where  Cordova  had  experienced  a  rough  reception 
from  the  natives ;  and  soon  after  reached  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  de  Tabasco^  or  Grijalva,  in  which  that 
navigator  had  carried  on  so  lucrative  a  traffic.  Though 
mindful  of  the  great  object  of  his  voyage,  —  the  visit 
to  the  Aztec  territories,  —  he  was  desirous  of  ac- 
quainting himself  with  the  resources  of  this  country, 
and  determined  to  ascend  the  river  and  visit  the 
great  town  on  its  borders. 

The  water  was  so  shallow,  from  the  accumulation 
of  sand  at  the  mouth  of  the  stream,  that  the  general 
was  obliged  to  leave  the  ships  at  anchor,  and  to 
embark  in  the  boats  with  a  part  only  of  his  forces. 
The  banks  were  thickly  studded  with  mangrove 
trees,  that,  with  their  roots  shooting  up  and  interla- 
cing one  another,  formed  a  kind  of  impervious  screen 
or  net-work,  behind  which  the  dark  forms  of  the  na- 
tives were  seen  glancing  to  and  fro  with  the  most 
menacing  looks  and  gestures.  Cortes,  much  sur- 
prised at  these  unfriendly  demonstrations,  so  unlike 

Diaz,  His*,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.     — Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
29. —  Carta  de   Vera  Cruz,  MS.     MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  115,  116. 


Ch.  IV.]  ARMY   ARRIVES   AT  TABASCO.  277 

what  he  had  had  reason  to  expect,  moved  cautiously 
up  the  stream.  When  he  had  reached  an  open 
place,  where  a  large  number  of  Indians  were  assem- 
bled, he  asked,  through  his  interpreter,  leave  to  land, 
explaining  at  the  same  time  his  amicable  intentions. 
But  the  Indians,  brandishing  their  weapons,  answer- 
ed only  with  gestures  of  angry  defiance.  Though 
much  chagrined,  Cortes  thought  it  best  not  to  urge 
the  matter  further  that  evening,  but  withdrew  to 
a  neighbouring  island,  where  he  disembarked  his 
troops,  resolved  to  effect  a  landing  on  the  following 
morning. 

When  day  broke,  the  Spaniards  saw  the  opposite 
banks  lined  with  a  much  more  numerous  array  than 
on  the  preceding  evening,  while  the  canoes  along 
the  shore  were  filled  with  bands  of  armed  warriors. 
Cortes  now  made  his  preparations  for  the  attack. 
He  first  landed  a  detachment  of  a  hundred  men  un- 
der Alonso  de  Avila,  at  a  point  somewhat  lower 
down  the  stream,  sheltered  by  a  thick  grove  of  palms, 
from  which  a  road,  as  he  knew,  led  to  the  town  of 
Tabasco,  giving  orders  to  his  officer  to  march  at 
once  on  the  place,  while  he  himself  advanced  to  as- 
sault it  in  front.^ 

Then  embarking  the  remainder  of  his  troops, 
Cortes  crossed  the  river  in  face  of  the  enemy  ;  but, 

9  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  There  are  some  discrepancies  be- 

quista,  cap.  31.  —  Carta  de  Vera  tvveen  the  statements  of  Bernal  Di- 

Cruz,    MS.  —  Gomara,    Cronica,  az,  and  the  Letter  from  Vera  Cruz  ; 

cap.  18.  —  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  both   by  parties  who   were  pres- 

Indias,   MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  118. —  ent. 
Martyr,  De  Insulis,  p.  348. 


278  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

before  commencing  hostilities,  that  he  might  "  act 
with  entire  regard  to  justice,  and  in  obedience  to 
the  instructions  of  the  Royal  Council," '°  he  first 
caused  proclamation  to  be  made  through  the  inter- 
preter, that  he  desired  only  a  free  passage  for  his 
men  ;  and  that  he  proposed  to  revive  the  friendly 
relations  which  had  formerly  subsisted  between  his 
countrymen  and  the  natives.  He  assured  them  that 
if  blood  were  spilt,  the  sin  would  lie  on  their  heads, 
and  that  resistance  would  be  useless,  since  he  was 
resolved  at  all  hazards  to  take  up  his  quarters  that 
night  in  the  town  of  Tabasco.  This  proclamation, 
delivered  in  lofty  tone,  and  duly  recorded  by  the 
notary,  was  answered  by  the  Indians  —  who  might 
possibly  have  comprehended  one  word  in  ten  of  it 
—  with  shouts  of  defiance  and  a  shower  of  arrows." 
Cortes,  having  now  complied  with  all  the  requisi- 


10  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. —  hensible  to  the  barbarians.  (Ibid., 
Bemal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  laConquista,  lib.  3,  cap.  57.)  The  famous  for- 
cap.  31.  mula,  used  by  the  Spanish  con- 

11  "  See,  "  exclaims  the  Bishop  querors  on  this  occasion,  was  drawn 
of  Chiapa,  in  his  caustic  vein,  "the  up  by  Dr.  Palacios  Reubios,  a  man 
reasonableness  of  this  '  requisition,'  of  letters,  and  a  member  of  the 
or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  the  fol-  King's  council.  "  But  I  laugh  at 
ly  and  insensibility  of  the  Royal  him  and  his  letters,"  exclaims  Ovi- 
Council,  who  could  find,  in  the  edo,  "  if  he  thought  a  word  of  it 
refusal  of  the  Indians  to  receive  it,  could  be  comprehended  by  the  un- 
a  good  pretext  for  war."  (Hist,  tutored  Indians!"  (Hist,  de  las 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  29,  cap.  7.)  The 
118.)  In  another  place,  he  pro-  regular  Manifesto,  requirimiento , 
nounces  an  animated  invective  may  be  found  translated  in  the  con- 
against  the  iniquity  of  those  who  eluding  pages  of  Ir\'ing's  "  Voy- 
covered  up  hostilities  under  this  ages  of  the  Companions  of  Colum- 
empty  form  of  words,  the  import  bus." 

of  which   was   utterly    incompre- 


Ch.  IV.]  ARMY   ARRIVES    AT   TABASCO.  279 

tions  of  a  loyal  cavalier,  and  shifted  the  responsibilii  v 
from  his  own  shoulders  to  those  of  the  Royal  Council, 
brought  his  boats  alongside  of  the  Indian  canoes. 
They  grappled  fiercely  together,  and  both  parties 
were  soon  in  the  water,  which  rose  above  the  gir- 
dle. The  struggle  was  not  long,  though  desperate. 
The  superior  strength  of  the  Europeans  prevailed, 
and  they  forced  the  enemy  back  to  land.  Here, 
however,  they  were  supported  by  their  countrymen, 
who  showered  down  darts,  arrows,  and  blazing  bil- 
lets of  wood  on  tlie  heads  of  the  invaders.  The 
banks  were  soft  and  slippery,  and  it  was  with  diffi- 
culty the  soldiers  made  good  their  footing.  Cortes 
lost  a  sandal  in  the  mud,  but  continued  to  fight 
barefoot,  with  great  exposure  of  his  person,  as  the 
Indians,  who  soon  singled  out  the  leader,  called  to 
one  another,  "  Strike  at  the  chief!  " 

At  length  the  Spaniards  gained  the  bank,  and 
were  able  to  come  into  something  like  order,  '.; hen 
they  opened  a  brisk  fire  from  their  arquebuses  and 
crossbows.  The  enemy,  astounded  by  the  roar  and 
flash  of  the  fire-arms,  of  which  they  had  had  no 
ex})erience,  fell  back,  and  retreated  behind  a  breast- 
work of  timber  thrown  across  the  way.  The  Span- 
iards, hot  in  the  pursuit,  soon  carried  these  rude 
defences,  and  drove  the  Tabascans  before  them  to- 
wards the  town,  where  they  again  took  shelter  be- 
hind their  palisades. 

Meanwhile  Avila  had  arrived  from  the  opposite 
quarter,  and  the  natives  taken  by  surprise  made  no 
further    attempt    at   resistance,   but  abandoned    the 


280  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

place  to  the  Christians.  They  had  previously  re- 
moved their  families  and  effects.  Some  provisions 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  but  little  gold,  "  a 
circumstance,"  says  Las  Casas,  "which  gave  them 
no  particular  satisfaction."  '^  It  was  a  very  populous 
place.  The  houses  were  mostly  of  mud  ;  the  better 
sort  of  stone  and  lime  ;  affording  proofs  in  the  inhab- 
itants of  a  superior  refinement  to  that  found  in  the 
Islands,  as  their  stout  resistance  had  given  evidence 
of  superior  valor. ^^  , 

Cortes,  having  thus  made  himself  master  of  the 
town,  took  formal  possession  of  it  for  the  crown  of 
Castile.  He  gave  three  cuts  with  his  sword  on  a 
large  ceiha  tree,  which  grew  in  the  place,  and  pro- 
claimed aloud,  that  he  took  possession  of  the  city  in 
the  name  and  behalf  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  and 
would  maintain  and  defend  the  same  with  sword 
and  buckler  against  all  who  should  gainsay  it.  The 
same   vaunting  declaration  was  also   made    by  the 


12*'  Hallaronlas  llenas  de  maize  lapidibTis  et  calce  fabrefactcB,  maxi- 

gallinas  y  otros  vaslimentos,    oro  ma  industrid  et  architectorum  ar- 

ninguno,  de  lo  que  ellos  no  resci-  te."  (Delnsulis,p.  349.)  With  his 

vi^ron  mucho  plazer."  Hist,  de  las  usual  inquisitive  spirit,  he   glean- 

Ind.,  MS.,  ubi  supra.  ed  all  the  particulars  from  the  old 

'•^  Peter  Martyr  gives  a  glow-  pilot  Alaminos,   and   from   two  of 

lug  picture  of  this  Indian  capital,  the  officers  of  Cortes  wlio  revisit- 

"  Ad  fluminis  ripam  protentum  di-  ed   Spain   in    the   course   of  that 

cunt  esse  oppidum,  quantum  non  year.     Tabasco  was  in  the  neigh- 

ausim  dicere  :  mille  quingentorum  bourhood  of  those  ruined  cities  of 

passuum,  ait  Alaminus  nauclerus,  Yucatan,  which  have  lately  been 

et  domorum  quinque  ac  viginti  mil-  the  theme  of  so  much  speculation. 

Hum  :  stringunt  alij,  in?ens  tamen  The  encomiums  of  Martyr  are  not 

fatentur  et  celebre.     llortis  inter-  so   remarkable   as  the  apathy  of 

secantur  domus,  quae  sunt  egregii  other  contemporary  chroniclers. 


LH.  IV]  ARMY    ARRIVES    AT   TABASCO.  281 

soldiers,  and  the  whole  was  duly  recorded  and  at- 
tested by  the  notary.  This  was  the  usual  simple, 
but  chivalric  form,  with  which  the  Spanish  cavaliers 
asserted  the  royal  title  to  the  conquered  territories 
in  the  New  World.  It  was  a  good  title,  doubtless, 
against  the  claims  of  any  other  European  potentate. 

The  general  took  up  his  quarters  that  night  in  the 
court-yard  of  the  principal  temple.  He  posted  his 
sentinels,  and  took  all  the  precautions  practised  in 
wars  with  a  civilized  foe.  Indeed,  there  was  rea- 
son for  them.  A  suspicious  silence  seemed  to  reign 
through  the  place  and  its  neighbourhood  ;  and  ti- 
dings were  brought  that  the  interpreter,  Melchorejo, 
had  fled,  leaving  his  Spanish  dress  hanging  on  a  tree. 
Cortes  was  disquieted  by  the  desertion  of  this  man, 
who  would  not  only  inform  his  countrymen  of  the 
small  number  of  the  Spaniards,  but  dissipate  any 
illusions  that  might  be  entertained  of  their  superior 
natures. 

On  the  following  morning,  as  no  traces  of  the 
enemy  were  visible,  Cortes  ordered  out  a  detach- 
ment under  Alvarado,  and  another  under  Francisco 
de  Lujo,  to  reconnoitre.  The  latter  officer  had  not 
advanced  a  league,  before  he  learned  the  position 
of  the  Indians,  by  their  attacking  him  in  such  force, 
that  he  was  fain  to  take  shelter  in  a  large  stone 
building,  where  he  was  closely  besieged.  Fortunate- 
ly the  loud  yells  of  the  assailants,  like  most  barbar- 
ous nations  seeking  to  strike  terror  by  their  ferocious 
cries,  reached  the  ears  of  Alvarado  and  his  men, 
who,  speedily  advancing  to  the  relief  of  their  com- 

VOL.    I.  36 


282  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

rades,  enabled  them  to  force  a  passage  through  the 
enemy.  Both  parties  retreated,  closely  pm'sued,  on 
the  town,  when  Cortes,  marching  out  to  their  sup- 
[)ort,  compelled  the  Tabascans  to  retire. 

A  few  prisoners  were  taken  in  this  skirmish.  By 
them  Cortes  found  his  worst  apprehensions  verified. 
The  country  was  everywhere  in  arms.  A  force  con- 
sisting of  many  thousands  had  assembled  from  the 
neighbouring  provinces,  and  a  general  assault  w^as 
resolved  on  for  the  next  day.  To  the  general's  in- 
quiries why  he  had  been  received  in  so  different  a 
manner  from  his  predecessor,  Grijaiva,  they  answer- 
ed, that  "  the  conduct  of  the  Tabascans  then  had 
given  great  offence  to  the  other  Indian  tribes,  who 
taxed  them  with  treachery  and  cowardice ;  so  that 
they  had  promised,  on  any  return  of  the  white  men, 
to  resist  them  in  the  same  manner  that  their  neigh- 
bours had  done."  '^ 

Cortes  might  now  well  regret  that  he  had  allowed 
himself  to  deviate  from  the  direct  object  of  his  en- 
terprise, and  to  become  entangled  in  a  doubtful  war 
which  could  lead  to  no  profitable  result.  But  it  was 
too  late  to  repent.  He  had  taken  the  step,  and  had 
no  alternative  but  to  go  forward.  To  retreat  would 
dishearten  his  own  men  at  the  outset,  impair  their 
confidence  in  him  as  their  leader,  and  confirm  the 
arrogance  of  his  foes,  the  tidings  of  whose  success 
might  precede  him  on  his  voyage,  and  prepare  the 

14  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  de  las  Indias,  MS.,lib.  3,  cap.  118, 
quista,cap.31,  32.  —  Gomara,Cr6-  119.  —  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
nica,  cap.  18. — Las  Casas,  Hist.     MS  ,  cap.  78,  79. 


Ch    IV.]       GREAT   BATTLE   WITH   THE   INDIANS.  283 

way  for  greater  laortiiications  and  defeats.  He  did 
not  hesitate  as  to  the  course  he  was  to  pursue;  but, 
calling  his  officers  together,  announced  his  intention 
to  give  battle  the  following  morning.'' 

He  sent  back  to  the  vessels  such  as  were  disabled 
by  their  wounds,  and  ordered  the  remainder  of  the 
forces  to  join  the  camp.  Six  of  the  heavy  guns 
were  also  taken  from  the  ships,  together  with  all 
the  horses.  The  animals  were  stiff  and  torpid  from 
long  confinement  on  board  ;  but  a  few  hours'  exer- 
cise restored  them  to  their  strength  and  usual  spirit. 
He  gave  the  command  of  the  artillery  —  if  it  may 
be  dignified  with  the  name  —  to  a  soldier  named 
Mesa,  who  had  acquired  some  experience  as  an  en- 
gineer in  the  Italian  wars.  The  infantry  he  put 
under  the  orders  of  Diego  de  Ordaz,  and  took  charge 
of  the  cavalry  himself.  It  consisted  of  some  of  the 
most  valiant  gentlemen  of  his  little  band,  among 
whom  may  be  mentioned  Alvarado,  Velasquez  de 
Leon,  Avila,  Puertocarrero,  Olid,  Montejo.  Having 
thus  made  all  the  necessary  arrangements,  and  set- 
tled his  plan  of  battle,  he  retired  to  rest,  —  but  not 
to  slumber.  His  feverish  mind,  as  may  well  be 
imagined,  was  filled  with  anxiety  for  the  morrow, 
which  might  decide  the  fate  of  his  expedition ;  and, 
as  was  his  wont  on  such  occasions,  he  was  frequently 
observed,  during  the  night,  going  the  rounds,  and 


^5  According  to  Soils,  who  quotes  course  he  should  pursue.     (Gon- 

the  address  of  Cortes  on  the  occa-  quista,  cap.   19.)     It  is  possible; 

sion,  he  summoned  a  council  of  but  I  find  no  warrant  for  it  any- 

his  captains  to  advise  him  as  to  the  where. 


284  DISCOVERY    OF    MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

visiting  the  sentinels,  to  see  that  no  one  slept  upon 
his  post. 

At  the  first  glimmering  of  light  he  mustered  his 
army,  and  declared  his  purpose  not  to  abide,  cooped 
up  in  the  town,  the  assault  of  the  enemy,  but  to 
march  at  once  against  him.  For  he  well  knew  that 
the  spirits  rise  with  action,  and  that  the  attacking 
party  gathers  a  confidence  from  the  very  movement, 
which  is  not  felt  by  the  one  who  is  passively,  per- 
haps anxiously,  awaiting  the  assault.  The  Indians 
were  understood  to  be  encamped  on  a  level  ground 
a  few  miles  distant  from  the  city,  called  the  plain  of 
Ceutla.  The  general  commanded  that  Ordaz  should 
march  with  the  foot,  including  the  artillery,  directly 
across  the  country,  and  attack  them  in  front,  while 
he  himself  would  fetch  a  circuit  with  the  horse,  and 
turn  their  flank  when  thus  engaged,  or  fall  upon 
their  rear. 

These  dispositions  being  completed,  the  little  ar- 
my heard  mass  and  then  sallied  forth  from  the 
wooden  walls  of  Tabasco.  It  was  Lady-day,  the 
twenty-fifth  of  March,  —  long  memorable  in  the  an- 
nals of  New  Spain.  The  district  around  the  town  was 
chequered  with  patches  of  maize,  and,  on  the  lower 
level,  with  plantations  of  cacao,  —  supplying  the 
beverage,  and  perhaps  the  coin  of  tlu;  country,  as 
in  Mexico.  These  plantations,  requiring  constant 
irrigation,  were  fed  by  numerous  canals  and  reser- 
voirs of  water,  so  that  the  country  could  not  be  tra- 
versed without  great   toil  and  difficulty.      It  was. 


C'H.  IV.J   GREAT  BATTLE  WITH  THE  INDIANS.     285 

however,  intersected  by  a  narrow  path  or  causeway, 
over  which  the  cannon  could  be  dragged. 

The  troops  advanced  more  than  a  league  on  their 
laborious  march,  without  descrying  the  enemy.  The 
^veather  was  sultry,  but  few  of  them  were  embarrassed 
by  the  heavy  mail  Avorn  by  the  European  cavaliers 
at  that  period.  Their  cotton  jackets,  thickly  quilted, 
afforded  a  tolerable  protection  against  the  arrows  of 
the  Indian,  and  allowed  room  for  the  freedom  and 
activity  of  movement  essential  to  a  life  of  rambling 
adventure  in  the  wilderness. 

At  length  they  came  in  sight  of  the  broad  plains 
of  Ceutla,  and  beheld  the  dusky  lines  of  the  enemy 
stretching,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  along  the 
edge  of  the  horizon.  The  Indians  had  shown  some 
sagacity  in  the  choice  of  their  position ;  and,  as  the 
weary  Spaniards  came  slowly  on,  floundering  through 
the  morass,  the  Tabascans  set  up  their  hideous  bat- 
tle-cries, and  discharged  volleys  of  arrows,  stones, 
and  other  missiles,  which  rattled  like  hail  on  the 
shields  and  helmets  of  the  assailants.  Many  Avere 
severely  wounded,  before  they  could  gain  the  firm 
ground,  where  they  soon  cleared  a  space  for  them- 
selves, and  opened  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery  and  mus 
ketry  on  the  dense  columns  of  the  enemy,  which 
presented  a  fatal  mark  for  the  balls.  Numbers  were 
swept  down  at  every  discharge  ;  but  the  bold  barba- 
rians, far  from  being  dismayed,  threw  up  dust  and 
leaves  to  hide  their  losses,  and,  sounding  tlieir  war 
instruments,  shot  off  fresh  flights  of  arrows  in  re- 
turn. 


286  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

They  even  pressed  closer  on  the  Spaniards,  and, 
when  driven  ofT  by  a  vigorous  charge,  soon  turned 
again,  and,  rolling  back  like  the  waves  of  the  ocean, 
seemed  ready  to  overwhelm  the  little  band  by  weight 
of  numbers.  Thus  cramped,  the  latter  had  scarcely 
room  to  perform  their  necessary  evolutions,  or  even 
to  work  their  guns  with  effect. ^^ 

The  engagement  had  now  lasted  more  than  an 
hour,  and  the  Spaniards,  sorely  pressed,  looked  with 
great  anxiety  for  the  arrival  of  the  horse,  —  which 
some  unaccountable  impediments  must  have  detained, 

—  to  relieve  them  from  their  perilous  position.  At 
this  crisis,  the  furthest  columns  of  the  Indian  army 
were  seen  to  be  agitated  and  thrown  into  a  disorder 
that  rapidly  spread  through  the  wiiole  mass.  It  was 
not  long  before  the  ears  of  the  Christians  Were 
saluted  with  the  cheering  war-cry  of  "  San  Jago  and 
San  Pedro! "and  they  beheld  the  bright  helmets  and 
swords  of  the  Castilian  chivalry  flashing  back  the 
rays  of  the  morning  sun,  as  they  dashed  through  the 
ranks  of  the  enemy,  striking  to  the  right  and  left, 
and  scattering  dismay  around  them.  The  eye  of 
faith,  indeed,  could  discern  the  patron  Saint  of  Spain, 
himself,  mounted  on  his  grey  war-horse,  heading  the 
rescue  and  trampling  over  the  bodies  of  the  fallen 
infidels !  "^ 

•6  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  cap.  79.  —  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de 

MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.   119.  —  Gomara,  la  Conquista,  cap.  33,  36.  —  Carta 

Cr6nica,  cap.   19,  20.  —  Herrera,  dc  Vera  Cruz,  MS. 
Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  4,  cap.         ^"^  Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich., 

11.— Martyr,  De  Insulis,  p.  350.  MS.,  cap.  79. 

—  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,         "Cortes    supposed   it   was   his 


Ch.  IV.]   GREAT  BATTLE  WITH  THE  INDIANS.      287 

The  approach  of  Cortes  had  been  greatly  retarded 
by  the  broken  nature  of  the  ground.  When  he 
came  up,  the  Indians  were  sj  hotly  engaged,  that 
he  was  upon  them  before  they  observed  his  approach. 
He  ordered  his  men  to  direct  their  lances  at  the  faces 
of  their  opponents,'^  who,  terrified  at  the  monstrous 
apparition,  —  for  they  supposed  the  rider  and  the 
horse,  which  they  had  never  before  seen,  to  be  one 
and  the  same,'^ — were  seized  with  a  panic.  Ordaz 
availed  himself  of  it  to  command  a  general  charge 
along  the  line,  and  the  Indians,  many  of  them  throw- 
ing away  their  arms,  fled  without  attempting  further 
resistance. 

Cortes  was  too  content  with  the  victory,  to  care 
to  follow  it  up  by  dipping  his  sword  in  the  blood  of 
the  fugitives.  He  drew  off  his  men  to  a  copse  of 
palms  which  skirted  the  place,  and  under  their  broad 
canopy  the  soldiers  offered  up  thanksgivings  to  the 
Almighty  for  the  victory  vouchsafed  them.  The 
field  of  battle  was  made  the  site  of  a  town,  called, 
in  honor  of  the  day  on  which  the  action  took  place, 

own  tutelar  saint,  St.  Peter,"  says  '^   Jt  was    the   order — as  the 

Pizarro  y  Orellana;  "  but  the  com-  reader  may  remember  —  given  by 

mon   and   indubitable    opinion   is,  Caesar  to  his  followers  in  his  battle 

that  it  was  our  glorious  apostle  St.  with  Pompey  ; 

James,  the  bulwark  and  safeguard  "  Adversosque  jubet  ferro  confundere 

of  our  nation."   (Varones  Ilustres,  vulius." 

.i-o  \      ii  o-            ^1,    X  T          !5  LucAN,  Pharsalia,  lib.  7,  V.  575. 
p.  73.)         omner  that  I  am,"  ex- 
claims  honest   Bernal  Diaz,  in  a  ^^  "Equites,"  says  Paolo  Gio- 
more  skeptical  vein,  "  it  was  not  vio,  "  unum  integrum  Centaurorum 
permitted  to  me  to  see  either  the  specie  animal  esse  existimarent." 
one  or  the  other  of  the  Apostles  on  Elogia  Virorum  Illustrium,  (Basil 
this  occasion."     Hist,  de  la  Con-  1696,)  lib.  6,  p.  229. 
quista,  cap.  34. 


288  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

Santa  Maria  de  la  Vitoria,  long  afterwards  the  capi- 
tal of  the  Province. -^  The  number  of  those  who 
fought  or  fell  in  the  eijgagement  is  altogether  doubt- 
ful. Nothing,  indeed,  is  more  uncertain  than  numer- 
ical estimates  of  barbarians.  And  they  gain  nothing 
in  probability,  when  they  come,  as  in  the  present  in- 
stance, from  the  reports  of  their  enemies.  Most  ac- 
counts, however,  agree  that  the  Indian  force  con- 
sisted of  five  squadrons  of  eight  thousand  men  each. 
There  is  more  discrepancy  as  to  the  number  of  slain, 
varying  from  one  to  thirty  thousand !  In  this  mon- 
strous discordance,  the  common  disposition  to  exag- 
gerate may  lead  us  to  look  for  truth  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  smallest  number.  The  loss  of  the 
Christians  was  inconsiderable;  not  exceeding  —  if 
we  receive  their  own  reports,  probably,  from  the 
same  causes,  much  diminishing  the  truth  —  two  killed 
and  less  than  a  hundred  wounded !  We  may  readily 
comprehend  the  feelings  of  the  Conquerors,  when 
they  declared,  that  "  Heaven  must  have  fought  on 
their  side,  since  their  own  strength  could  never  have 
prevailed  against  such  a  multitude  of  enemies !  "  '■^^ 


'^  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  35.) 

torn.  III.  p.  II.  It  is  Las  Casas,  who,  regulating 

2'  "  Crean  Vras.  Reales  Altezas  his   mathematics,  as  usual,  by  his 

por   cierlo,    que   esta    batalla   fue  feelings,   rates  tlie  Indian  loss  at 

vencida  mas  por  voluntad  de  Dios  the  exorbitant  amount  ciled  in  the 

que  por  nras.  fuerzas,  porque  para  text.  "This,"  he  concludes  dryly, 

con  quarenta  mil  hombres  de  guer-  "was  the  first  preaching  of  the 

ra,  poca  defensa  fuera  quatrozien-  Gospel  by  Cortes  in  New  Spain  !  " 

tos  que  nosotros  eramos."    (Carta  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3, 

de   Vera    Cruz,    MS.  —  Gomara,  cap.  119. 
Cr6nica,  cap.  20.  —  Bernal  Diaz, 


Ch    IV.]        GREAT   BATTLE    WITH   THE   INDIANS.  289 

Several  prisoners  were  taken  in  the  battle,  amono- 
them  two  chiefs.  Cortes  gave  them  their  liberty, 
and  sent  a  message  by  them  to  their  countrymen, 
"  that  he  would  overlook  the  past,  if  they  would 
come  in  at  once,  and  tender  their  submission.  Oth- 
erwise he  would  ride  over  the  land,  and  put  every 
living  thing  in  it,  man,  woman,  and  child,  to  the 
sword  ! "  With  this  formidable  menace  ringing  in 
their  cars,  the  envoys  departed. 

But  the  Tabascans  had  no  relish  for  further  hostil- 
ities.    A  body  of  inferior  chiefs  appeared  the  next 
day,  clad  in  dark  dresses  of  cotton,  intimating  their 
abject  condition,   and  implored  leave  to  bury   their 
dead.     It  was  granted   by  the   general,  with  many 
assurances  of  his  friendly  disposition  ;  but  at  the  same 
time  he  told  them,  he  expected  their  principal  ca- 
ciques, as  he  would  treat  with  none  other.     These 
soon  presented  themselves,  attended  by  a  numerous 
train  of  vassals,  who  followed  with  timid  curiosity  to 
the  Christian  camp.     Among   their  propitiatory  gifts 
were  twenty  female  slaves,  which,  from  the  character 
of  one  of  them,  proved  of  infinitely  more  consequence 
than  was  anticipated  by  either  Spaniards  or  Tabas- 
cans.    Confidence  was  soon  restored ;  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  a  friendly  intercourse,  and  the  interchange 
of  Spanish    toys   for   the   rude  commodities  of  the 
country,  articles  of  food,  cotton,  and  a  few  gold  orna- 
ments of  little  value.  When  asked  where  the  previous 
metal  was  procured,  they  pointed  to  the  west,  and 
answered    "  Culhua,"    "  Mexico."     The    Spaniards 
saw  this  was  no  place  for  them  to  traffic,  or  to  tarry 

VOL.    I.  37 


290  DISCOVERY   OF    MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

in.  —  Yet  here,  they  were  not  many  leagues  distant 
Iroin  a  potent  and  opulent  city,  or  what  once  had 
been  so,  the  ancient  Palenque.  But  its  glory  may 
have  even  then  passed  away,  and  its  name  have 
been  forgotten  by  the  surrounding  nations. 

Before  his  departure  the  Spanish  commander  did 
not  omit  to  provide  for  one  great  object  of  his  expe- 
dition, the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  He  firs*  rep- 
resented to  the  caciques,  that  he  had  been  sent  thith 
er  by  a  powerful  monarch  on  the  other  side  of  the 
water,  to  whom  he  had  now  a  right  to  claim  their 
allegiance.  He  then  caused  the  reverend  fathers 
Olmedo  and  Diaz  to  enlighten  their  minds,  as  far  as 
possible,  in  regard  to  the  great  truths  of  revelation, 
urging  them  to  receive  these  in  place  of  their  own 
heathenish  abominations.  The  Tabascans,  whose 
j)erceptions  were  no  doubt  materially  quickened  by 
the  discipline  they  had  undergone,  made  but  a  faint 
resistance  to  either  proposal.  The  next  day  was 
Palm  Sunday,  and  the  general  resolved  to  celebrate 
their  conversion  by  one  of  those  pompous  ceremoni- 
als of  the  Church,  which  should  make  a  lasting  im- 
pression on  their  minds. 

A  solemn  procession  was  formed  of  the  whole 
army  with  the  ecclesiastics  at  their  head,  each  sol- 
dier bearing  a  palm-branch  in  his  hand.  The  con- 
course was  swelled  by  thousands  of  Indians  of  both 
sexes,  who  followed  in  curious  astonishment  at  the 
spectacle.  The  long  files  bent  their  way  through 
the  flowery  savannas  that  bordered  the  settlement, 
to  the  princ'oal  temple,  where  an  i^ltar  was  raised, 


Ch.  IV]  CHRISTIANITY    IXTRODUCED.  291 

and  the  image  of  the  presidins:  deitv  was  deposed 
to  make  room  for  that  of  the  Virgin  with  the  infant 
Saviour.  Mass  was  celebrated  by  father  Ohiiedo, 
and  the  soldiers  who  were  capable  joined  in  the 
solemn  chant.  The  natives  listened  in  profound 
silence,  and,  if  we  may  believe  the  chronicler  of  the 
event  who  A\-itnessed  it,  were  melted  into  tears , 
while  their  hearts  were  penetrated  with  reverential 
awe  for  the  God  of  those  terrible  beings  who  seem- 
ed to  wield  in  their  own  hands  the  thunder  and  the 
lightning.^- 

The  Roman  Catholic  communion  has,  it  must  be 
admitted,  some  decided  ad\iintages  over  the  Protest- 
ant, for  the  purposes  of  proselytism.  The  dazzling 
pomp  of  its  service  and  its  touchins;  appeal  to  the 
sensibilities  affect  the  imagination  of  the  rude  child 
of  nature  much  more  powerfully  than  the  cold  ab- 
stractions of  Protestantism,  which,  addressed  to  the 
reason,  demand  a  degree  of  refinement  and  mental 
culture  in  the  audience  to  comprehend  them.  The 
respect,  moreover,  shown  by  the  Catholic  for  the  ma- 
terial representations  of  Divinity,  greatly  facilitates 
the  same  object.  It  is  true,  such  representations  are 
used  by  him  only  as  incentives,  not  as  the  objects  of 
worship.  But  this  distinction  is  lost  on  the  savage, 
who  finds  such  forms  of  adoration  too  analogous  to 
his  own  to  impose  any  great  violence  on  his  feelings. 
It   is  only  required  of  him  to  transfer  his    homage 

22   Gomara,    Cronica,    cap.   01,     Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias.  MS.. 
2'J.  —  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. —     ubi  supra. 
Martyr,  De  Insulis,  p.  351.  —  Las 


292  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

from  the  image  of  Quetzalcoatl,  the  benevolent  deity 
who  walked  among  men,  to 'that  of  the  Virgin  or 
the  Redeemer ;  from  the  Cross,  which  he  has  wor- 
shipped as  the  emblem  of  the  God  of  rain,  to  the 
same  Cross,  the  symbol  of  salvation. 

These  solemnities  concluded,  Cortes  prepared  to 
return  to  his  ships,  well  satisfied  with  the  impression 
made  on  the  new  converts,  and  with  the  conquests 
he  had  thus  achieved  for  Castile  and  Christianity. 
The  soldiers,  taking  leave  of  their  Indian  friends, 
entered  the  boats  with  the  palm-branches  in  their 
hands,  and  descending  the  river  reembarked  on 
board  their  vessels,  which  rode  at  anchor  at  its 
mouth.  A  favorable  breeze  was  blowing,  and  the 
little  navy,  opening  its  sails  to  receive  it,  was  soon 
on  its  way  again  to  the  golden  shores  of  Mexico. 


CHAPTER   V. 

Voyage  along  the  Coast.  —  Dona  Marina.  —  Spaniards  land  im 
Mexico. — Interview  with  the  Aztecs. 

1519. 

The  fleet  held  its  course  so  near  the  shore,  that 
the  inhabitants  could  be  seen  on  it ;  and,  as  it  swept 
along  the  winding  borders  of  the  Gulf,  the  soldiers, 
who  had  been  on  the  former  expedition  with  Gri- 
jalva,  pointed  out  to  their  companions  the  memorable 
places  on  the  coast.  Here  was  the  Rio  de  Alvarado, 
named  after  the  gallant  adventurer,  who  was  present, 
also,  in  this  expedition  ;  there  the  Rio  de  Vanderas, 
in  which  Grijalva  had  carried  on  so  lucrative  a  com- 
merce with  the  Mexicans ;  and  there  the  Ma  de  las 
Sacrijicios,  where  the  Spaniards  first  saw  the  ves 
tiges  of  human  sacrifice  on  the  coast.  Puertocarrero, 
as  he  listened  to  these  reminiscences  of  the  sailors, 
repeated  the  words  of  the  old  ballad  of  Montesinos, 
"  Here  is  France,  there  is  Paris,  and  there  the  wa- 
ters of  the  Duero,"^  &c.     "But  I  advise  you,"  he 


1    "  Caia  Francia,  Montesinos,  old  ballad,  first  published,  I  believe, 

Cata  Paris  la  ciudad,  in  the  Romancero  de  A  mberes,  and 

Cata  las  aguas  de  Duero  ij^^elv   by  Duran,    Romances   Ca- 

Do  van  k  (iar  en  la  mar."  ,     ,i  ,   tt-     >  ■  r>  i 

ballerescos  c  Historicos,  rarte   I. 

Tliej  are  the  words  of  the  popular     p.  82. 


294  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

added,  turning  to  Cortes,  "  to  look  out  only  for  the 
rich  lands,  and  the  best  way  to  govern  them." 
"Fear  not,"  replied  his  commander,  "if  Fortune  but 
favors  me  as  she  did  Orlando,  and  I  have  such  gallant 
gentlemen  as  you  for  my  companions,  I  shall  under- 
stand myself  very  well."' 

The  fleet  had  now  arrived  off  San  Juan  de  Ulua, 
the  island  so  named  by  Grijalva.  The  weather  was 
temperate  and  serene,  and  crowds  of  natives  were 
gathered  on  the  shore  of  the  main  land,  gazing  at 
tlie  strange  phenomenon,  as  the  vessels  glided  along 
under  easy  sail  on  the  smooth  bosom  of  the  waters. 
It  was  the  evening  of  Thursday  in  Passion  Week. 
The  air  came  pleasantly  off  the  shore,  and  Cortes, 
liking  the  spot,  thought  he  might  safely  anchor  under 
the  lee  of  the  island,  which  would  shelter  him  from 
the  nortes  that  sweep  over  these  seas  with  fatal 
violence  in  the  winter,  sometimes  even  late  in  the 
spring. 

The  ships  had  not  been  long  at  anchor,  when  a 
Hght  pirogue,  filled  with  natives,  shot  off  from  the 
neighbouring  continent,  and  steered  for  the  general's 
vessel,  distinguished  by  the  royal  ensign  of  Castile 
floating  from  the  mast.  The  Indians  came  on  board 
with  a  frank  confidence,  inspired  by  the  accounts  of 
the  Spaniards  spread  by  their  countrymen  who  had 
traded  with  Grijalva.  They  brought  presents  of 
fi  uits  and  flowers  and  little  ornaments  of  gold,  which 
they  gladly  exchanged  for  the  usual  trinkets.    Cortes 

2  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  37. 


Ch.  V.J  DONA   MARINA.  295 

was  baffled  in  his  attempts  to  hold  a  conversation 
with  his  visiters  by  means  of  the  interpreter,  Agnilar, 
who  was  ignorant  of  the  language ;  the  Mayan  dia- 
lects, with  which  he  was  conversant,  bearing  too 
little  resemblance  to  the  Aztec.  The  natives  sup- 
plied the  deficiency,  as  far  as  possible,  by  the  un- 
common vivacity  and  significance  of  their  gestures, 

—  the  hieroglyphics  of  speech,  — -  but  the  Spanish 
commander  saw  with  chagrin  the  embarrassments 
he  must  encounter  in  future  for  want  of  a  more 
perfect  medium  of  communication.^  In  this  dilem- 
ma, he  was  informed  that  one  of  the  female  slaves 
given  to  him  by  the  Tabascan  chiefs  was  a  native 
Mexican,  and  understood  the  language.     Her  name 

—  that  given  to  her  by  the  Spaniards  —  was  Marina; 
and,  as  she  was  to  exercise  a  most  important  influ- 
ence on  their  fortunes,  it  is  necessary  to  acquaint 
the  reader  with  something  of  her  character  and  his- 
tory. 

She  was  born  at  Painalla,  in  the  province  of 
Coatzacualco,  on  the  south-eastern  borders  of  the 
Mexican  empire.  Her  father,  a  rich  and  powerful 
cacique,  died  when  she  was  very  young.  Her 
mother  married  again,  and,  having  a  son,  she  con- 
ceived the  infamous  idea  of  securing  to  this  offspring 
of  her  second  union   Marina's   rightful  inheritance. 

3  Las  Casas  notices  the  signili-  entender,  por  tener  muy  bivos  los 

cance   of  the  Indian   gestures  as  sentidos  exteriores  y  tarabien  los 

implying   a  most  active   imagina-  interiores,    mayormcnte    ques   ad- 

tion.     "  Seiias  e  meneos  con  que  mirable  su  imaginacion."   Hist,  de 

los  Yndios  mucho  mas  que  otras  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120 
generaciones  entienden  y  se  dan  a 


296  DISCOVERY    OF   iMEXICO.  [Book  II 

She  accordingly  feigned  that  the  latter  was  dead,  but 
secretly  delivered  her  into  the  hands  of  some  itiner- 
ant traders  of  Xicallanco.  She  availed  herself,  at 
the  same  time,  of  the  death  of  a  child  of  one  of  her 
slaves,  to  substitute  the  corpse  for  that  of  her  own 
daughter,  and  celebrated  the  obsequies  with  mock 
solemnity.  These  particulars  are  related  by  the 
honest  old  soldier,  Bernal  Diaz,  who  knew  the 
mother,  and  witnessed  the  generous  treatment  of 
her  afterwards  by  Marina.  By  the  merchants  the 
Indian  maiden  was  again  sold  to  the  cacique  of 
Tabasco,  who  delivered  her,  as  we  have  seen,  to  the 
Spaniards. 

From  the  place  of  her  birth  she  was  well  ac- 
(juainted  with  the  Mexican  tongue,  which,  indeed, 
she  is  said  to  have  spoken  with  great  elegance. 
Her  residence  in  Tabasco  familiarized  her  with  the 
dialects  of  that  country,  so  that  she  could  carry  on 
a  conversation  with  Aguilar,  which  he  in  turn  ren- 
dered into  the  Castilian.  Thus  a  certain,  though 
somewhat  circuitous  channel  was  opened  to  Cortes 
for  communicating  with  the  Aztecs ;  a  circumstance 
of  the  last  importance  to  the  success  of  his  enter- 
prise. It  was  not  very  long,  however,  before  Marina, 
who  had  a  lively  genius,  made  herself  so  far  mistress 
of  the  Castilian  as  to  supersede  the  necessity  of  any 
other  linguist.  She  learned  it  the  more  readily,  as 
it  was  to  her  the  language  of  love. 

Cortes,  who  a})preciated  the  value  of  her  services 
Irom  the  first,  made  her  his  interpreter,  then  his 
secretary,  and,  won  by  her  charms,  his  mistress.    She 


Ch.  v.] 


DONA   MARINA. 


297 


had  a  son  by  him,  Don  Martin  Cortes,  comendador 
of  the  Military  Order  of  St.  James,  less  distinguished 
by  his  birth  than  his  unmerited  persecutions. 

Marina  was  at  this  time  in  the  morning  of  life. 
She  is  said  to  have  possessed  uncommon  personal 
attractions,^  and  her  open,  expressive  features  indi- 
cated her  generous  temper.  She  always  remained 
faithful  to  the  countrymen  of  her  adoption  ;  and  her 
knowledge  of  the  language  and  customs  of  the  Mex- 
icans, and  often  of  their  designs,  enabled  her  to 
extricate  the  Spaniards,  more  than  once,  from  the 
most  embarrassing  and  perilous  situations.  She  had 
her  errors,  as  we  have  seen.  But  they  should  be 
rather  charged  to  the  defects  of  early  education,  and 
to  the  evil  influence  of  him  to  whom  in  the  darkness 
of  her  spirit  she  looked  with  simple  confidence  for 
the  light  to  guide  her.  All  agree  that  she  was  full 
of  excellent  qualities,  and  the  important  services 
which  she  rendered  the  Spaniards  have  made  her 
memory  deservedly  dear  to  them ;  while  the  name 
of  Malinche  —  the  name  by  which  she  is  still 
known  in  Mexico — was  pronounced  with  kindness 


"*  "  Hermosa  como  Diosa.,^^  beau- 
tiful as  a  goddess,  says  Camargo 
of  her.  (Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.) 
A  modern  poet  pays  her  charms 
the  following  not  inelegant  trib- 
ute ; 

"  Admira  taa  lucida  cabalgada 
Y  especlaculo  tal  Dona  Marina, 
India  noble  al  caudillo  presenlada, 
De  fortuna  y  belleza  peregrina. 


Con  despejado  espiritu  y  viveza 
Gira  ia  vista  en  el  concurso  mudo ; 
Rico  manto  de  extrema  sutileza 
Con  chapas  de  oro  autorizarla  pudo, 
Prendido  con  bizarra  eentileza 
Sobre  los  pechos  en  ayroso  nudo  ; 
Reyna  parece  de  la  Indiana  Zona, 
Varonil  y  hermosisima  Amazona." 

MoRATiN,  Laa  Naves  de  Cort4» 
Destruidaji. 


VOL.    I. 


38 


298  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

by  the  conquered  races,  with  whose  misfortunes  she 
showed  an  invariable  sympathy.' 

With  the  aid  of  his  two  intelligent  interpreters, 
Cortes  entered  into  conversation  with  his  Indian 
visiters.  He  learned  that  they  were  Mexicans,  or 
rather  subjects  of  the  great  Mexican  empire,  of 
which  their  own  province  formed  one  of  the  compar- 
atively recent  conquests.  The  country  was  ruled 
by  a  powerful  monarch,  called  Moctheuzoma,  or  by 
Europeans  more  commonly  Montezuma,'^  who  dwelt 
on  the  mountain  plains  of  the  interior,  nearly  sev- 
enty leagues  from  the  coast ;  their  own  province 
was  governed  by  one  of  his  nobles,  named  Teuhtlile, 
whose  residence  was  eight  leagues  distant.  Cortes 
acquainted  them  in  turn  with  his  own  friendly  views 
in  visiting  their  country,  and  with  his  desire  of  an 
interview  with  the  Aztec  governor.  He  then  dis- 
missed them  loaded  with  presents,  having  first  ascer- 


5  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  no  difference  in  the  estimate  of  her 

MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120.  —  Gomara,  singular  merits  and  services. 
Cronica,  cap.  25,  26.  — Clavigero,        6  The  name  of  the  Aztec  mon- 

Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  III.  pp.  arch,  like  those  of  most  persons 

12  -  14.  —  Oviedo,    Hist,    de   las  and  places  in  New  Spain,  has  been 

lud.,  MS.,   lib.  33,  cap.  1. — Ix-  twisted  into  all  possible  varieties  of 

tlilxochitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  orthography.  Modern  Spanish  his- 

79.  — Camargo,  Hist,  do  Tlascala,  torians  usually  call  him  Motezuma. 

MS. — Bernal  Diuz,  Hist,   de  la  But  as  there  is  no  reason  to  sup- 

Conquisla,  cap.  37,  38.  pose  that  this  is  correct,  I  have  pre- 

There  is  some  discordance  in  the  ferred  to  conform  to  the  name  by 

notices  of  the  early  life  of  Marina,  which  he  is  usually  known  to  Eng- 

I   have  followed  Bernal   Diaz, —  lish  readers.    It  is  the  one  adopted 

from  his  means  of  obsen'ation,  the  by  Bernal   Diaz,  and  by  no  other 

best  authority.     There  is  happily  contemporary,  as  far  as  1  know. 


Ch.  v.]  SPANIARDS   LAND   IN    MEXICO.  299 

tained  that  there  was  abundance  of  gold  in  the  in- 
terior, like  the  specimens  they  had  brought. 

Cortes,  pleased  with  the  manners  of  the  people, 
and  the  goodly  reports  of  the  land,  resolved  to  take 
up  his  quarters  here  for  the  present.  The  next 
morning,  April  21,  being  Good  Friday,  he  landed, 
with  all  his  force,  on  the  very  spot  where  now  stands 
the  modern  city  of  Vera  Cruz.  Little  did  the  Con- 
queror imagine  that  the  desolate  beach,  on  which  he 
first  planted  his  foot,  was  one  day  to  be  covered  by 
a  flourishing  city,  the  great  mart  of  European  and 
Oriental  trade,  the  commercial  capital  of  New  Spain.'' 

It  was  a  wide  and  level  plain,  except  where  the 
sand  had  been  drifted  into  hillocks  by  the  perpetu- 
al blowing  of  the  norte.  On  these  sand-hills  he 
mounted  his  little  battery  of  guns,  so  as  to  give  him 
the  command  of  the  country.  He  then  employed 
the  troops  in  cutting  down  small  trees  and  bushes 
which  grew  near,  in  order  to  provide  a  shelter  from 
tJie  weather.  In  this  he  was  aided  by  the  people  of 
the  country,  sent,  as  it  appeared,  by  the  governor  of 
the  district  to  assist  the  Spaniards.  With  their  help 
stakes  were  firmly  set  in  the  earth,  and  covered  with 
boughs,  and  with  mats  and  cotton  carpets,  which 
the  friendly  natives  brought  vv  \th  them.    In  this  way 


■^  Ixtlilxochitl,Hist.  Chich.,MS.,  founded  till  the  close  of  the  six- 
cap.  79.  —  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  teenth  century,  by  the  Conde  do 
Messico,  torn.  III.  p.  16.  Monterey,  viceroy  of  Mexico.     It 

New  Vera  Cruz,  as  the  present  received   its   privileges   as  a   city 

town  is  called,  is   distinct,  as  we  from  Philip  III.  in    1G15.     Ibid 

shall  see  hereafter,  from  that  es-  tom.  III.  p.  30^  nota. 
tablished  by  Cortes,  and  was  not 


300  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

they  secured,  in  a  couple  of  days,  a  good  defence 
against  the  scorching  rays  of  the  sun,  which  beat 
with  intolerable  fierceness  on  the  sands.  The  place 
was  surrounded  by  stagnant  marshes,  the  exhalations 
from  which,  quickened  by  the  heat  into  the  pestilent 
malaria,  have  occasioned  in  later  times  wider  mortali- 
ty to  Europeans  than  all  the  hurricanes  on  the  coast. 
The  bilious  disorders,  now  the  terrible  scourge  of  the 
tieira  calientc,  were  little  known  before  the  Con- 
quest. The  seeds  of  the  poison  seem  to  have  been 
scattered  by  the  hand  of  civilization ;  for  it  is  only 
necessary  to  settle  a  town,  and  draw  together  a  busy 
European  population,  in  order  to  call  out  the  malig- 
nity of  the  venom  which  had  before  lurked  innoxious 
in  the  atmosphere.^ 

While  these  arrangements  were  in  progress,  the 
natives  flocked  in  from  the  adjacent  district,  which 
was  tolerably  populous  in  the  interior,  drawn  by  a 
natural  curiosity  to  see  the  wonderful  strangers. 
They  brought  with  them  fruits,  vegetables,  flowers 
in  abundance,  game,  and  many  dishes  cooked  after 

8  The  epidemic  of  the  matlaza-  suits,  carries  the  disease  back  to  a 

huatl,  so   fatal    to   the   Aztecs,   is  much  higher   antiquity,  of  which 

shown  by  M.  de  Humboldt  to  be  he  discerns  some  traditional   and 

essentially  different  from  the  to-  historic  vestiges.     "  II  ne  faut  pas 

mito,  or  bilious  fever  of  our  day.  confondre  Tepoque,"  he  remarks 

Indeed,  this  disease  is  not  noticed  with  his  usual  penetration,  "  a  la- 

by  the  early  conquerors  and  colo-  quelle  une  maladie  a  ete   decrite 

nists  ;  and,  Clavigero  asserts,  was  pour  la  premiere  fois,  parce  qu'elle 

not   known  in    Mexico,  till  1725.  a  fait  de  grands  ravages  dans  un 

(Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  I.  p.  117,  court  espace  de   temps,  avec  I'e- 

nota.)     Humboldt,  however,  argu-  poque  de  sa  premiere  apparition." 

ing  that  the  same  physical  causes  Essai  Politique,  torn.  IV.  p.  161  et 

must    have    produced    similar   re-'  seq.,  and  179. 


Ch.  v.]  interview   with  the  AZTECS.  301 

the  fashion  of  the  country,  with  little  articles  of  gold 
and  other  ornaments.  They  gave  away  some  as 
presents,  and  bartered  others  for  the  wares  of  the 
Spaniards;  so  that  the  camp,  crowded  with  a  motley 
throng  of  every  age  and  sex,  wore  the  appearance 
of  a  fair.  From  some  of  the  visiters  Cortes  learned 
the  intention  of  the  governor  to  wait  on  him  the 
following  day. 

This  was  Easter.  Teuhtlile  arrived,  as  he  had 
announced,  before  noon.  He  was  attended  by  a 
numerous  train,  and  was  met  by  Cortes,  who  con- 
ducted him  with  much  ceremony  to  his  tent,  where 
his  principal  officers  were  assembled.  The  Aztec 
chief  returned  their  salutations  with  polite,  though 
formal  courtesy.  Mass  was  first  said  by  father  Olme- 
do,  and  the  service  was  listened  to  by  Teuhtlile  and 
his  attendants  with  decent  reverence.  A  collation 
was  afterwards  served,  at  which  the  general  enter- 
tained his  guest  with  Spanish  wines  and  confections. 
The  interpreters  were  then  introduced,  and  a  con- 
versation commenced   between  the  parties. 

The  first  inquiries  of  Teuhtlile  were  respecting 
the  country  of  the  strangers,  and  the  purport  of  their 
visit.  Cortes  told  him,  that  "  he  was  the  subject  of 
a  potent  monarch  beyond  the  seas,  who  ruled  over 
an  immense  empire,  and  had  kings  and  princes  for 
his  vassals ;  that,  acquainted  with  the  greatness  of 
the  Mexican  emperor,  his  master  had  desired  to  en- 
ter into  a  communication  with  him,  and  had  sent 
him  as  his  envoy  to  wait  on  Montezuma  with  a 
present  in  token  of  his  good-will,  and  a  message 


302  DISCOVERY   OF    MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

which  he  must  dehver  in  person."  He  concluded 
bj  inquiring  of  Teuhtlile  when  he  could  be  admitted 
to  his  sovereign's  presence. 

To  this  the  Aztec  noble  somewhat  haughtil}-  re- 
plied, "  How  is  it,  that  you  have  been  here  only  two 
days,  and  demand  to  see  the  emperor  ?  "  He  then 
added,  with  more  courtesy,  that  "  he  was  surprised 
to  learn  there  was  another  monarch  as  powerful  as 
Montezuma ;  but  that,  if  it  were  so,  he  had  no  doubt 
his  master  would  be  happy  to  communicate  with 
him.  He  would  send  his  couriers  with  the  royal 
gift  brought  by  the  Spanish  commander,  and,  so  soon 
as  he  had  learned  Montezuma's  will,  \^ould  commu- 
nicate it." 

Teuhtlile  then  commanded  his  slaves  to  brine:  for- 
ward  the  present  intended  for  the  Spanish  general. 
It  consisted  of  ten  loads  of  fine  cottons,  several 
mantles  of  that  curious  feather-work  whose  rich  and 
delicate  dyes  might  vie  with  the  most  beautiful  paint- 
ing, and  a  wicker  basket  filled  with  ornaments  of 
wrought  gold,  all  calculated  to  inspire  the  Spaniards 
with  high  ideas  of  the  wealth  and  mechanical  inge- 
nuity of  the  Mexicans. 

Cortes  received  these  presents  with  suitable  ac- 
knowledgments, and  ordered  his  own  attendants  to 
lay  before  the  chief  the  articles  designed  for  Monte- 
zuma. These  were  an  arm-chair  richly  carved  and 
painted,  a  crimson  cap  of  cloth,  having  a  gold  medal 
emblazoned  with  St.  George  and  the  dragon,  and  a 
quantity  of  collars,  bracelets,  and  other  ornaments 
of  cut  glass,  which,  in  a  country  where  glass  was 


Ch.  v.]  interview   with   the   AZTECS.  303 

not  to  be  had,  might  claim  to  have  the  value  of  real 
gems,  and  no  doubt  passed  for  such  with  the  inex- 
perienced Mexican.  Teuhtlile  observed  a  soldier  in 
the  camp  with  a  shining  gilt  helmet  on  his  head, 
which  he  said  reminded  him  of  one  worn  by  the 
god  Quetzalcoatl  in  Mexico ;  and  he  showed  a  desire 
that  Montezuma  should  see  it.  The  coming  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  the  reader  will  soon  see,  was  associated 
with  some  traditions  of  this  same  deity.  Cortes  ex- 
pressed his  willingness  that  the  casque  should  be 
sent  to  the  emperor,  intimating  a  hope  that  it  would 
be  returned  filled  with  the  gold  dust  of  the  country, 
that  he  might  be  able  to  compare  its  quality  with 
that  in  his  own !  He  further  told  the  governor,  as 
we  are  informed  by  his  chaplain,  "  that  the  Spaniards 
were  troubled  with  a  disease  of  the  heart,  for  which 
gold  was  a  specific  remedy"!''  "In  short,"  says 
Las  Casas,  "  he  contrived  to  make  his  want  of  gold 
very  clear  to  the  governor.  " '° 

While  these  things  were  passing,  Cortes  observed 
one  of  Teuhtlile's  attendants  busy  with  a  pencil,  ap- 
parently delineating  some  object.  On  looking  at  his 
work,  he  found  that  it  was  a  sketch  on  canvass  of 
the  Spaniards,  their  costumes,  arms,  and,  in  short, 
different  objects  of  interest,  giving  to  each  its  ap- 
propriate form  and  color.  This  was  the  celebrated 
picture-writing  of  the  Aztecs,  and,  as  Teuhtlile  in- 
formed him,  this  man  was  employed  in  portraying 
the  various  objects  for  the  eye  of  Montezuma,  who 

9  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  26. 

10  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  119. 


304  DISCOVERY    OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

would  thus  gather  a  more  vivid  notion  of  their  ap- 
pearance than  from  any  description  by  \v'ords.  Cor- 
tes was  pleased  with  the  idea ;  and,  as  he  knew  how 
much  the  effect  would  be  heightened  by  converting 
still  life  into  action,  he  ordered  out  the  cavalry  on 
the  beach,  the  wet  sands  of  which  afforded  a  firm 
footing  for  the  horses.  The  bold  and  rapid  move- 
ments of  the  troops,  as  they  went  through  their  mil- 
itary exercises  ;  the  apparent  ease  with  which  they 
managed  the  fiery  animals  on  which  they  were 
mounted ;  the  glancing  of  their  weapons,  and  the 
shrill  cry  of  the  trumpet,  all  filled  the  spectators  with 
astonishment ;  but  when  they  heard  the  thunders  of 
the  cannon,  which  Cortes  ordered  to  be  fired  at  the 
same  time,  and  witnessed  the  volumes  of  smoke  and 
flame  issuing  from  these  terrible  engines,  and  the 
rushing  sound  of  the  balls,  as  they  dashed  through 
the  trees  of  the  neighbouring  forest,  shivering  their 
branches  into  fragments,  they  were  filled  with  con- 
sternation, from  which  the  Aztec  chief  himself  was 
not  wholly  free. 

Nothing  of  all  this  was  lost  on  the  painters,  who 
faithfully  recorded,  after  their  fashion,  every  particu- 
lar; not  omitting  the  ships,  "the  water-houses,"  — 
as  they  called  them,  —  of  the  strangers,  which,  with 
their  dark  hulls  and  snow-white  sails  reflected  from 
the  water,  were  swinging  lazily  at  anchor  on  the 
calm  bosom  of  the  bay.  All  was  depicted  with  a 
fidelity,  that  excited  in  their  turn  the  admiration  of 
the  Spaniards,  who,  doubtless  unprepared  for  this 
('\hil)iti()ii  of  skill,  greatly  ov(!restiniated  the  merits 
of  the  execution. 


Ch.  v.] 


INTERVIEW  WIT-H   THE  AZTECS 


30; 


These  various  matters  completed,  Teuhtlile  with 
his  attendants  withdrew  from  the  Spanish. quarters, 
with  the  same  ceremony  with  which  he  had  entered 
them ;  leaving  orders  that  hi^  people  should  supply 
the  troops  with  provisions  and  other  articles  requisite 
for  their  accommodation,  till  further  instructions  from 
the  capital.'^ 


^1  Txtlilxbchitl ,  .Rel aeiones,  MS. , 
No.  13. —Idem,  Hist.  Chich., 
MS.,  cap.  79.  —  Gomara,  CroHica, 
cap.  26,  26.  —  Bernal  Piaz,  Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap. .  38.  ^.Her- 


rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  5, 
cap.  4. —  Carta  dg  Vera  Cruz,  MS. 
■ —  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  4,  cap.  13  - 15.  — -.Tezozomoc,^ 
Crda.  Mexic^na,  MS, ,  cap  ^   1 07 . 


VOL.    I. 


39 


CHAPTER   VI. 

Account  of  Montezuma. —  State  of  his  Empire.  —  Strange  Prog- 
nostics. ^Embassy  and  Presfnts.  —  Spanish  Encampment. 

1519. 

We  must  now  take  leave  of  the  Spanish  camp  m 
the  tierra  caliente^  and  transport  ourselves  to  the 
distant  capital  of  Mexico,  where  no  little  sensation 
was  excited  by  the  arrival  of  the  wonderful  strangers 
on  the  coast.  The  Aztec  throne  was  filled  at  that 
time  by  Montezuma  the  Second,  nephew  of  the  last, 
and  grandson  of  a  preceding  monarch.  He  had 
l)een  elected  to  the  regal  dignity  in  1502,  in  prefer- 
ence to  his  brothers,  for  his  superior  qualifications, 
both  as  a  soldier  and  a  priest,  —  a  combination  of 
offices  sometimes  found  in  the  Mexican  candidates, 
as  it  was,  more  frequently,  in  the  Egyptian.  In  early 
youth,  he  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  wars  of  the 
(jmpire,  though  of  late  he  had  devoted  himself  more 
exclusively  to  the  services  of  the  temple  ;  and  he  was 
scrupulous  in  his  attentions  to  all  the  burdensome 
ceremonial  of  the  Aztec  worship.  He  maintained 
a  grave  arid  reserved  demeanour,  speaking  little  and 
with  prudent  deliberation.  His  deportment  was 
well  calculated  to  inspire  ideas  of  superior  sanctity.' 

1  His  name  suited  his  nature  ;    Montezuma,  according  to  Las  Ca- 


Ch.  VI.]  ACCOUNT   OF   MONTEZUMA  307 

When  his  election  was  announced  to  him,  he  was 
found  sweeping  down  the  stairs  in  the  great  temple 
of  the  national  war-god.  He  received  the  messen- 
gers with  a  becoming  humility,  professing  his  unfit- 
ness for  so  responsible  a  station.  The  address  deliv- 
ered as  usual  on  the  occasion  was  made  by  his  rel- 
ative Nezahualpilli,  the  wise  king  of  Tezcuco.^  It 
has  fortunately  been  preserved,  and  presents  a  favor- 
able specimen  of  Indian  eloquence.  Towards  the 
conclusion,  the  orator  exclaims,  "  Who  can  doubt 
that  the  Aztec  empire  has  reached  the  zenith  of  its 
greatness,  since  the  Almighty  has  placed  over  it  one . 
whose  very  presence  fills  every  beholder  with  rever- 
ence ?  Rejoice,  happy  people,  that  you  have  now  a 
sovereign  who  will  be  to  you  a  steady  column,  of 
support ;  a  father  in  distress,  a  more  than  brother  in 
tenderness  and  sympathy ;  one  whose  aspiring  soul 
will  disdain  all  the  profligate  pleasures  of  the  senses, 
and  the  wasting  indulgence  of  sloth.  And  thou, 
illustrious  youth,  doubt  not  that  the  Creator,  who 
has  laid  on  thee  so  weighty  a  charge,  will  also  give 
strength  to  sustain  it ;  that  He,  who  has  been  so 
liberal  in  times  past,  will  shower  yet  more  abun- 
dant blessings  on  thy  head,  and  keep  thee  firm 
in  thy  royal  seat  through  many  long  and  glorious 
years."  —  These   golden   prognostics,  which   melted 


sas,  signifying,   in  the  Mexican,  Col.  de  Mendoza,  pp.  13-16;  Co 

"  sad  or  severe  man."  Hist,  de  las  dex  Tel. -Rem.,  p.  143,  ap.  Antiq 

Indias,MS.,lib.  3,cap.  120. — Ix-  of  Mexico,  vol.  VI. 
tlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,MS.,cap.  2  For    a   full    account   of   thi» 

70.  — Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  20.  —  prince,  see  Book  I.,  chap.  6. 


308  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II. 

the  royal  auditor  into  tears,  were  not  desirned  to 
be  realized.'^ 

Montezuma  displayed  all  the  energy  and  entei- 
prise  in  the  commencement  of  his  reign,  which  had 
been  anticipated  from  him.  His  first  expedition 
against  a  rebel  pro^dnce  in  the  neighbourhood  was 
crowned  with  success,  and  he  led  back  in  triumph  a 
throng  of  captives  for  the  bloody  sacrifice  that  was 
to  grace  his  coronation.  This  was  celebrated  with 
uncommon  pomp.  Games  and  religious  ceremonies 
continued  for  several  days,  and  among  the  spectators 
who  flocked  from  distant  quarters  were  some  noble 
Tlascalans,  the  hereditary  enemies  of  Mexico.  They 
were  in  disguise, '  hoping  thus  to  elude  detection. 
They  were  recognised,  however,  and  reported  to  the 
monarch.  But  he  only  availed  himself  of  the  infor- 
mation to  provide  them  with  honorable  entertain- 
ment, and  a  good  place  for  witnessing  the  games. 
This  was  a  magnanimous  act,  considering  the  long 
cherished  hostility  between  the  nations. 

In  his  first  years,  Montezuma  was  constantly  en- 
gaged in  war,  and  frequently  led  his  armies  in  per- 
son. The  Aztec  banners  were  seen  in  the  furthest 
provinces  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and,  the  distant 
regions  of  Nicaragua  and  Honduras.  The  expedi- 
tions were  generally  successful ;   and  the  limits  of 


3  The  address  is' fully  reported  tury  after  its  delivery.    It  has  been 

by  Torquemada,  (Monarch.  Ind.,  recently  republiahed  by  Bustaman- 

lib.  3,  cap.  08,)  who  came  into  the  te.    Tczcuco  en  los  Ultimos  Tiem- 

country  little  more  than  half  a  cen-  pes,  (Mexico,  1826,)  pp.256  -  2.58. 


Ch!  VI. J  account  OF:  MONTEZUMA.  309 

the  empire  were  more  widely  extended  than  at  any 
preceding  period. 

Meanwhile  the  monarch  was  not  inattentive  to 
the  interior  concerns  of  the  king;dom.  He  made 
^ome  important  changes  in  the  com'ts  of  justice ; 
•and  carefully  watched  over  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  which  he  enforced  with  stern  severity.  He 
was  in  thie  habit  of  patrolling  the  streets  of  his  cap- 
ital in  disguis6,  to  make  himself  personally  acquaint- 
ed with  the  abuses  in  it.  And  with  more  question- 
able policy,  it. is  said,  he  would  sometimes  try  the 
integrity  of  his  judges  by  tempting  them  with  large 
bribes  to  swerve  from  their  duty,  and  then  call  the 
delinquent  to  strict  ac'count  for  yielding  to  the  temp 
tation.  .  ■  ■ 

He  liberally  recompensed  aH  who  served  him.  He 
showfed  a  similar  munificent  spirit  in  his  public 
works, '  constrOcting  and  embellishing  the  temples, 
bringing  water  into  the  capital  by  a  new  channel, 
and  establishing  a  hospital,  or  retreat  for  invalid  sol- 
diers, in  the  city  of  Colhuacan.^ 

These  acts,  so  worthy  of  a  great  pince,  were 
counterbalanced  by  others  of  an  opposite  complex- 
ion. The  humility,  displayed  so  ostentatiously  before 
his  elevation,  gave  way  to  an  intolerable  arrogance. 
In  his  pleasure-houses,  domestic  establishment,  and 
way  of  living,  he  assumed  a  pomp  unknown  to  his 


4  Acosta,    lib.    7,  .cap.    22.^-  cap.  73,  74,  81.- — Col.  de  Mendo- 

Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espana,  za,  pp.  14,  85,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mex- 

lib.  8,  PrologO;,  et  cap.  l.-^Tor-  ico,  vol.  VI. 
quemada,   Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  3, 


310  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

predecessors.  He  secluded  himself  from  public  ob- 
servation, or,  when  he  went  abroad,  exacted  the 
most  slavish  homage ;  while  in  the  palace  he  would 
be  served  only,  even  in  the  most  menial  offices, 
by  persons  of  rank.  He,  further,  dismissed  several 
plebeians,  chiefly  poor  soldiers  of  merit,  from  the 
places  they  had  occupied  near  the  person  of  his  pre 
decessor,  considering  their  attendance  a  dishonor  to 
royalty.  It  was  in  vain  that  his  oldest  and  sagest 
counsellors  remonstrated  on  a  conduct  so  impolitic. 

While  he  thus  disgusted  his  subjects  by  his  haugh- 
ty deportment,  he  alienated  their  affections  by  the 
imposition  of  grievous  taxes.  These  were  demanded 
by  the  lavish  expenditure  of  his  court.  They  fell 
with  peculiar  heaviness  on  the  conquered  cities. 
This  oppression  led  to  frequent  insurrection  and  re- 
sistance ;  and  the  latter  years  of  his  reign  present  a 
scene  of  unintermitting  hostility,  in  which  the  forces 
of  one  half  of  the  empire  were  employed  in  sup- 
pressing the  commotions  of  the  other.  Unfortunately 
there  was  no  principle  of  amalgamation  by  which 
the  new  acquisitions  could  be  incorporated  into  the 
ancient  monarchy,  as  parts  of  one  whole.  Their 
interests,  as  well  as  sympathies,  were  different. 
Thus  the  more  widely  the  Aztec  empire  was  ex- 
tended, the  weaker  it  became  ;  resembling  some 
vast  and  ill-proportioned  edifice,  whose  disjointed 
materials,  having  no  principle  of  cohesion,  and  totter- 
ing under  their  own  weight,  seem  ready  to  fall  before 
the  first  blast  of  the  tempest. 

In  1516,  died  the  Tezcucan-  king,  Nezahualpilli : 


Ch.  \i.j  state  of  his  empire.  311 

in  whom  Montezuma  lost  his  most  sagacious  coun- 
sellor. The  succession  was  contested  by  his  two 
sons,  Cacama  and  Ixtlilxochitl.  The  former  was 
supported  by  Montezuma.  The  latter,  the  younger 
of  the  princes,  a  bold,  aspiring  youth,  appeahng  to 
the  patriotic  sentiment  of  his  nation,  would  have 
persuaded  them  that  his  brother  was  too  much  in 
the  Mexican  interests  to  be  true  to  his  own  country. 
A  civil  war  ensued,  and  ended  by  a  compromise,  by 
which  one  half  of  the  kingdom,  with  the  capital, 
remained  to  Cacama,  and  the  northern  portion  to 
his  ambitious  rival.  Ixtlilxochitl  became  from  that 
time  the  mortal  foe  of  Montezuma.^ 

A  more  formidable  enemy  still  was  the  little  re- 
public of  Tlascala,  lying  midway  between  the  Mex- 
ican Valley  and  the  coast.  It  had  maintained  its 
independence  for  more  than  two  centuries  against 
the  allied  forces  of  the  empire.  Its  resources  were 
unimpaired,  its  civilization  scarcely  below  that  of 
its  great  rival  states,  and  for  courage  and  military 
prowess  it  had  established  a  name  inferior  to  none 
other  of  the  nations  of  Anahuac. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  Aztec  monarchy, 
on  the  arrival  of  Cortes  ;  — ■  the  people  disgusted 
with  the  arrogance  of  the  sovereign ;  the  provinces 
and  distant  cities  outraged  by  fiscal  exactions  ;  while 
potent  enemies  in  the  neighbourhood  lay  watch 
ing  the  hour  when  they  might  assail  their  formida 


5  Clavigero,  Sfor.  del  Messico,     tlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,cap. 
torn.  I.  pp.  267,  274,  275.  —  Ix-    70-76.  —  Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  21 


312"  DISCOVERY  OF   MEXICO.  [BookIL 

ble  rival  with  advantage.  Still  the  kingdom  was 
strong  in  its  internal  resources,  in  the  will  of  its 
monarch,  in  the  long  habitual  deference  to  his  au- 
thority,—in  short,  in  the  terror  of  his  name,  and  in 
the  valor  and  discipline  of  his  armies,  grown  grey 
in.  active  service,  and  well  drilled  in  all  the  tactics 
of  Indian  warfare.  The  time  had  now  come,  when 
these  imperfect  tactics  and  rude  weapons  of  the 
barbaiian  were  to  be  brought  into  collision  with 
the  science  dind  enginery  of  the  most  civilized  na- 
tions of  the  globe. 

During  the  latter  years  of  his  reign,  Montezuma 
had  rarely  taken  part  in  his  military  expeditions, 
which  he  left  to.  his  captains,  occupying  himself 
(hiefly  with  his  sacerdotal  functions.  Under  no 
jjrince  had  (he  priesthood  enjoyed  greater  considera- 
tion and  immunities.  The  religious  festivals  and 
rites  were  celebrated  with '  unprecedented  pomp. 
The  oracles  were*  consulted  on  the  most  trivial  occa- 
sions ;  dnd  the  sanguinary  deities  were  propitiated 
by  hecatombs  of  victims  dragged  in  triumph  to  the 
capital  from  the  conquered,  or  rebellious  provinces. 
The  religion,  or,  to  speak  correctly,  the  superstition 
of  Montezuma  proved  a  principal  cause  of  his  ca- 
lamities. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  I  have  noticed  the  popular 
traditions  respecting  Quetzalcoatl,  that  deity  with  a 
fair,  complexion  and  flowing  beard,  so  unlike  th(; 
Indian  physiognomy,  who,  after  fulfilling  his  mission 
of  benevolence  among  the  Aztecs,  embarked  on  the 


Ch.  VI.]  STRANGE  PROGNOSTICS.  ^13 

Atlantic  Sea  for-  the  mysterious  shores  of  Tlapallan.^ 
He  promised,  on  his  departure^  to.  return  at  some 
future  day  with  his  posterity,  and  resume  tiie  pos- 
session of  Ms  empire.  That  day  was  looked  for- 
ward to  with  hope  or  with  apprehension,  according 
to  the  interest  of  the  believer,  but  with  general  con- 
fidence throughout  the  wide  borders  of  Anahuac. 
Even  after  the  Conquest,  it  still  lingered  airiong .  the 
Indian  races,  by  whom  it  was  as  fondly  cherished, 
as  the  advent  of  their  king  .Sebastian  coij tinned  to 
be  by  the  Portuguese,  or  that  of  the  Messiah  by  the 
Jews/ 

A  general  feeling  seems  to  have  prevailed  in  the 
time  of  Montezuma,  that  the  period  for  the  retuni 
of  the  deity,  and  the  full  accomplishment  of  his 
promise,  was  near  at  hand.  This  conviction  is 
said  to  have. gained  ground  from  various  preternatural 
occurrences}  reported  with  more  or  less  detail  by  all 
the  m<3st  ancient  historians.^  In  1510,  the  great 
lake  of  Tezcuco,  without  the  occurrence  of  a  tem- 
pest, or  earthquake,  or  any  other  visible  cause,  be- 
came violently  agitated,  overflowed  its  banks,  and. 


6  Ante,  Book  I.,  dhslp.  '3,  pp.  s  <«  Tenia  por  cierto,"  feays  Las 

59,  60,  arid  note  6.     '  Casas  of  Montezuma,  "  segun  sus 

'  Tezozomoc,  Cron.  MexicAna,.  prophetas  6  agoreros  le  avian  cer- 
MS.,  cap.  107. — :  Ixtlilxochitl,  tificado,  que- su  estado  e.rriquezas 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  1.  —  Tor-  y  prosperidad  avia  d«  perezer  den- 
quemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  tro  de  pocos  anos  por  ciertas  gen- 
cap.  14  ;  lib.  6,  cap.  24.  — Codex  tes  qile  avian  de  venir  en- sus  dias, 
Vaticanus,  ap.  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  que  de  su  felicidad  lo  derrocase,  y 
vol.  VI. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nue-  por  esto  vivia  siempre  con  temor  y 
va  Espaiia,  lib.  8,  cap.  7..^- Ibid-,,  en  triste§a  y  sobresaltado."  Hist. 
MS.,  lib.  13,  cap.  3,4.  de  las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  S/cap.  120. 

VOL.    I.  40 


314  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

pouring  into  the  streets  of  Mexico,  swept  off  many 
of  the  buildings  by  the  fury  of  the  waters.  In  1511, 
one  of  the  turrets  of  the  great  temple  took  fire, 
equally  without  any  apparent  cause,  and  continued 
to  burn  in  defiance  of  all  attempts  to  extinguish  it. 
In  the  following  years,  three  comets  w^ere  seen  ; 
and  not  long  before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards 
a  strange  light  broke  forth  in  the  east.  It  spread 
broad  at  its  base  on  the  horizon,  and  rising  in  a 
pyramidal  form  tapered  off  as  it  approached  the  ze- 
nith. It  resembled  a  vast  sheet  or  flood  of  fire, 
emitting  sparkles,  or,  as  an  old  writer  expresses  it, 
i'  seemed  thickly  powdered  with  stars."  ^  At  the 
same  time,  low  voices  were  heard  in  the  air,  and 
doleful  wailings,  as  if  to  announce  some  strange, 
mysterious  calamity !  The  Aztec  monarch,  terrified 
at  the  apparitions  in  the  heavens,  took  counsel  of 
Nezahualpilli,  who  was  a  great  proficient  in  the  sub- 
tle science  of  astrology.  But  the  royal  sage  cast  a 
deeper  cloud  over  his  spirit,  by  reading  in  these 
prodigies  the  speedy  downfall  of  the  empire. ^° 

Such  are  the  strange  stories  reported  by  the  chron- 
iclers, in  which  it  is  not  impossible  to  detect  the 
glimmerings   of  truth."      Nearly   thirty   years   had 

9  Camargo,   Hist,  de  Tlascala,  pana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  1. — Ca- 

MS.  —The  Interpreter  of  the  Co-  margo.  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — 

dex  Tel. -Rem.  intimates  that  this  Acosta,  lib.  7,  cap.  23. — Herre- 

scintillating  phenomenon  was  prob-  ra,   Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  5, 

ably  nothing  more  than  an  eruption  cap.  5. — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.. 

of  one  of  the  great  volcanoes  of  MS.,  cap.  74. 

Mexico.     Antiq.   of  Mexico,  vol.  ^  I  omit  the  most  extraordinary 

VI.  p.  144.  miracle  of  all,  —  though  legal  at 

i**  Sahgigun,Hist.  de  Nueva  Es-  testations  of   its   truth  were  fur 


Ch.  VI.]  STRANGE   PROGNOSTICS.  3|5 

elapsed  since  the  discovery  of  the  Islands  bj  Colum 
bus,  and  more  than  twenty  since  his  visit  to  the 
American  continent.  Rumors,  more  or  less  distinct, 
of  this  wonderful  appearance  of  the  white  men, 
bearing  in  their  hands  the  thunder  and  the  lightning, 
so  like  in  many  respects  to  the  traditions  of  Quet- 
zalcoatl,  would  naturally  spread  far  and  wide  among 
the  Indian  nations.  Such  rumors,  doubtless,  long 
before  the  landing  of  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico,  found 
their  way  up  the  grand  plateau,  filling  the  minds  of 
men  with  anticipations  of  the  near  coming  of  the 
period  when  the  great  deity  was  to  return  and  re- 
ceive his  own  again. 

In  the  excited  state  of  their  imaginations,  prodigies 
became  a  familiar  occurrence.  Or  rather,  events  not 
very  uncommon  in  themselves,  seen  through  the  dis- 
colored medium  of  fear,  were  easily  magnified  into 
prodigies ;  and  the  accidental  swell  of  the  lake,  the 
appearance  of  a  comet,  and  the  conflagration  of  a 
building  were  all  interpreted  as  the  special  annuncia- 
tions of  Heaven.'^     Thus  it  happens  in  those  great 

nished  the  Court  of  Rome,  (see  in  the  Roman  capital  in  a  similar 
Clavio^ero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn,  excitement.  (Pharsalia,  lib.  1,  v. 
I.  p.  289,)  —  namely,  the  resur-  523,  et  seq.)  Poor  human  na 
rection  of  Montezuma's  sister.  Pa-  iure  is  much  the  same  everywhere, 
pantzin,  four  days  after  her  burial,  Machiavelli  has  thought  the  sub- 
to  warn  the  monarch  of  the  ap-  ject  worthy  of  a  separate  chapter 
preaching  ruin  of  his  empire.  It  in  his  Discourses.  The  philoso- 
finds  credit  with  one  writer,  at  pher  intimates  a  belief  even  in  the 
least,  in  the  nineteenth  century  I  existence  of  beneficentintelligences 
See  the  note  of  Sahagun's  Mexi-  who  send  these  portents  as  a  sort 
can  editor,  Bustamante,  Hist,  de  of  premonitories,  to  warn  mankind 
Nueva  Espafia,  torn.  II.  p.  270.  of  the  coming  tempest.     Discorsi 

'2  Lucan  gives  a  fine  enumera-  sopra  Tito  Livio,  lib.  1,  cap.  56 
tion  of  such  prodigies   witnessed 


316  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO;  [Book  !I. 

jjolitical  convulsions  whicli  shake  the  foundations  of 
society,— the  mighty  events  that  cast  their  shadows 
before  them  in  their  coming.  Then  it  is  that  the 
atmosphere  is  agitated  with  tlie  lov\^,  prophetic  niur- 
murs,  with  which  Nature,  in  the  moral  as  in  the  phys- 
ical world,  announces  the  march  of  the  hurricane ; 

"  When  from  the  shores  . 
And  forest-rustling  mountains  comes  a  voice, 
That,  solemn  sounding,  bids  the  worjd  prepare !  ". 

•  When  tidings  were  Iprbught  to  the  capital,  of  the 
landing  of  Grijalva  on^  the  coast,  in  the  preceding 
year,  the  heart  of  Montezuma  was  filled  with  dismay. 
He  felt  as  if  the  destinies  which  had  so  long  brooded 
over  the  royal  line  of  Mexico  were  to  be  accom- 
plished, and  the  sceptre  was  to  pass  aWay  from  his 
house  for  ever.  Though  somewhat  relieved  by  the 
departure  of  the  Spaniards,  he  caused  sentinels  to  be 
stationed  on  the  heights ;  and,  when  the  Europeans 
returned  tinder  Cortes,  he  doubtless  received  the 
earliest  notice  of  the  unwelcome  event.  It  was  by 
his  orders,  however,  that  the  provincial  governor  had 
prepared  so  hospitable  a  reception  for  them.  The 
hieroglyphic^l  report  of  these  strange  visiters,  now 
forwarded,  to  the  capital,  revived  ajl  his  apprehen- 
sions. He  called,  without  delay,  a  meeting  of  his 
principal  counsellors,  including  the  kings  of  Tezcuco 
and  Tlacopan,  and  laid  the  matter  before  them.'^  ■ 
There  seems  to  have  been  much  division  of  opin- 
es Las  Casa.s,  Hist,  de  las  In-  ISahaguh,  Jlist.  de  Nueva  Espaiia, 
dias/MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120. —Ix-  MS,,  lib.  12,  cap.  3,  4.  — Tezo- 
tlilxochitl.  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  zomoc,  Crdn.  Mexicana,  MS.,  cap. 
ftO.  —  Idem,   Ilclaciones,    MS. —     108. 


Ch.  VI.]  EMBASSY   AND   PRESENTS.  3^17 

ion  ill  that  body.  Some  were  for  resisting  the 
strangers,  at  once,  whether  by  fraud,  or  by  open 
force.  Others  contended,  that,  if  they  were  super- 
natural beings,  fraud  and  force  would  be  alike  use- 
less. If  they  were,  as  they  pretended,  ambassadors 
from  a  foreign  prince,  such  a  policy  would  be  cow- 
ardly and  unjust.  That  they,  were  not  of  the  family 
of  Quetzalcoatl  was  argued  from  the  fact,  that  they 
had  shown  themselves  hostile  to  his  religion ;  for 
tidings  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Spaniards  in  Ta- 
basco, it  seems,  had  already  reached  the  capital. 
Among  those  in  favor  of  giving  them  a  friendly 
and  honorable  reception  was  the  Tezcucan  king, 
Cacama. 

But  Montezuma,  taking  counsel  of  his  own  ill- 
defined  apprehensions,  preferred  a  half-way  course, 
—  as  usual,  the. most  impolitic.  He  resolved  to  send 
an  embassy,  with  such  a  magnificent  present  to  the 
strangers,  as  should  impress  them  with  high  ideas 
of  his  grandeur  and  resources ;  while,  at  the  same 
time,  he  would  forbid  their  approach  to  the  capital. 
This  was  to  reveal,  at  once,  both  Jiis  wealth  and  his 
weakness.'^  ■ 

While  the  Aztec  court  was  thus  agitated  by  the. 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  they  were  passing  their 
time  in  the  tieTra  caliente,  not  a  little  annoyed  by 
the  excessive  heats  and  suifocating  atmosphere  of 
the  sandy  waste  on  which  they  were  encamped. 
They   experienced  every   alleviation  that  could  be 

14.  Tezozomoc,' Croii.  Mexicana,     de  Tlasdala,  MS.  —  IxtlilxOchiti, 
MS.,  loc.   cit. -^Camargo,   Hist.     Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80. 


ol8  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

derived*  from  the  attentions  of  the  friendly  natives. 
These,  by  the  governor's  command,  had  constructed 
more  than  a  thousand  huts  or  booths  of  branches 
and  matting,  which  they  occupied  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  camp.  Here  they  prepared  vari- 
ous articles  of  food  for  the  tables  of  Cortes  and 
his  officers,  without  any  recompense ;  while  the 
common  soldiers  easily  obtained  a  supply  for  them- 
selves, in  exchange  for  such  trifles  as  they  brought 
with  them  for  barter.  Thus  the  camp  was  liberally 
provided  with  meat  and  fish  dressed  in  many  savory 
ways,  with  cakes  of  corn,  bananas,  pine-apples,  and 
divers  luscious  vegetables  of  the  tropics,  hitherto 
unknown  to  the  Spaniards.  The  soldiers  contrived, 
moreover,  to  obtain  many  little  bits  of  gold,  of  no 
great  value,  indeed,  from  the  natives  ;  a  traffic  very 
displeasing  to  the  partisans  of  Velasquez,  who  con- 
sidered it  an  invasion  of  his  rights.  Cortes,  howev- 
er, did  not  think  it  prudent,  in  this  matter,  to  balk 
the  inclinations  of  his  followers. ''^ 

At  the  expiration  of  seven,  or  eight  days  at  most, 
the  Mexican  embassy  presented  itself  before  the 
camp.  It  may  seem  an  incredibly  short  space  of 
time,  considering  the  distance  of  the  capital  was 
near  seventy  leagues.  But  it  may  be  remembered 
that  tidings  were  carried  there  by  means  of  posts, 
as  already  noticed,  in  the  brief  space  of  four  and 
twenty  hours ;  "^  and  four  or  five  days  would  suffice 
for  the  descent  of  the  envoys  to  the  coast,  accustom- 

•5  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-     ca,  cap.   27,  ap.  Barcia,  torn,  IT. 
quista,  cap.  39.  — Gomara,  Croni-         ^^  Ante,  Book  1,  Chap.  2,  p.  42. 


Ch.  VI.]  EMBASSY   AND   PRESENTS.  319 

ed  as  the  Mexicans  were  to  long  and  rapid  travel- 
ling. At  all  events,  no  w^riter  states  the  period,  oc- 
cupied by  the  Indian  emissaries  on  this  occasion,  as 
longer  than  that  mentioned. 

The  embassy,  consisting  of  two  Aztec  nobles, 
was  accompanied  by  the  governor,  Teuhtlile,  and  by 
a  hundred  slaves,  bearing  the  princely  gifts  of  Mon- 
tezuma. One  of  the  envoys  had  been  selected  on 
account  of  the  great  resemblance  which,  as  appeared 
from  the  painting  representing  the  camp,  he  bore  to 
the  Spanish  commander.  And  it  is  a  proof  of  the 
fidelity  of  the  painting,  that  the  soldiers  recognised 
the  resemblance,  and  always  distinguished  the  chief 
by  the  name  of  the  "  Mexican  Cortes." 

On  entering  the  general's  pavilion,  the  ambas- 
sadors saluted  him  and  his  officers  with  the  usual 
signs  of  reverence  to  persons  of  great  consideration, 
touching  the  ground  with  their  hands  and  then  carry- 
ing them  to  their  heads,  while  the  air  was  filled  with 
clouds  of  incense,  which  rose  up  from  the  censers 
borne  by  their  attendants.  Some  delicately  wrought 
mats  of  the  country  (petates)  were  then  unrolled, 
aud  on  them  the  slaves  displayed  the  various  articles 
they  had  brought.  They  were  of  the  most  miscel 
laneous  kind  ;  shields,  helmets,  cuirasses,  embossed 
with  plates  and  ornaments  of  pure  gold  ;  collars  and 
bracelets  of  the  same  metal,  sandals,  fans,  panaches 
and  crests  of  variegated  feathers,  intermingled  with 
gold  and  silver  thread,  and  sprinkled  with  pearls  and 
precious  stones ;  imitations  of  birds  and  animals  in 
wrought  and  cast  gold  and  silver,  of  exquisite  work- 


320 


DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO. 


[Book  li 


manship ;  curtains,  coverlets,  and  robes  of  cotton,  fine 
as  silk,  of  rich  and  various  dyes,  interwoven  with 
feather-work  that  rivalled  the  delicacy  of  painting.'~ 
There  were  more  than  thirty  loads  of  cotton  cloth  in 
addition.  Atnong  the  articles  was  the  Spanish  helm- 
et sent  to  the  capital,  and  now  returned  filled  to  the 
brim  with  grains  of  gold.  But  the  things  which 
excited  the  most  adiniration  were  two  circular  plates 
of  gold  and  silver,  "as  large  as  carriage-wheels." 
One,  representing  the  sun,  was  richly  carved  witli 
plants  and  animals,  —  no  doubt,  denoting  the  Aztec 
century.  It  was  thirty  palms  in  circumference,  and 
was  valued  at  twenty  thousand  pesos  de  oro.  The 
silver  wheel,  of  the  ^ame  size,  weighed  fifty  marks.**^ 


1'''  From  the  chequered  figure 
of  some  of  these  colored  cottons, 
Peter  Martyr  infers,  the  Indians 
were  acquainted  with  chess  !  He 
notices  a  curious  fabric  made  of  the 
hair  of  animals,  feathers,  and  cot- 
ton thread,  interwoven  together. 
"  Plumas  illas  ct  conciunant  inter 
cuniculorum  villos  interque  gos- 
ampij  stamina  ordiuntur,  et  intex- 
unt  opevose  adeo,  ut  quo  pacto  id 
faciant  non  bene  intellexerimus." 
De  Orbe  Novo,  (Parisiis,  1587,) 
dec.  5,  cap.  10.' 

^8  Bernal'Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,cap.  39. — Oviedo,Hist.  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.— 
Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indiais,' 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120.  —  Gomara, 
Cr6nica,  cap.  27,  ap.  Baccia,  torn. 
H.  — 'Carta  de  Vera  CJruz,  MS.  — 
Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec,  2, 
lib.  5,  cap.  5. 


Robertson  cites  Bemal-  Diaz  as 
reckoning  the  value  of  the  silver 
plate  at  20,000  peso's,  or  about 
£  5,000.  (History  of  America, 
Yol.  H.  note  75.)  But  Bernal 
Diaz  speaks  only  of  the  value  of 
the  gold  plate,  which  h".  estimates 
at  20,000  pesos  de  oro,,  a  different 
affair  from  the  pesos,  dollars,  or 
ounces  of  silver,  with  which  tlie 
historian  confounds  them.  '  As  the 
mention  of  the  peso  de  oro  will 
often  recur  in  these  pages,  it  will 
be  well  to  make  the  reader  ac- 
quainted .with  its  probable  value. 

Nothing  is  more  diflScult  than  to 
ascertain  the  actual  value  of  the 
currency  of  a  distant  age  ;  so  many 
circumstances  occur  to  embarrass 
the  calculation,  besides  the  gen 
eral  depreciation  of  the  precious 
metals,  such  as  the  adulteration 
of  specific  coins,  and  the  like. 


Ch.  VI.] 


EMBASSY   AND   PRESENTS. 


321 


The  Spaniards  could  not  conceal  their  rapture  at 
the  exhibition  of  treasures  which  so  far  surpassed 
all  the  dreams  in  which  they  had  indulged.  For, 
rich  as  were  the  materials,  they  were  exceeded  — 
according  to  the  testimony  of  those  who  saw  these 
articles  afterwards  in  Seville,  where  they  could  coolly 
examine  them — by  the  beauty  and  richness  of  the 
workmanship.^^ 


Seiior  Clemencin,  the  Secretary 
of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Histo- 
ry, in  the  sixth  volume  of  its  Me- 
morias,  has  computed  with  great 
accuracy  the  value  of  the  different 
denominations  of  the  Spanish  cur- 
rency at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  the  period  just  preceding 
that  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 
He  makes  no  mention  of  the  pe- 
so de  oro  in  his  tables.  But  he 
ascertains  the  precise  value  of 
the  gold  ducat,  which  will  answer 
our  purpose  as  well.  (Memorias 
de  la  Real  Academia  de  Historia, 
(Madrid,  1821,)  torn.  VI.  Ilust. 
20.)  Oviedo,  a  contemporary  of 
the  Conquerors,  informs  us  that 
the  ^£50  de  oro  and  the  castellano 
were  of  the  same  value,  and  that 
was  precisely  one  third  greater 
than  the  value  of  the  ducat.  (Hist, 
del  Ind.,  lib.  6,  cap.  8,  ap.  Ramu- 
sio,  Navigationi  et  Viaggi,  (Ven- 
etia,  1565,)  tom.  HI.)  Now  the 
ducat,  as  appears  from  Clemencin, 
reduced  to  our  own  currency,  would 
be  equal  to  eight  dollars  and  sev- 
enty-five cents.  The  peso  de  oro, 
therefore,  loas  equal  to  eleven  dol- 
lars and  sixty-seven  cents,  or  two 

VOL.    I.  41 


pounds,  twelve  shillings,  and  six- 
pence sterling.  Keeping  this  in 
mind,  it  will  be  easy  for  the  reader 
to  determine  the  actual  value,  in 
pesos  de  oro,  of  any  sum  that  may 
be  hereafter  mentioned. 

^3  ' '  Cierto  cosas  de  ver  !  "  ex 
claims  Las  Casas,  who  saw  them 
with  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  in 
Seville,  in  1520.  "  Quedaron  todos 
los  que  vieron  aquestas  cosas  tan 
ricas  y  tan  bien  artifigiadas  y  er- 
mosisimas  como  de  cosas  nunca 
Aastas,"  &c.  (Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  120.)  "  Muy 
hermosas"  ;  saysOviedo,  who  saw 
them  in  Valladolid,  and  describes 
the  great  wheels  more  minutely  ; 
"  todo  era  mucho  de  ver  !  "  (Hist, 
de  las  Indias,  MS.,  loc.  cit.)  The 
inquisitive  Martyr,  who  examined 
them  carefully,  remarks,  yet  more 
emphatically,  "  Si  quid  unquam 
honoris  humana  ingenia  in  huius- 
cemodi  artibus  sunt  adepta,  princi- 
patum  iure  merito  ista  consequen- 
tur.  Aurum,  gemmasque  non  ad- 
miror  quidem,  qua  industria,  quove 
studi'O  superet  opus  materiam,  stu- 
peo.  Mille  figuras  et  facies  mille 
prospexi    quae     scribere     nequeo 


DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II. 

When  Cortes  and  his  officers  had  completed  their 
survey,  the  ambassadors  courteously  delivered  the 
message  of  Montezuma.  "  It  gave  their  master  great 
pleasure,"  they  said,  "  to  hold  this  communication 
with  so  powerful  a  monarch  as  the  King  of  Spain, 
for  whom  he  felt  the  most  profound  respect.  He 
regretted  much  that  he  could  not  enjoy  a  personal 
interview  with  the  Spaniards,  but  the  distance  of 
his  capital  was  too  great ;  since  the  journey  was 
beset  with  difficulties,  and  with  too  many  dangers 
from  formidable  enemies,  to  make  it  possible.  All 
that  could  be  done,  therefore,  was  for  the  strangers 
to  return  to  their  own  land,  with  the  proofs  thus 
afforded  them  of  his  friendly  disposition." 

Cortes,  though  much  chagrined  at  this  decided 
refusal  of  Montezuma  to  admit  his  visit,  concealed 
his  mortification  as  he  best  might,  and  politely  ex- 
pressed his  sense  of  the  emperor's  munificence.  "It 
made  him  only  the  more  desirous,"  he  said,  "to  have 
a  personal  interview  with  him.  He  should  feel  it, 
indeed,  impossible  to  present  himself  again  before 
his  own  sovereign,  without  having  accomplished  this 
great  object  of  his  voyage ;  and  one,  who  had  sailed 
over  two  thousand  leagues  of  ocean,  held  lightly  the 
perils  and  fatigues  of  so  short  a  journey  by  land." 
H(;  once  more  requested  them  to  become  the  bearers 
of  his  message  to  their  master,  together  with  a  slight 
additional  token  of  his  respect. 


Quid  oculos  hominuni  sua  pulchri-     iudic-io  vidi  nunquam."     De  Orbe 
ludine   seque   possil   allicere   meo     Novo,  dec.  4,  cap.  9. 


C.H.  VI.]  EMBASSY   AND   PRESENTS.  ^28 

This  consisted  of  a  few  fine  Holland  shirts,  a  Flor- 
entine goblet,  gilt  and  somewhat  curiously  enam- 
elled, with  some  toys  of  little  value, — a  sorry  return 
for  the  solid  magnificence  of  the  royal  present.  The 
ambassadors  may  have  thought  as  much.  At  least, 
they  showed  no  alacrity  in  charging  themselves 
either  with  the  present  or  the  message ;  and,  on  quit- 
ting the  Castilian  quarters,  repeated  their  assurance 
that  the  general's  application  would  be  unavailing.-^' 

The  splendid  treasure,  which  now  lay  dazzling 
the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards,  raised  in  their  bosoms 
very  different  emotions,  according  to  the  difference 
of  their  characters.  Some  it  stimulated  with  the 
ardent  desire  to  strike  at  once  into  the  interior,  and 
possess  themselves  of  a  country  which  teemed  with 
such  boundless  stores  of  wealth.  Others  looked  on 
it  as  the  evidence  of  a  power  altogether  too  formi- 
dable to  be  encountered  with  their  present  insignifi- 
cant force.  They  thought,  therefore,  it  would  be 
most  piLident  to  return  and  report  their  proceedings 
to  the  governor  of  Cuba,  where  preparations  could 
be  made  commensurate  with  so  vast  an  undertaking. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  as  to  the  impression  made 
on  the  bold  spirit  of  Cortes,  on  which  difficulties 
ever  operated  as  incentives,  rather  than  discourage- 
ments, to  enterprise.  But  he  prudently  said  noth- 
ing, —  at  least  in  public,  —  preferring  that  so  im- 
portant  a    movement  should    flow   from   the   deter 

20  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  39.  —  Ixtlilxocliitl,  Hist.  Chich., 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  121.  —  Bernal  MS.,  cap.  80. — Gomara,  Cronica, 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.     cap.  27,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  H. 


324  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

mination  of  his  whole  army,  rather  than  from  his 
own  individual  impulse. 

Mean^\  hilc  the  soldiers  suffered  greatly  from  the 
inconveniences  of  their  position  amidst  burning 
sands  and  the  pestilent  effluvia  of  the  neighbouring 
marshes,  while  the  venomous  insects  of  these  hot 
regions  left  them  no  repose,  day  or  night.  Thirty 
of  their  number  had  already  sickened  and  died  ;  a 
loss  that  could  ill  be  afforded  by  the  little  band.  To 
add  to  their  troubles,  the  coldness  of  the  Mexican 
chiefs  had  extended  to  their  followers ;  and  the  sup- 
plies for  the  camp  were  not  only  much  diminished, 
but  the  prices  set  on  them  were  exorbitant.  The 
position  was  equally  unfavorable  for  the  shipping, 
which  lay  in  an  open  roadstead,  exposed  to  the  fury 
of  the  first  norte  which  should  sweep  the  Mexican 
Gulf. 

The  general  was  induced  by  these  circumstances 
to  despatch  two  vessels,  under  Francisco  de  Mon- 
tejo,  with  the  experienced  Alaminos  for  his  pilot, 
to  explore  the  coast  in  a  northerly  direction,  and  see 
if  a  safer  port  and  more  commodious  quarters  for 
the  army  could  not  be  found  there. 

After  the  lapse  of  ten  days  the  Mexican  envoys 
returned.  They  entered  the  Spanish  quarters  with 
the  same  formality  as  on  the  former  ^isit,  bear- 
ing with  them  an  additional  present  of  rich  stuffs 
and  metallic  ornaments,  which,  though  inferior  in 
value  to  those  before  brought,  were  estimated  at 
three  thousand  ounces  of  gold.  Besides  these,  there 
were  four  ])recious  stones,  of   a  considerable  size, 


Ch.   VI.]  SPANISH   ENCAMPMENT.  325 

resembling  emeralds,  called  by  the  natives  chalchuitcs, 
each  of  which,  as  they  assured  the  Spaniards,  was 
worth  more  than  a  load  of  gold,  and  was  designed 
as  a  mark  of  particular  respect  for  the  Spanish  mon 
arch.-^  Unfortunately  they  were  not  worth  as  many 
loads  of  earth  in  Europe. 

Montezuma's  answer  was  in  substance  the  same 
as  before.  It  contained  a  positive  prohibition  for 
the  strangers  to  advance  nearer  to  the  capital ;  and 
expressed  the  confidence,  that,  now  they  had  ob- 
tained what  they  had  most  desired,  they  would  re- 
turn to  their  own  country  without  unnecessary  delay. 
Cortes  received  this  unpalatable  response  courteously, 
though  somewhat  coldly,  and,  turning  to  his  officers, 
exclaimed,  "This  is  a  rich  and  powerful  prince  in- 
deed ;  yet  it  shall  go  hard,  but  we  will  one  day  pay 
him  a  visit  in  his  capital !  " 

While  they  were  conversing,  the  bell  struck  for 
vespers.  At  the  sound,  the  soldiers,  throwing  them- 
selves on  their  knees,  offered  up  their  orisons  before 
the  large  wooden  cross  planted  in  the  sands.  As 
the  Aztec  chiefs  gazed  with  curious  surprise,  Cortes 
thought  it  a  favorable  occasion  to  impress  them  with 
what  he  conceived  to  be  a  principal  object  of  his 
visit  to   the  country.      Father  Olmedo  accordingly 

21  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  parentes    mezcladas     de    bianco, 

quisla,  cap.  40.  usanlas  mucho  los  principales,  tra- 

Father  Sahagun  thus  describes  yendolas  k  las  munecas  atadas  en 

these  stones,  so  precious  in  Mexi-  hilo,    y   aquello   es   seiial  de  que 

CO  that  the  nae  of  them  was  inter-  es  persona  noble  el  que  las  trae 

dieted  to  any  but  the  nobles.   "Las  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espaiia,  lib.   11, 

chalchuites  son  verdes  y  no  trans-  cap.  8. 


326  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

expounded,  as  briefly  and  clearly  as  he  could,  the 
great  doctrines  of  Christianity,  touching  on  the 
atonement,  the  passion,  and  the  resurrection,  and 
concluding  with  assuring  his  astonished  audience, 
that  it  was  their  intention  to  extirpate  the  idolatrous 
practices  of  the  nation,  and  to  substitute  the  pure 
worship  of  the  true  God.  He  then  put  into  their 
hands  a  little  image  of  the  Virgin  with  the  infant 
Redeemer,  requesting  them  to  place  it  in  their  tem- 
ples instead  of  their  sanguinary  deities.  How  far 
the  Aztec  lords  comprehended  the  mysteries  of  the 
faith,  as  conveyed  through  the  double  version  of 
Aguilar  and  Marina,  or  how  well  they  perceived  the 
subtle  distinctions  between  their  own  images  and 
those  of  the  Roman  Church,  we  are  not  informed. 
There  is  reason  to  fear,  however,  that  the  seed  fell 
on  barren  ground  ;  for,  when  the  homily  of  the  good 
father  ended,  they  withdrew  with  an  air  of  dubious 
reserve  very  different  from  their  friendly  manners  at 
the  first  interview.  The  same  night  every  hut  was 
deserted  by  the  natives,  and  the  Spaniards  saw 
themselves  suddenly  cut  off  from  supplies  in  the 
midst  of  a  desolate  wilderness.  The  movement 
had  so  suspicious  an  appearance,  that  Cortes  appre- 
hended an  attack  would  be  made  on  his  quarters, 
and  took  precautions  accordingly.  But  none  was 
meditated. 

The  army  was  at  length  cheered  by  the  return  of 
Montejo  from  his  exploring  expedition,  after  an 
absence  of  twelve  days.  He  had  run  down  the 
Gulf  as  far  as  Panuco,  where  he  experienced  such 


Ch.  VI.]  SPANISH   ENCAMPMENT.  327 

heavy  gales,  in  attempting  to  double  that  headland, 
that  he  was  driven  back,  and  had  nearly  foundered. 
In  the  whole  course  of  the  voyage  he  had  found  only 
one  place  tolerably  sheltered  from  the  north  winds. 
Fortunately,  the  adjacent  country,  well  watered  by 
fresh,  running  streams,  afforded  a  favorable  position 
for  the  camp ;  and  thither,  after  some  deliberation,  it 
was  determined  to  repair.^^ 


^  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  ta,  cap.  40,  41.  —  Herrera,  Hist. 

MS.  —  Las   Casas,    Hist,    de    las  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  6. — 

Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.   121. —  Gomara,    Cronica,    cap.    29,    ap. 

Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquis-  Barcia,  torn.  H. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Troubles  in  the  Camp.  —  Plan  of  a  Colony. — Management  or 
Cortes.  —  March  to  Cempoalla.  —  Proceedings  with  the  Na- 
tives.—  Foundation  of  Vera  Cruz. 

1519 

There  is  no  situation  which  tries  so  severely  the 
patience  and  discipline  of  the  soldier,  as  a  life  of 
idleness  in  camp,  where  his  thoughts,  instead  of  be- 
ing bent  on  enterprise  and  action,  are  fastened  on 
himself  and  the  inevitable  privations  and  dangers  of 
his  condition.  This  was  particularly  the  case  in  the 
present  instance,  where,  in  addition  to  the  evils  of  a 
scanty  subsistence,  the  troops  suffered  from  excessive 
heat,  swarms  of  venomous  insects,  and  the  other  an- 
noyances of  a  sultry  climate.  They  were,  moreover, 
far  from  possessing  the  character  of  regular  forces, 
trained  to  subordination  under  a  commander  whom 
they  had  long  been  taught  to  reverence  and  obey. 
They  were  soldiers  of  fortune,  embarked  with  him 
in  an  adventure  in  which  all  seemed  to  have  an 
equal  stake,  and  they  regarded  their  captain  —  the 
captain  of  a  day  —  as  little  more  than  an  equal. 

There  was  a  growing  discontent  among  the  men 
at  their  longer  residence  in  this  strange  land.  They 
were  still  more  dissatisfied  on  learning  the  general's 


Ch.  VII.]  TROUBLES   IN   THE   CAMP.  329 

intention  to  remove  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  port 
discovered  by  Montejo.  "  It  was  time  to  return," 
they  said,  "  and  report  what  had  been  done  to  the 
governor  of  Cuba,  and  not  linger  on  these  barren 
shores  until  they  had  brought  the  whole  Mexican 
empire  on  their  heads  !  "  Cortes  evaded  their  im- 
portunities as  well  as  he  could,  assuring  them  there 
was  no  cause  for  despondency.  "  Every  thing  so 
far  had  gone  on  prosperously,  and,  when  they  had 
taken  up  a  more  favorable  j)osition,  there  was  no 
reason  to  doubt  they  might  still  continue  the  same 
profitable  intercourse  with  the  natives." 

While  this  was  passing,  five  Indians  made  their 
appearance  in  the  camp  one  morning,  and  were 
brought  to  the  general's  tent.  Their  dress  and 
whole  appearance  were  different  from  those  of  the 
Mexicans.  They  wore  rings  of  gold,  and  gems  of 
a  bright  blue  stone  in  their  ears  and  nostrils,  while  a 
gold  leaf  delicately  wrought  was  attached  to  the  un- 
der lip.  Marina  was  unable  to  comprehend  their 
language,  but,  on  her  addressing  them  in  Aztec, 
two  of  them,  it  was  found,  could  converse  in  that 
tongue.  They  said  they  were  natives  of  Cempoalla, 
the  chief  town  of  the  Totonacs,  a  powerful  nation 
who  had  come  upon  the  great  plateau  many  centuries 
back,  and,  descending  its  eastern  slope,  settled  along 
the  sierras  and  broad  plains  which  skirt  the  Mexican 
Gulf  towards  the  north.  Their  country  was  one  of 
the  recent  conquests  of  the  Aztecs,  and  they  experi- 
enced such  vexatious  oppressions  from  their  con- 
querors as  made   them  very  impatient  of  the  yoke. 

VOL.    I.  42 


,S30  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO  [Book  II. 

Thej  informed  Cortes  of  these  and  other  particu- 
lars. The  fame  of  the  Spaniards  had  reached  their 
master,  who  sent  these  messengers  to  request  the 
presence   of  the  wonderful  strangers  in  his  capital. 

This  communication  was  eagerly  listened  to  by 
the  general,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  pos- 
sessed of  none  of  those  facts,  laid  before  the  reader, 
respecting  the  internal  condition  of  the  kingdom, 
which  he  had  no  reason  to  suppose  other  than  strong 
and  united.  An  important  truth  now  flashed  on  his 
mind ;  as  his  quick  eye  descried  in  this  spirit  of  dis- 
content a  potent  lever,  by  the  aid  of  which  he  might 
hope  to  overturn  this  barbaric  empire.  —  He  received 
the  mission  of  the  Totonacs  most  graciously,  and, 
after  informing  himself,  as  far  as  possible,  of  their 
dispositions  and  resources,  dismissed  them  with  pres- 
ents, promising  soon  to  pay  a  visit  to  their  lord.^ 

Meanwhile,  his  personal  friends,  among  whom 
may  be  particularly  mentioned  Alonso  Hernandez 
Puertocarrero,  Christoval  de  Olid,  Alonso  de  Avila, 
Pedro  de  Alvarado  and  his  brothers,  were  very  busy 
in  persuading  the  troops  to  take  such  measures  as 
should  enable  Cortes  to  go  forward  in  those  ambi- 
tious plans,  for  which  he  had  no  warrant  from  the 
powers  of  Velasquez.  "  To  retmn  now,"  they  said, 
"was  to  abandon  the  enterprise  on  the  threshold, 
which,  under  such  a  leader,  must  conduct  to  glory 
and  incalculable  riches.  To  return  to  Cuba  would 
be    to    surrender   to   the   greedy  governor   the  little 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-     delaslndias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  121 
quista,  cap.  41.  —  Las  Casas,  Hist.     — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  28. 


Ch.  VII.]  PLAN  OF  A   COLONY.  33] 

gains  they  had  already  got.  The  only  way  was  to 
persuade  the  general  to  establish  a  permanent  colo- 
ny in  the  country,  the  government  of  which  would 
take  the  conduct  of  matters  into  its  own  hands,  and 
provide  for  the  interests  of  its  members.  It  was  true, 
Cortes  had  no  such  authority  from  Velasquez.  But 
the  interests  of  the  Sovereigns,  which  were  para- 
mount to  every  other,  imperatively  demanded  it." 

These  conferences  could  not  be  conducted  so  se- 
cretly, though  held  by  night,  as  not  to  reach  the  ears 
of  the  friends  of  Velasquez.^  They  remonstrated 
against  the  proceedings,  as  insidious  and  disloyal. 
They  accused  the  general  of  instigating  them ;  and, 
calling  on  him  to  take  measures  without  delay  for 
the  return  of  the  troops  to  Cuba,  announced  their 
own  intention  to  depart,  with  such  followers  as  still 
remained  true  to  the  governor. 

Cortes,  instead  of  taking  umbrage  at  this  high- 
handed proceeding,  or  even  answering  in  the  same 
haughty  tone,  mildly  replied,  "  that  nothing  was 
further  from  his  desire  than  to  exceed  his  instruc- 
tions. He,  indeed,  preferred  to  remain  in  the  coun- 
try, and  continue  his  profitable  intercourse  with  the 
natives.  But,  since  the  army  thought  otherwise,  he 
should  defer  to  their  opinion,  and  give  orders  to  re- 
turn, as  they  desired."  On  the  following  morning, 
proclamation  was  made  for  the  troops  to  hold  them- 


2  The  letter  from  the  cabildo  of  az,  who  was  privy  to  them  is  a 
Vera  Cruz  says  nothing  of  these  sufficient  authority.  See  His  I". 
midnight  conferences.    Bernal  Di-     la  Conquista,  cap.  42. 


332  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [^ook  II 

selves  in  readiness  to  embark  at  once  on  board  the 
fleet,  which  vv^as  to  sail  for  Cuba.^ 

Great  was  the  sensatipn  caused  by  their  general's 
order.  Even  many  of  those  before  clamorous  for  it, 
with  the  usual  caprice  of  men  whose  wishes  are  too 
easily  gratified,  now  regretted  it.  The  partisans  of 
Cortes  were  loud  in  their  remonstrances.  "  They 
were  betrayed  by  the  general,"  they  cried,  and, 
thronging  round  his  tent,  called  on  him  to  counter- 
mand his  orders.  "  We  came  here,"  said  they, 
"  expecting  to  form  a  settlement,  if  the  state  of  the 
country  authorized  it.  Now  it  seems  you  have  no 
warrant  from  the  governor  to  make  one.  But  there 
are  interests,  higher  than  those  of  Velasquez,  which 
demand  it.  These  territories  are  not  his  property, 
but  were  discovered  for  the  Sovereigns ;  ^  and  it  is 
necessary  to  plant  a  colony  to  watch  over  their  in- 


^  Gomara,   Crdnica,  cap.  30.  —  tending  queen  Joanna,  the  crazy 

Las   Casas,   Hist,    de  las  Indias,  mother  of  Charles  V.,  as  well  as 

MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  121. — Ixtlilxo-  himself.      Indeed,  all  public   acts 

chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80.  and  ordinances  ran  in  the  name  of 

—  Bernal  Diaz,  Ibid.,   loc.  cit. —  both.     The  title  of  "Highness," 

Declaracion  de  Puertocarrero,  MS.  which,  until  the  reign  of  Charles 

The  deposition  of  a  respectable  V.,  had  usually  —  not  uniformly, 
person  like  Puertocarrero,  taken  as  Robertson  imagines  (History  of 
in  the  course  of  the  following  year  Charles  V.,  vol.  II.  p.  59)  —  been 
after  his  return  to  Spain,  is  a  doc-  applied  to  the  sovereign,  now  grad- 
ument  of  such  authority,  that  I  ually  gave  way  to  that  of  "Ma- 
have  transferred  it  entire,  in  the  jesty,"  which  Charles  affected 
original,  to  the  Appendix,  Pari  2,  after  his  election  to  the  imperial 
No.  7.  throne.     The  same  title  is  occa- 

4  Sometimes  we  find  the  Span-  sionally  found    in   the   correspon- 

ish  writers  referring  to  "the  sov-  dence  of  the  Great  Captain,  and 

ereigns,"  sometimes  to  "  the  em-  other  courtiers  of   the   reign  of 

peror";   in  the  former  case,   in-  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 


Ch.  VII.]  PLAN   OF   A   COLONY.  i}^^ 

terests,  instead  of  wasting  time  in  idle  barter,  or, 
still  worse,  of  returning,  in  the  present  state  of 
affairs,  to  Cuba.  If  jou  refuse,"  they  concluded, 
"  we  shall  protest  against  your  conduct  as  disloyal 
to  their  Highnesses." 

Cortes  received  this  remonstrance  with  the  em- 
barrassed air  of  one  by  whom  it  was  altogether 
unexpected.  He  modestly  requested  time  for  delib- 
eration, and  promised  to  give  his  answer  on  the  fol- 
lowing day.  At  the  time  appointed,  he  called  the 
troops  together,  and  made  them  a  brief  address. 
"  There  was  no  one,"  he  said,  "  if  he  knew  his  own 
heart,  more  deeply  devoted  than  himself  to  the  wel- 
fare of  his  sovereigns,  and  the  glory  of  the  Spanish 
name.  He  had  not  only  expended  his  all,  but  in- 
curred heavy  debts,  to  meet  the  charges  of  this  expe- 
dition, and  had  hoped  to  reimburse  himself  by  con- 
tinuing his  traffic  with  the  Mexicans.  But,  if  the 
soldiers  thought  a  different  course  advisable,  he  was 
ready  to  postpone  his  own  advantage  to  the  good  of 
the  state." ^  He  concluded  by  declaring  his  willing- 
ness to  take   measures  for  settling  a  colony  in  the 


5  According  to  Robertson,  Cor-  tory  of  America,  vol.  II.  pp.  241, 

tes  told  his  men  that  he  had  pro-  242.)     The  historian  would  have 

posed   to   establish    a    colony    on  been  saved  this  inconsistency,  if  he 

the   coast,   before   marching    into  had  followed  either  of  the  authori- 

the  country ;  but  he  abandoned  his  ties  whom  he  cites,  Bernal  Diaz 

design,  at  their  entreaties  to  set  out  and   Herrera,   or   the  letter  from 

at  once  on  the  expedition.     In  the  Vera  Cruz,   of  which   he   had   a 

very  next  page,  we  find  him  or-  copy.      They    all   concur   in    thp 

ganizing  this  same  colony.     (His-  statement  in  the  text. 


334  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

name  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns^  and  to  nominate  a 
magistracy  to  preside  over  it.'' 

For  the  alcaldes  he  selected  Puertocarrero  and 
Montejo,  the  former  cavalier  his  fast  friend,  and  the 
latter  the  friend  of  Velasquez,  and  chosen  for  that 
very  reason ;  a  stroke  of  policy  which  perfectly  suc- 
ceeded. The  regidores,  alguacil,  treasurer,  and 
other  functionaries,  were  then  appointed,  all  of  them 
his  personal  friends  and  adherents.  They  were 
regularly  sworn  into  office,  and  the  new  city  received 
the  title  of  Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz,  "The  Rich 
Town  of  the  True  Cross  " ;  a  name  which  was  con- 
sidered as  happily  intimating  that  union  of  spiritual 
and  temporal  interests  to  which  the  arms  of  the 
Spanish  adventurers  in  the  New  World  were  to  be 
devoted."  Thus,  by  a  single  stroke  of  the  pen,  as 
it  were,  the  camp  was  transformed  into  a  civil  com- 
munity, and  the  whole  frame-work  and  even  title  of 
the  city  were  arranged,  before  the  site  of  it  had  been 
settled. 

The  new  municipality  were  not  slow  in  coming 
together ;  when  Cortes  presented  himself,  cap  in 
hand,  before  that  august  body,  and,  laying  the  powers 


6  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  to  do  what  I  have  already  made 

MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122. — Carta  de  up  my  mind  to.' "   Tumcio  ruegas, 

Vera  Cruz,  MS.  — Declaracion  de  ^  i/o  me  lo  quiero.    Hist,  de  la  Gon- 

Montejo,    MS.  —  Declaracion   de  quista,  cap.  42. 
Puertocarrero,  MS.  7  According-  to  Bernal  Diaz,  the 

"  Our  general,  after  some  urg-  title  of  "  Vera  Cruz  "  was  intend- 
ing, acquiesced,"  says  the  blunt  ed  to  commemorate  their  landing 
old  soldier,  Bernal  Diaz;  "  for,  as  on  Good  Friday.  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
the  proverb  says,   '  You   ask  me  quista,  cap.  42. 


Ch.  VII.]  MANAGEMENT  OF   CORTES.  335 

of  Velasquez  on  the  table,  respectfully  tendered  the 
resignation  of  his  office  of  Captain-General,  "  which, 
indeed,"  he  said,  "  had  necessarily  expired,  since 
-  the  authority  of  the  governor  was  now  superseded 
by  that  of  the  magistracy  of  Villa  Rica  de  Vera 
Cruz."  He  then,  with  a  profound  obeisance,  left 
the  apartment.^ 

The  council,  after  a  decent  time  spent  in  delibera- 
tion, again  requested  his  presence.  "  There  was  no 
one,"  they  said,  "  who,  on  mature  reflection,  ap- 
peared to  them  so  well  qualified  to  take  charge  of 
the  interests  of  the  community,  both  in  peace  and 
in  war,  as  himself;  and  they  unanimously  named 
him,  in  behalf  of  their  Catholic  Highnesses,  Captain 
General  and  Chief  Justice  of  the  colony."  He  was 
further  empowered  to  draw,  on  his  own  account, 
one  fifth  of  the  gold  and  silver  which  might  here- 
after be  obtained  by  commerce  or  conquest  from  the 
natives.^     Thus  clothed  with  supreme  civil  and  mili- 


8  Solis,  whose  taste  for  speech-  especially  when  the  only  voucher 

making-  might  have  satisfied  even  for  a  fact. 

the  Abbe  Mably,  (See  his  Treatise,  9  "  Lo  peor  de  todo  que  le  otor- 
"  De  la  Maniere  d'ecrire  I'His-  games,"  says  Bernal  Diaz,  some- 
toire,")  has  put  a  very  flourishing  what  peevishly,  was,  "  que  le  da- 
harangue  on  this  occasion  into  the  riamos  ei  quinto  del  oro  de  lo  que 
mouth  of  his  hero,  of  which  there  se  huuiesse,  despues  de  sacado  el 
is  not  a  vestige  in  any  contempo-  Real  quinto."  (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
rary  account.  (Conquista,  lib.  2,  quista,  cap.  42.)  The  letter  from 
cap.  7.)  Dr.  Robertson  has  trans-  Vera  Cruz  says  nothing  of  this 
ferred  it  to  his  own  eloquent  pages,  fifth.  The  reader,  who  would  see 
without  citing  his  author,  indeed,  the  whole  account  of  this  remark- 
who,  considering  he  came  a  cen-  able  transaction  in  the  original, 
tury  and  a  half  after  the  Conquest,  may  find  it  in  Appendix,  Part  2, 
must  be  allowed  to  be  not  the  best.  No.  8. 


336  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II 

tarj  jurisdiction,  Cortes  was  not  backward  in  exert 
ing  his  authority.     He  found  speedy  occasion  for  it. 

The  transactions  above  described  had  succeeded 
each  other  so  rapidly,  that  the  governor's  party  seem- 
ed to  be  taken  by  surprise,  and  had  formed  no  plan 
of  opposition.  When  the  last  measure  was  carried, 
however,  they  broke  forth  into  the  most  indignant 
and  opprobrious  invectives,  denouncing  the  whole  as 
a  systematic  conspiracy  against  Velasquez.  These 
accusations  led  to  recrimination  from  the  soldiers  of 
the  other  side,  until  from  words  they  nearly  pro- 
ceeded to  blows.  Some  of  the  principal  cavaliers, 
among  them  Velasquez  de  Leon,  a  kinsman  of  the 
governor,  Escobar,  his  page,  and  Diego  de  Ordaz, 
were  so  active  in  instigating  these  turbulent  move- 
ments, that  Cortes  took  the  bold  measure  of  putting 
them  all  in  irons,  and  sending  them  on  board  the 
vessels.  He  then  dispersed  the  common  file  by 
detaching  many  of  them  with  a  strong  party  under 
Alvarado  to  forage  the  neighbouring  country,  and 
bring  home  provisions  for  the  destitute  camp. 

During  their  absence,  every  argument  that  cupidity 
or  ambition  could  suggest  was  used  to  win  the  re- 
iractory  to  his  views.  Promises,  and  even  gold,  it 
is  said,  were  liberally  lavished;  till,  by  degrees,  their 
understandings  were  opened  to  a  clearer  view  of  the 
merits  of  the  case.  And  when  the  foraging  party 
reappeared  with  abundance  of  poultry  and  vegeta- 
bles, and  the  cravings  of  the  stomach  —  that  great 
laboratory  of  disaffection,  whether  in  camp  or  capital 
—  were  appeased,  good-humor  returned  with  good 


Ch.  VII.]  MANAGEMENT  OF  CORTES.  337 

cheer,  and  the  rival  factions  embraced  one  another 
as  companions  in  arms,  pledged  to  a  common  cause. 
Even  the  high-mettled  hidalgos  on  board  the  vessels 
did  not  long  withstand  the  general  tide  of  reconcilia- 
tion, but  one  by  one  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  the 
new  government.  What  is  more  remarkable  is  that 
this  forced  conversion  was  not  a  hollow  one,  but 
from  this  time  forward  several  of  these  very  cava- 
liers became  the  most  steady  and  devoted  partisans 
of  Cortes. ^° 

Such  was  the  address  of  this  extraordinary  man, 
and  such  the  ascendency  which  in  a  few  months  he 
had  acquired  over  these  wild  and  turbulent  spirits ! 
By  this  ingenious  transformation  of  a  military  into  a 
civil  community,  he  had  secured  a  new  and  effectual 
basis  for  future  operations.  He  might  now  go  for- 
ward without  fear  of  check  or  control  from  a  supe- 
rior, —  at  least  from  any  other  superior  than  the 
Crown,  under   which   alone   he   held    his   commis- 


1"  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. —  sees  nothing  but  good  faith  and 
Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  30,  31. —  loyalty  in  the  conduct  of  the  gen- 
Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  eral,  who  acted  from  a  sense  of 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122.  —  Ixtlilx-  duty!  (Conquista,  lib.  2,  cap.  6, 
ochitl,  Hist.  Chich.jMS.,  cap.  80.  7.)  Solis  is  even  a  more  steady 
—  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  apologist  for  his  hero,  than  his 
quista,  cap.  42.  —  Declaraciones  de  own  chaplain,  Gomara,  or  the  wor- 
Montejo  y  Puertocarrero,  MSS.  thy  magistrates  of  Vera  Cruz.     A 

In  the  process  of  Narvaez  against  more  impartial  testimony  than  ei- 

Cortes,  the   latter  is   accused  of  ther,  probably,  may  be  gathered 

being  possessed  with  the  Devil,  as  from  honest  Bernal  Diaz,  so  often 

only   Lucifer  could    have   gained  quoted.  A  hearty  champion  of  the 

him  thus  the  afFections  of  the  sol-  cause,  he  was  by  no  means  blind 

diery.      (Demanda    de    Narvaez,  to  the  defects  nor  the  merits  of  his 

MS.)     Solis,  on  the  other  hand,  leader. 
VOL.    I.                       43 


338  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II. 

sion.  In  accomplishing  this,  instead  of  incurring 
the  charge  of  usurpation,  or  of  transcending  his 
legitimate  powers,  he  had  transferred  the  responsi- 
bility, in  a  great  measure,  to  those  who  had  imposed 
on  him  the  necessity  of  action.  By  this  step,  more- 
over, he  had  linked  the  fortunes  of  his  followers 
indissolubly  with  his  own.  They  had  taken  their 
chance  with  him,  and,  whether  for  weal  or  for  woe, 
must  abide  the  consequences.  He  was  no  longer 
limited  to  the  narrow  concerns  of  a  sordid  traffic, 
but,  sure  of  their  cooperation,  might  now  boldly  med- 
itate, and  gradually  disclose,  those  lofty  schemes 
which  he  had  formed  in  his  own  bosom  for  the  con- 
quest of  an  empire." 

Harmony  being  thus  restored,  Cortes  sent  his 
heavy  guns  on  board  the  fleet,  and  ordered  it  to 
coast  along  the  shore  to  the  north  as  far  as  Chia- 
huitztla,  the  town  near  which  the  destined  port  of 
the  new  city  was  situated ;  proposing,  himself,  at 
the  head  of  his  troops,  to  visit  Cempoalla,  on  the 
march.  The  road  lay  for  some  miles  across  the 
dreary  plains  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  modern 
Vera  Cruz.  In  this  sandy  waste  no  signs  of  veg- 
etation met  their  eyes,  which,  however,  were  occa- 


1'  This  may  appear  rather  in-  the  present,  at  least,  with  the 
different  logic  to  those  who  con-  troops.  For  the  future,  he  trust- 
sider  that  Cortes  appointed  the  ed  to  his  good  star,  —  in  other 
very  body,  who,  in  turn,  appoint-  words,  to  the  success  of  his  enter- 
ed him  to  the  command.  But  the  prise,  —  to  vindicate  his  conduct  to 
affectation  of  legal  forms  afforded  the  Emperor.  He  did  not  miscal- 
him  a  thin  varnish  for  his  proceed-  culate. 
ings,  which  served  his  purpose,  for 


Ch.  VII.]  MARCH   TO  CEMPOALLA.  339 

sionally  refreshed  by  glimpses  of  the  blue  Atlan- 
tic, and  by  the  distant  view  of  the  magnificent 
Orizaba,  towering,  with  his  spotless  diadem  of  snow, 
far  above  his  colossal  brethren  of  the  Andes. '^  As 
they  advanced,  the  country  gradually  assumed  a 
greener  and  richer  aspect.  They  crossed  a  river, 
probably  a  tributary  of  the  Rio  de  la  Antigua,  with 
difficulty,  on  rafts,  and  on  some  broken  canoes  that 
were  lying  on  the  banks.  They  now  came  in  view 
of  very  different  scenery,  —  wide-rolling  plains  cov- 
ered with  a  rich  carpet  of  verdure,  and  overshadowed 
by  groves  of  cocoas  and  feathery  palms,  among 
whose  tall,  slender  stems  were  seen  deer,  and  various 
wild  animals  with  which  the  Spaniards  were  unac- 
quainted. Some  of  the  horsemen  gave  chase  to  the 
deer,  and  wounded,  but  did  not  succeed  in  killing 
them.  They  saw,  also,  pheasants  and  other  birds ; 
among  them  the  wild  turkey,  the  pride  of  the  Amer- 


12  The  name  of  the  mountain  is  de  ella,  y  est4  tan  bianco,  que  lo 

not  given,  and  probably  was  not  jusgamos  por  nieve."     (Carta  de 

known,  but  the  minute  description  Vera  Cruz,  MS.)     This  huge  vol- 

in  the  MS.  of  Vera  Cruz  leaves  no  cano   was    called    Citlaltepetl,   or 

doubt  that  it  was  the  one  mentioned  "Star-mountain,"    by   the   Mexi- 

in  the  text.     "  Entre  las   quales  cans,  —  perhaps  from  the  fire  which 

;isi  una  que  excede  en  mucha  altu-  once  issued  from  its  conical  sum- 

ra  a  todas  las  otras  y  de  ella  se  vee  mit,  far  above  the  clouds.    It  stands 

y  descubre  gran  parte  de  la  mar  in  the  intendancy  of  Vera  Crux, 

y  de  la  tierra,  y  es  tan  alta,  que  si  and  rises,  according  to  Humboldt's 

el  dia  no  es  bien  claro,  no  se  pue-  measurement,     to    the    enormou? 

de  divisar  ni  ver  lo  alto  de  ella,  height   of   17,363  feet  above  the 

porque  de  la  mitad  arriba  esta  toda  ocean.     (Essai  Politique,  torn.  1. 

cubierta  denubes;  y  algunos  veces,  p.  265.)     It  is  the  highest  peak 

cuando  hace  muy  claro  dia,  se  vee  but  one  in  the  whole  range  of  the 

por  cima  de  las  dichas  nubes  lo  alto  Mexican  Cordilleras. 


340  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

ican  forest,  which  the  Spaniards  described  as  a  spe- 
cies of  peacock.'^ 

On  their  route  they  passed  through  some  deserted 
villages,  in  which  were  Indian  temples,  where  they 
found  censers,  and  other  sacred  utensils,  and  manu- 
scripts of  the  agave  fibre,  containing  the  picture- 
writing,  in  which,  probably,  their  religious  ceremo- 
nies were  recorded.  They  now  beheld,  also,  the 
hideous  spectacle,  with  which  they  became  after- 
wards familiar,  of  the  mutilated  corpses  of  victims 
who  had  been  sacrificed  to  the  accursed  deities  of 
the  land.  The  Spaniards  turned  with  loathing  and 
indignation  from  a  display  of  butchery,  which  formed 
so  dismal  a  contrast  to  the  fair  scenes  of  nature  by 
which  they  were  surrounded. 

They  held  their  course  along  the  banks  of  the 
river,  towards  its  source,  when  they  were  met  by 
twelve  Indians,  sent  by  the  cacique  of  Cempoalla  to 
show  them  the  way  to  his  residence.  At  night  they 
bivouacked  in  an  open  meadow,  where  they  were  well 
supplied  with  provisions  by  their  new  friends.  They 
left  the  stream  on  the  following  morning,  and,  strik- 
ing northerly  across  the  country,  came  upon  a  wide 
expanse  of  luxuriant  plains  and  woodland,  glowing  in 
all  the  splendor  of  tropical  vegetation.  The  branches 
of  the  stately  trees  were  gayly  festooned  with  clus- 
tering vines  of  the  dark-purple  grape,  variegated 
convolvuli,  and  other  flowering  parasites  of  the  mosi 

13  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz.  MS.— Bemal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  44 


ch.  vii]  march  to  cempoalla.  341 

brilliant  djes.  The  undergrowth  of  prickly  aloe, 
matted  with  wild  rose  and  honeysuckle,  made  in 
many  places  an  almost  impervious  thicket.  Amid 
this  wilderness  of  sweet-smeHing  buds  and  blossoms, 
fluttered  numerous  birds  of  the  parrot  tribe,  and 
clouds  of  butterflies,  whose  gaudy  colors,  nowhere 
so  gorgeous  as  in  the  tierra  caliente,  rivalled  those  of 
the  vegetable  creation ;  while  birds  of  exquisite  song, 
the  scarlet  cardinal,  and  the  marvellous  mocking- 
bird, that  comprehends  in  his  own  notes  the  whole 
music  of  a  forest,  filled  the  air  with  delicious  melody. 
—  The  hearts  of  the  stern  Conquerors  were  not  very 
sensible  to  the  beauties  of  nature.  But  the  magical 
charms  of  the  scenery  drew  forth  unbounded  expres- 
sions of  delight,  and  as  they  wandered  through  this 
"  terrestrial  paradise,"  as  they  called  it,  they  fondly 
compared  it  to  the  fairest  regions  of  their  own  sunny 
land.'^ 


14  Gomara,   Crdnica,   cap.    32,  these  sunny  climes,  than  my  own 

ap.    Barcia,    torn.    II.  —  Herrera,  prose  can.  The  verses,  which  have 

Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  never  been  published,  breathe  the 

8.  —  Oviedo,    Hist,    de   las   Ind.,  generous  sentiment   characteristic 

MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.  of  their  noble  author. 

"  Mui  hermosas  vegas  y  riberas 

.  "  Ye  tropic  forests  of  unfading  green, 

tales  y  tan   hermosas  que   en   toda  w^ere  the  palm  tapers  and  the  orange 

Espana  no  pueden  ser  mejores  an-  g'.owa, 

si  de  apacibles  a  la  vista  como  de  ^"^  '*^^  ^'"^^  ^^'^^°  '^^"^  ^"  '■^''»- 

'/•          ,,     //-^           1     T7-        /-,  ery  screen, 

irucuferas."    (Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  ^nd  her  far  shade  the  matchlesa  ceiba 

MS.)       The    following    poetical  throws! 


apostrophe,  by  Lord  Morpeth,  to 
the  scenery  of  Cuba,  equally  ap- 
plicable to  that  of  the  tierra  cali-  way 
ente,  will  give  the  reader  a  more 
animated  picture  of  the  glories  of 


Ye  cloudless  ethers  of  unchanging  blue, 
the    scenery  of  Cuba,    equally   ap-  Save  where  the  rosy  streaks  of  ere  gWe 

plicable  to  that  of  the  tierra  cali-  way 

ew/e,  will  give   the   reader    a   more        To  the  clear  sapphire  ofyour  midnight  hue, 

The  burnished  azure  of  your  perfect  day 


342  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book   II. 

As  they  approached  the  Indian  city,  they  saw 
abundant  signs  of  cultivation,  in  the  trim  gardens 
and  orchards  that  lined  both  sides  of  the  road. 
They  were  now  met  by  parties  of  the  natives  of 
either  sex,  who  increased  in  numbers  with  every  step 
of  their  progress.  The  women,  as  well  as  men, 
mingled  fearlessly  among  the  soldiers,  bearing  bunch- 
es and  wreaths  of  flowers,  with  which  they  decorated 
the  neck  of  the  general's  charger,  and  hung  a  chap- 
let  of  roses  about  his  helmet.  Flowers  were  the 
delight  of  this  people.  They  bestowed  much  care  in 
their  cultivation,  in  which  they  were  well  seconded 
by  a  climate  of  alternate  heat  and  moisture,  stimu- 
lating the  soil  to  the  spontaneous  production  of  every 
form  of  vegetable  life.  The  same  refined  taste,  as 
we  shall  see,  prevailed  among  the  warlike  Aztecs, 
and  has  survived  the  degradation  of  the  nation  in 
their  descendants  of  the  present  day.^^ 

Many  of  the  women  appeared,  from  their  richer 
dress  and  numerous  attendants,  to  be  persons  of 
rank.  They  were  clad  in  robes  of  fine  cotton, 
curiously  colored,  which  reached  from  the  neck  — 
in  the  inferior  orders,  from  the  waist — to  the  an- 


•  Yet  tell  me  not  my  native  akies  are  bleak,  es  the  natives  noW,  as  in  the  times 

That  flushed  with  liquid  wealth  no  cane  „/•    r. .x„  a     j     •». 

fields  wave;  °^    ^'^^^^-       ^"<^   »*   presents   a 

For  Virtue  pines  and  Manhood  dares  not  Strange  anomaly,"  she  adds,  with 

speak,  her  usual  acuteness ;  "  this  love  of 

^^  S\ZT  ^^""'^  """'"*"  '"""''  '""^  fl°^«^«  h^^i"g  existed  along  with 

their  sanguinary  worship  and  bar- 

15  "  The  same  love  of  flowers,"  barous  sacrifices."     Madame  Cal- 

abserves  one  of  the  most  delightful  deron  de  la  Barca,  Life  in  Mexico, 

of  modern  travellers,  "distinguish-  vol.  I.  let.  12. 


Ch    VII.]  MARCH  TO  CEMPOALLA.  343 

kles.  The  men  wore  a  sort  of  mantle  of  the  same 
material,  a  la  Morisca,  in  the  Moorish  fashion,  over 
their  shoulders,  and  belts  or  sashes  about  the  loins. 
Both  sexes  had  jewels  and  ornaments  of  gold  round 
their  necks,  whiie  their  ears  and  nostrils  were  perfo- 
rated with  rings  of  the  same  metal. 

Just  before  reaching  the  town,  some  horsemen 
who  had  rode  in  advance  returned  with  the  amazing 
intelligence,  "  that  they  had  been  near  enough  to 
look  within  the  gates,  and  found  the  houses  all  plated 
with  burnished  silver !  "  On  entering  the  place,  the 
silver  was  found  to  be  nothing  more  than  a  brilliant 
coating  of  stucco,  with  which  the  principal  buildings 
were  covered;  a  circumstance  which  produced  much 
merriment  among  the  soldiers  at  the  expense  of 
their  credulous  comrades.  Such  ready  credulity  is 
a  proof  of  the  exalted  state  of  their  imaginations, 
which  were  prepared  to  see  gold  and  silver  in  every 
object  around  them.'*'  The  edifices  of  the  better 
kind  were  of  stone  and  lime,  or  bricks  dried  in  the 
sun  ;  the  poorer  were  of  clay  and  earth.  All  were 
thatched  with  palm-leaves,  which,  though  a  flimsy 
roof,  apparently,  for  such  structures,  were  so  nicely 
interwoven  as  to  form  a  very  effectual  protection 
against  the  weather. 

The  city  was  said  to  contain  from  twenty  to  thirty 
thousand  inhabitants.  This  is  the  most  moderate 
computation,    and    not    improbable. ''      Slowly   and 

w  "Con    la    imaginacion    que     reiucia,"     Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap 
Uevaban,  i  buenos  deseos,  todo  se     32,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  II. 
Ips   antojaba   plata    i  oro   lo  que         ^^  This  is  Las  Casas'  estimate. 


344  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

silently  the  little  army  paced  the  narrow  and  now 
crowded  streets  of  Cempoalla,  inspiring  the  natives 
with  no  greater  wonder  than  they  themselves  expe- 
rienced at  the  display  of  a  policy  and  refinement  so 
far  superior  to  any  thing  they  had  witnessed  in  the 
New  World. '^  The  cacique  came  out  in  front  of 
his  residence  to  receive  them.  He  was  a  tall  and 
very  corpulent  man,  and  advanced  leaning  on  two 
of  his  attendants.  He  received  Cortes  and  his  fol- 
lowers with  great  courtesy ;  and,  after  a  brief  inter- 
change of  civilities,  assigned  the  army  its  quarters  in 
a  neighbouring  temple,  into  the  spacious  court-yard 
of  which  a  number  of  apartments  opened,  affording 
excellent  accommodations  for  the  soldiery. 

Here  the  Spaniards  were  well  supplied  with  pro- 
visions, meat  cooked  after  the  fashion  of  the  country, 
and  maize  made  into  bread-cakes.  The  general 
received,  also,  a  present  of  considerable  value  from 
the  cacique,  consisting  of  ornaments  of  gold  and 
fine  cottons.  Notwithstanding  these  friendly  de- 
monstrations, Cortes  did  not  relax  his  habitual  vigi- 
lance, nor  neglect  any  of  the  precautions  of  a  good 
soldier.     On  his  route,  indeed,  he  had  always  march- 

(Hist.  de  las  Ind.,MS.,lib.  3,cap.  Its  ruins  were  visible  at  the  close 

121.)     Torqucmada  hesitates  be-  of  the  last  century.     See  Loren- 

tween  twenty,  fifty,  and  one  hun-  zana,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Espana,  p. 

drcd  and  fifty  thousand,  each  of  39,  nota. 

which  he  names  at  different  times !  18  "  porque  viven  mas  politica 

(Clavigero,Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  y  rasonablementc  que  ninguna  de 

III.  p.  26,  nota.)     The  place  was  las  gentes  que  hasta  oy  en  esta« 

gradually  abandoned,  after  the  Con-  partes  se  ha  visto."  Carta  de  Vera 

quest,  for  others,  in  a  more  favor-  Cruz,  MS. 
able  position,  probably,  for  trade. 


Ch.  VII.         PROCEEDINGS   WITH  THE  NATIVES.  345 

ed  in  order  of  battle,  well  prepared  against  surprise. 
[n  his  present  quarters,  he  stationed  his  sentinels 
with  like  care,  posted  his  small  artillery  so  as  to 
command  the  entrance,  and  forbade  any  soldier  to 
leave  the  camp  without  orders,  under  pain  of  death.'' 
The  following  morning,  Cortes,  accompanied  by 
fifty  of  his  men,  paid  a  visit  to  the  lord  of  Cempoalla 
in  his  own  residence.  It  was  a  building  of  stone 
and  lime,  standing  on  a  steep  terrace  of  earth,  and 
was  reached  by  a  flight  of  stone  steps.  It  may  have 
borne  resemblance  in  its  structure  to  some  of  the 
ancient  buildings  found  in  Central  America.  Cortes, 
leaving  his  soldiers  in  the  court-yard,  entered  the 
mansion  with  one  of  his  officers,  and  his  fair  inter- 
preter, Dona  Marina.^''  A  long  conference  ensued, 
from  which  the  Spanish  general  gathered  much  light 
respecting  the  state  of  the  country.  He  first  an- 
nounced to  the  chief,  that  he  was  the  subject  of  a 
great  monarch  who  dwelt  beyond  the  waters ;  that 
he  had  come  to  the  Aztec  shores,  to  abolish  the 
inhuman  worship  which  prevailed  there,  and  to 
introduce  the  knowledge  of  the  true  God.  The 
cacique  replied,  that  their  gods,  who  sent  them  the 
sunshine  and  the  rain,  were  good  enough  for  them ; 
that  he  was  the  tributary  of  a  powerful  monarch 
also,  whose  capital  stood  on  a  lake  far  off  among 

19  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,         20  The  courteous  title  of  dofia 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  121.  —  Carta  de    is  usually  given  by  the  Spanish 
Vera  Cruz,  MS. — Gomara,  Cr6-    chroniclers  to  this    accomplished 
nica,  cap.  33,  ap.  Barcia,  torn.  II.     Indian. 
—  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  1. 

VOL.    I.  44 


346  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

the  mountains  ;  a  stern  prince,  merciless  in  his  ex- 
actions, and,  in  case  of  resistance,  or  any  offence, 
s!ire  to  wreak  his  vengeance  by  carrying  off  their 
young  men  and  maidens  to  be  sacrificed  to  his  dei- 
ties. Cortes  assured  him  that  he  would  never  con- 
sent to  such  enormities ;  he  had  been  sent  by  his 
sovereign  to  redress  abuses  and  to  punish  the  op- 
pressor ;  ^'  and,  if  the  Totonacs  would  be  true  to 
him,  he  would  enable  them  to  throw  off  the  detested 
yoke  of  the  Aztecs. 

The  cacique  added,  that  the  Totonac  territory 
contained  about  thirty  towns  and  villages,  which 
could  muster  a  hundred  thousand  warriors, —  a  num- 
ber much  exaggerated.^^  There  were  other  prov- 
inces of  the  empire,  he  said,  where  the  Aztec  rule 
was  equally  odious ;  and  between  him  and  the  cap- 
ital lay  the  warlike  republic  of  Tlascala,  which  had 
always  maintained  its  independence  of  Mexico. 
The  fame  of  the  Spaniards  had  gone  before  them, 
and  he  was  well  acquainted  with  their  terrible  vic- 
tory at  Tabasco.  But  still  he  looked  with  doubt 
and  alarm  to  a  rupture  with  "  the  great  Montezuma," 
as  he  always  styled  him ;  whose  armies,  on  the  least 
provocation,  would  pour  down  from  the  mountain 


21  <'No  venia,  sine  a  deshacer  22  Ibid.,  cap.  36. 

ag^ravios,   i  favorccer  los   presos,  Cortes,  in  his  Second  Letter  to 

aiudar  a  los  mezquinos,  i  quitar  the  emperor  Charles  V.,  estimates 

tiranias."  (Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  the  number  of  fighting   men   at 

33,  ap.  Barcia,  lorn.  II.)     Are  we  50,000.     Relacion  Segunda,  ap. 

reading  the  adventures  —  it  is  the  Lorenzana,  p.  40. 
language  —  of  Don    Quixote,   or 
Amadis  de  Gaula  1 


C«.  VII.]       PROCEEDINGS   WITH   THE   NATIVES.  347 

regions  of  the  West,  and,  rushing  over  the  plains  like 
a  whirlwind,  sweep  off  the  wretched  people  to  sla- 
very and  sacrifice ! 

Cortes  endeavoured  to  reassure  him,  by  declaring 
that  a  single  Spaniard  was  stronger  than  a  host  of 
Aztecs.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  desirable  to  know 
what  nations  would  cooperate  with  him,  not  so 
much  on  his  account,  as  theirs,  that  he  might  dis- 
tinguish friend  from  foe,  and  know  w^hom  he  was  to 
spare  in  this  war  of  extermination.  Having  raised 
the  confidence  of  the  admiring  chief  by  this  com- 
fortable and  politic  vaunt,  he  took  an  affectionate 
leave,  with  the  assurance  that  he  would  shortly  re- 
turn and  concert  measures  for  their  future  operations, 
when  he  had  visited  his  ships  in  the  adjoining  port, 
and  secured  a  permanent  settlement  there. ~^ 

The  intelligence  gained  by  Cortes  gave  great 
satisfaction  to  his  mind.  It  confirmed  his  former 
views,  and  showed,  indeed,  the  interior  of  the  mon- 
archy to  be  in  a  state  far  more  distracted  than  he 
had  supposed.  If  he  had  before  scarcely  shrunk 
from  attacking  the  Aztec  empire  in  the  true  spirit 
of  a  knight-errant,  with  his  single  arm,  as  it  were, 
what  had  he  now  to  fear,  when  one  half  of  the 
nation  could  be  thus  marshalled  against  the  other  ? 
In  the  excitement  of  the  moment,  his  sanguine  spirit 
kindled  with  an  enthusiasm  which  overleaped  every 
obstacle.     He  communicated  his  own  feelings  to  the 

23  Las Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,     — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.   121.  —  Ixtlilxo-     lib.  33,  cap.  1. 
chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  81. 


348  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

officers  about  him,  and,  before  a  blow  was  struck,  they 
already  felt  as  if  the  banners  of  Spain  were  waving 
in  triumph  from  the  towers  of  Montezuma !  But 
many  a  bloody  field  was  to  be  fought,  many  a  peril 
and  privation  to  be  encountered,  before  that  consum- 
mation could  be  attained. 

Taking  leave  of  the  hospitable  Indian,  on  the 
following  day,  the  Spaniards  took  the  road  to  Chi- 
ahuitztla,^^  about  four  leagues  distant,  near  which 
was  the  port  discovered  by  Montejo,  where  their 
ships  were  now  riding  at  anchor.  They  were  pro- 
vided by  the  cacique  with  four  hundred  Indian 
porters,  tamanes,  as  they  were  called,  to  transport 
the  baggage.  These  men  easily  carried  fifty  pounds' 
weight,  five  or  six  leagues  in  a  day.  They  were  in 
use  all  over  the  Mexican  empire,  and  the  Spaniards 
found  them  of  great  service,  henceforth,  in  relieving 
the  troops  from  this  part  of  their  duty.  They 
]>assed  through  a  country  of  the  same  rich,  voluptu- 
ous character  as  that  which  they  had  lately  trav- 
ersed ;  and  arrived  early  next  morning  at  the  Indian 
town,  perched  like  a  fortress  on  a  bold,  rocky  emi- 
nence that  commanded  the  Gulf.  Most  of  the  in- 
habitants had  fled,  but  fifteen  of  the  principal  men 
remained,  who  received  them  in  a  friendly  manner, 
offering   the  usual  compliments  of  flowers  and  in- 


^  The  historian,  with   the  aid  and  Solis  spell  the  name  of  this 

of  Clavigero,  himself  a  Mexican,  place     Qiiiabislan.      Blunders    in 

may  rectify  frequent  blunders  of  such    a    barbarous    nomenclature 

former  writers,  in  the  orthography  must  be  admitted  to  be  very  par- 

of  Aztec  names.     Both  Robertson  donable. 


Ch.  VII.]       PROCEEDINGS   WITH    THE  NATIVES.  349 

cense.  The  people  of  the  place,  losing  their  fears, 
gradually  returned.  While  conversing  with  the  chiefs, 
the  Spaniards  were  joined  by  the  worthy  cacique  of 
Cempoalla,  borne  by  his  men  on  a  litter.  He 
eagerly  took  part  in  their  deliberations.  The  intelli- 
gence gained  here  by  Cortes  confirmed  the  accounts 
already  gathered  of  the  feelings  and  resources  of  the 
Totonac  nation. 

In  the  midst  of  their  conference,  they  were  inter- 
rupted by  a  movement  among  the  people,  and  soon 
afterwards  five  men  entered  the  great  square  or  mar- 
ket-place, where  they  were  standing.  By  their  lofty 
port,  their  peculiar  and  much  richer  dress,  they 
seemed  not  to  be  of  the  same  race  as  these  In- 
dians. Their  dark,  glossy  hair  was  tied  in  a  knot 
on  the  top  of  the  head.  They  had  bunches  of 
flowers  in  their  hands,  and  were  followed  by  several 
attendants,  some  bearing  wands  with  cords,  others 
fans,  with  which  they  brushed  away  the  flies  and  in- 
sects from  their  lordly  masters.  As  these  persons 
passed  through  the  place,  they  cast  a  haughty  look 
on  the  Spaniards,  scarcely  deigning  to  return  their 
salutations.  They  were  immediately  joined,  in  great 
confusion,  by  the  Totonac  chiefs,  who  seemed  anx- 
ious to  conciliate  them  by  every  kind  of  attention. 

The  general,  much  astonished,  inquired  of  Marina, 
what  it  meant.  She  informed  him,  they  were  Az- 
tec nobles,  empowered  to  receive  the  tribute  for 
Montezuma.  Soon  after,  the  chiefs  returned  with 
dismay  painted  on  their  faces.  They  confirmed 
Marina's  statement,  adding,  that  the  Aztecs  greatlv 


350  DISCOVERY   OF    MEXICO.  [Book  II 

resented  the  entertainment  afforded  the  Spaniards 
without  the  Emperor's  permission ;  and  demanded  in 
expiation  twenty  young  men  and  women  for  sacri- 
fice to  the  gods.  Cortes  showed  the  strongest  in- 
dignation at  this  insolence.  He  required  the  To- 
tonacs  not  only  to  refuse  t^e  demand,  but  to  arrest 
the  persons  of  the  collectors,  and  throw  them  into 
prison.  The  chiefs  hesitated,  but  he  insisted  on  it 
so  peremptorily,  that  they  at  length  complied,  and 
the  Aztecs  were  seized,  bound  hand  and  foot,  and 
placed  under  a  guard. 

In  the  night,  the  Spanish  general  procured  the  es- 
cape of  two  of  them,  and  had  them  brought  secretly 
before  him.  He  expressed  his  regret  at  the  indigni- 
ty they  had  experienced  from  the  Totonacs ;  told 
them,  he  would  provide  means  for  their  flight,  and 
to-morrow  would  endeavour  to  obtain  the  release  of 
their  companions.  He  desired  them  to  report  this 
to  their  master,  with  assurances  of  the  great  regard 
the  Spaniards  entertained  for  him,  notwithstanding 
his  ungenerous  behaviour  in  leaving  them  to  perish 
from  want  on  his  barren  shores.  He  then  sent  the 
Mexican  nobles  down  to  the  port,  whence  they  were 
carried  to  another  part  of  the  coast  by  water,  for 
fear  of  the  violence  of  the  Totonacs.  These  were 
greatly  incensed  at  the  escape  of  the  prisoners,  and 
would  have  sacrificed  the  remainder,  at  once,  but  for 
the  Spanish  commander,  who  evinced  the  utmost 
horror  at  the  proposal,  and  ordered  them  to  be  sent 
for  safe  custody  on  board  the  fleet.  Soon  after,  they 
were    permitted    to  join    their  companions.  —  This 


Ch.  VII.l        PROCEEDINGS    WITH   THE   NATIVES.  351 

artfiil  proceeding,  so  characteristic  of  the  policy  of 
Cortes,  had,  as  we  shall  see,  hereafter,  all  the  effect 
intended  on  Montezuma.  It  cannot  be  commend- 
ed, certainly,  as  in  the  true  spirit  of  chivalry.  Yet 
it  has  not  wanted  its  panegyrist  among  the  nation- 
al historians !  ^^ 

By  order  of  Cortes,  messengers  were  despatched 
to  the  Totonac  towns,  to  report  what  had  been 
done,  calling  on  them  to  refuse  the  payment  of  fur- 
ther tribute  to  Montezuma.  But  there  was  no  need 
of  messengers.  The  affi-ighted  attendants  of  the 
Aztec  lords  had  fled  in  every  direction,  bearing  the 
tidings,  which  spread  like  wildfire  through  the  coun- 
try, of  the  daring  insult  offered  to  the  majesty  of 
Mexico.  The  astonished  Indians,  cheered  with  the 
sweet  hope  of  regaining  their  ancient  liberty,  came 
in  numbers  to  Chiahuitztla,  to  see  and  confer  with 
the  formidable  strangers.  The  more  timid,  dismayed 
at  the  thoughts  of  encountering  the  power  of  Mon- 
tezuma, recommended  an  embassy  to  avert  his  dis- 
pleasure by  timely  concessions.  But  the  dexterous 
management  of  Cortes  had  committed  them  too  far 
to  allow  any  reasonable  expectation  of  indulgence 
from  this  quarter.  After  some  hesitation,  therefore, 
it  was  determined  to  embrace  the  protection  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  to  make  one  bold  effort  for  the  recovery 
of  freedom.  Oaths  of  allegiance  were  taken  by  the 
chiefs  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  and  duly  recorded 
by  Godoy,  the  royal  notary.     Cortes,  satisfied  with 

25  "  Grande  artifice,"  exclaims  capitan  el  que  sabe  caminar  en  al- 
Solis,  "  de  medir  lo  que  disponia  cance  de  las  contingencias  "!  Con- 
con  lo  que  recelaba  ;  y  prudente     quista,  lib.  2,  cap.  9. 


352  DISCOVERY  OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II 

the  important  acquisition  of  so  many  vassals  to  the 
crown,  set  out  soon  after  for  the  destined  port,  hav- 
ing first  promised  to  revisit  Cempoalla,  where  his 
business  was  but  partially  accomplished.^^ 

The  spot  selected  for  the  new  city  was  only  half 
a  league  distant,  in  a  wide  and  fruitful  plain,  afford- 
ing a  tolerable  haven  for  the  shipping.  Cortes  was 
not  long  in  determining  the  circuit  of  the  walls,  and 
the  sites  of  the  fort,  granary,  town-house,  temple, 
and  other  public  buildings.  The  friendly  Indians 
eagerly  assisted,  by  bringing  materials,  stone,  lime, 
wood,  and  bricks  dried  in  the  sun.  Every  man  put 
his  hand  to  the  work.  The  general  labored  with 
the  meanest  of  the  soldiers,  stimulating  their  exer- 
tions by  his  example,  as  well  as  voice.  In  a  few 
weeks,  the  task  was  accomplished,  and  a  town  rose 
up,  which,  if  not  quite  worthy  of  the  aspiring  name 
it  bore,  answered  most  of  the  purposes  for  which  it 
was  intended.  It  served  as  a  good  point  cfappui 
for  future  operations ;  a  place  of  retreat  for  the  dis- 
abled, as  well  as  for  the  army  in  case  of  reverses ; 
a  magazine  for  stores,  and  for  such  articles  as  might 
be  received  from  or  sent  to  the  mother  country ;  a 
port  for  the  shipping  ;  a  position  of  sufficient  strength 
to  ovv^rawe  the  adjacent  country.^ 


*-»   Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  27  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS. — 

iViS.,  cap.  81. — Rel.  Seg.de  Cor-  Bernal  Diaz,  Conquista,  cap.  48. 

t^s,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.   40. — Go-  — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 

mara,   Cr6nica,  cap.   34-36,   ap.  lib.  33,  cap.  1. — Declaracion  de 

Barcia,   torn.    H.  —  Bernal   Diaz,  Montejo,  MS. 

Conquista,  cap.  46,  47.  —  Herre-  Notwithstanding  the  advantages 

ra,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  of  its  situation,  La  Villa  Rica  was 

f^ap.  10,  11.  abandoned  in   a  few  years  for  a 


Ch.  VII.]  FOUNDATION   OF   VERA   CRUZ.  353 

It  was  the  first  colony  —  the  fruitful  parent  of  so 
many  others  —  in  New  Spain.  It  was  hailed  with 
satisfaction  by  the  simple  natives,  who  hoped  to  re- 
pose in  safety  under  its  protecting  shadow.  Alas  ! 
they  could  not  read  the  future,  or  they  would  have 
found  no  cause  to  rejoice  in  this  harbinger  of  a  revo- 
lution more  tremendous  than  any  predicted  by  their 
bards  and  prophets.  It  was  not  the  good  Quetzal- 
coatl,  who  had  returned  to  claim  his  own  again, 
bringing  peace,  freedom,  and  civilization  in  his  train. 
Their  fetters,  indeed,  would  be  broken  ;  and  their 
wrongs  be  amply  avenged  on  the  proud  head  of  the 
A.ztec.  But  it  was  to  be  by  that  strong  arm,  which 
should  bow  down  equally  the  oppressor  and  the  op- 
pressed. The  light  of  civilization  would  be  poured 
on  their  land.  But  it  would  be  the  light  of  a  con- 
suming fii'e,  before  which  their  barbaric  glory,  their 
institutions,  their  very  existence  and  name  as  a 
nation,  would  wither  and  become  extinct !  Their 
doom  was  sealed,  when  the  white  man  had  set  his 
foot  on  their  soil. 


neighbouring  position  to  the  south,  as  is  pretended,  it  was  on  account 

not  far  from  tlie  mouth  of  the  An-  of  the  vomito,  the  inhabitants,  one 

tigna.      This    second    settlement  would  suppose,  can    have  gained 

was  known  by  the  name  of  Vera  little  by  the  exchange.  (See  Hum- 

Cruz    Vieja,    "Old   Vera  Cruz."  boldt,  Essai  Politique,  torn.  II.  p. 

Early   in   the    17th   century    this  210.)  A  want  of  attention  to  these 

place,  also,  was  abandoned  for  the  changes  has  led  to  much  confu- 

present   city,    Nueva    Vera    Cruz,  sion  and  inaccuracy  in  the  ancient 

or  New  Vera  Cruz,  as  it  is  called,  maps.     Lorenzana  has  not  escaped 

(See  Ante,  chap.  5,  note  7.)     Of  them  in  his  chart  and  topographi- 

the  true  cause  of  these  successive  cal  account  of  the  route  of  Cortes. 
migrations  we  are  ignorant.      If, 

VOT,.    I.  45 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

Another   Aztec   Embassy. — Destruction   of   the   Idols.  —  Ds- 

SPATCHES     SENT     TO     SPAIN.  — CONSPIRACY     IN     THE     CaMP.  — ThE 

Fleet  sunk. 

1519. 

While  the  Spaniards  were  occupied  with  their 
new  settlement,  they  were  surprised  by  the  presence 
of  an  embassy  from  Mexico.  The  account  of  the 
"imprisonment  of  the  royal  collectors  had  spread  rap- 
idly through  the  country.  When  it  reached  the 
capital,  all  were  filled  with  amazement  at  the  un- 
precedented daring  of  the  strangers.  In  Montezu- 
ma every  other  feeling,  even  that  of  fear,  was 
swallowed  up  in  indignation ;  and  he  showed  his 
wonted  energy  in  the  vigorous  preparations  which 
lie  instantly  made,  to  punish  his  rebellious  vassals, 
and  to  avenge  the  insult  offered  to  the  majesty  of 
the  empire.  But  when  the  Aztec  officers  liberated 
by  Cortes  reached  the  capital,  and  reported  the 
courteous  treatment  they  had  received  from  the 
Spanish  commander,  Montezuma's  anger  was  miti- 
gated, and  his  superstitious  fears,  getting  the  ascen- 
dency again,  induced  him  to  resume  his  former  timid 
and  conciliatory  policy.  He  accordingly  sent  an 
embassy,  consisting  of  two  youths,  his  nephews,  and 


Ch.  VIII.J  ANOTHER   AZTEC   EMBASSY.  355 

four  of  the  ancient  nobles  of  his  court,  to  the  Span- 
ish quarters.  He  provided  them,  in  his  usual  munif- 
icent spirit,  with  a  princely  donation  of  gold,  rich 
cotton  stuffs,  and  beautiful  mantles  of  the  plumaje, 
or  feather  embroidery.  The  envoys,  on  coming  be- 
fore Cortes,  presented  him  with  the  articles,  at  the 
same  time  offering  the  acknowledgments  of  their 
master  for  the  courtesy  he  had  shown  in  liberating 
his  captive  nobles.  He  was  surprised  and  afflicted, 
however,  that  the  Spaniards  should  have  counte- 
nanced his  faithless  vassals  in  their  rebellion.  He 
had  no  doubt  they  were  the  strangers  whose  arrival 
had  been  so  long  announced  by  the  oracles,  and  of 
the  same  lineage  with  himself.^  From  deference  to 
them  he  would  spare  the  Totonacs,  while  they  were 
present.     But  the  time  for  vengeance  would  come. 

Cortes  entertained  the  Indian  chieftains  with  frank 
hospitality.  At  the  same  time,  he  took  care  to  make 
such  a  display  of  his  resources,  as,  while  it  amused 
their  minds,  should  leave  a  deep  impression  of  his 
power.  He  then,  after  a  few  trifling  gifts,  dismissed 
them  with  a  conciliatory  message  to  their  master, 
and  the  assurance  that  he  should  soon  pay  his  re- 
spects to  him  in  his  capital,  where  all  misunderstand- 
ing between  them  would  be  readily  adjusted. 

The  Totonac  allies  could  scarcely  credit  theh 
senses,  when  they  gathered  the  nature  of  this  intei- 

1  "  Teniendo  respeto  a  que  tiene  deuemos  de  ser  de  sus  linajes." 

por  cierto,  que  somos  los  que  sus  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquis.- 

antepassados  les  auian  dicho,  que  ta,  cap.  48. 
auian  de  venir  a  sus  tierras,  e  que 


356  DISCOVERY   OF    MEXICO.  [Book  II 

view.  Notwithstanding  the  presence  of  the  Span- 
iards, thej  had  looked  with  apprehension  to  the  con- 
sequences of  their  rash  act ;  and  their  feelings  of 
admiration  were  heightened  into  awe,  for  the  stran- 
gers who,  at  this  distance,  could  exercise  so  myster- 
ious an  influence  over  the  terrible  Montezuma.^ 

Not  long  after,  the  Spaniards  received  an  applica- 
tion from  the  cacique  of  Cempoalla  to  aid  him  in  a 
dispute  in  which  he  was  engaged  with  a  neighbouring 
city.  Cortes  marched  with  a  part  of  his  forces  to 
his  support.  On  the  route,  one  Morla,  a  common  sol- 
dier, robbed  a  native  of  a  couple  of  fowls.  Cortes, 
indignant  at  this  violation  of  his  orders  before  his 
face,  and  aware  of  the  importance  of  maintaining  a 
reputation  for  good  faith  with  his  allies,  commanded 
the  man  to  be  hung  up,  at  once,  by  the  roadside,  in 
face  of  the  whole  army.  Fortunately  for  the  poor 
wretch,  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  future  conqueror  of 
Quiche,  was  present,  and  ventured  to  cut  down 
the  body,  while  there  was  yet  life  in  it.  He,  proba- 
ably,  thought  enough  had  been  done  for  example, 
and  the  loss  of  a  single  life,  unnecessarily,  was  more 
than  the  little  band  could  aflbrd.  The  anecdote  is 
characteristic,  as  showing  the  strict  discipline  main- 
tained by  Cortes*  over  his  men,  and  the  freedom  as- 
sumed by  his  captains,  who  regarded  him  on  terms 
nearly  of  equality,  —  as  a  fellow-adventurer  with 
themselves.  This  feeling  of  companionship  led  to  a 
spirit  of  insubordination  among  them,  which  made 

9  Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  37.  — Ixtlilxocliitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,cap.82. 


V  H.  VIII.J  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  IDOLS.  357 

his  own  post  as  commander  the  more  delicate  and 
difficult. 

On  reaching  the  hostile  city,  but  a  few  leagues 
from  the  coast,  they  were  received  in  an  amicable 
manner ;  and  Cortes,  who  was  accompanied  by  his 
allies,  had  the  satisfaction  of  reconciling  these  difier- 
ent  branches  of  the  Totonac  family  with  each  other, 
without  bloodshed.  He  then  returned  to  Cempoalla, 
where  he  was  welcomed  with  joy  by  the  people, 
who  were  now  impressed  with  as  favorable  an  opin- 
ion of  his  moderation  and  justice,  as  they  had  before 
been  of  his  valor.  In  token  of  his  gratitude,  the 
Indian  cacique  delivered  to  the  general  eight  Indian 
maidens,  richly  dressed,  wearing  collars  and  orna- 
ments of  gold,  with  a  number  of  female  slaves  to 
wait  on  them.  They  were  daughters  of  the  princi- 
pal chiefs,  and  the  cacique  requested  that  the  Spanish 
captains  might  take  them  as  their  wives.  Cortes 
received  the  damsels  courteously,  but  told  the  ca 
cique  they  must  first  be  baptized,  as  the  sons  of  the 
Church  could  have  no  commerce  with  idolaters.^  He 
then  declared  that  it  was  a  great  object  of  his  mis- 
sion to  wean  the  natives  from  their  heathenish  abom- 
inations, and  besought  the  Totonac  lord  to  allow  his 
idols  to  be  cast  down,  and  the  symbols  of  the  true 
faith  to  be  erected  in  their  place. 

To  this  the  other  answered  as  before,  that  his 


3    "  De   buena   g-ana   recibirian  de  la  Iglesia  de  Dios,  tener  comer- 
las  Doncellas  como  fuesen  Chris-  cio  con  idolatras."    Herrera,  Hist 
tianos ;    porque    de    otra   niancra,  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  13. 
no  era  permitido  a  hombres,  hijos 


obu  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [BookIL 

gods  \v  ere  good  enough  for  liiin ;  nor  could  all 
the  persuasion  of  the  general,  nor  the  preaching  of 
father  Olmedo,  induce  him  to  acquiesce.  Mingled 
with  his  polytheism,  he  had  conceptions  of  a  Su- 
preme and  Infinite  Being,  Creator  of  the  Universe, 
and  his  darkened  understanding  could  not  compre- 
hend how  such  a  Being  could  condescend  to  take 
the  form  of  humanity,  with  its  infirmities  and  ills, 
and  wander  about  on  earth,  the  voluntary  victim  of 
persecution  from  the  hands  of  those  whom  his  breath 
had  called  into  existence.^  He  plainly  told  the 
Spaniards  that  he  would  resist  any  violence  offered 
to  his  gods,  who  would,  indeed,  avenge  the  act 
themselves,  by  the  instant  destruction  of  their  ene- 
mies. 

But  the  zeal  of  the  Christians  had  mounted  too 
high  to  be  cooled  by  remonstrance  or  menace.  Dur- 
ing their  residence  in  the  land,  they  had  witnessed 
more  than  once  the  barbarous  rites  of  the  natives, 
their  cruel  sacrifices  of  human  victims,  and  their 
disgusting  cannibal  repasts.'^     Their  souls  sickened 

^  Ibid.,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.   13.  mashan  visto."  Still  more  strong- 

—  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  ly  speaks  Bernal  Diaz.     (Hist,  de 

MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122.  la  Conquista,  cap.  51.)     The  Let- 

Herrera  has  put  a  very  edifying  ter  computes  tliat  there  were  fifty 

harangue,  on  this  occasion,  into  the  or  sixty  persons  thus  butchered  in 

mouth   of  Cortes,    wliich    savors  each  of  the  teocallis  every  year, 

much  more  of  the  priest  than  the  giving  an  annual  consumption,  in 

soldier.  Does  he  not  confound  him  the  countries  which  the  Spaniards 

with  father  Olmedo?  had  then  visited,  of  three  or  four 

^  "Esto  habemos  visto,"  says  thousand  victims !    (Carta  de  Vera 

the  Letter  of  Vera  Cruz,  "  alguiios  Cruz,  MS.)     However  loose  this 

de  nosotros,  y  los  que  lo  han  visto  aiitliinctic  may  be,  the  general  fact 

(iizcn   que  es  la  mas  terrible  y  la  i.s  appalling, 
mas  espantosa  cosa  de  vcr  (jue  ja- 


Cii.  VIII.]  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE   IDOLS.  359 

at  these  abominations,  and  they  agreed  with  one 
voice  to  stand  by  their  general,  when  he  told  them, 
that  "  Heaven  Avould  never  smile  on  their  enterprise, 
if  they  countenanced  such  atrocities,  and  that,  for 
his  own  part,  he  was  resolved  the  Indian  idols  should 
be  demolished  that  very  hour,  if  it  cost  him  his 
life."  To  postpone  the  work  of  conversion  was  a 
sin.  In  the  enthusiasm  of  the  moment,  the  dictates 
of  policy  and  ordinary  prudence  were  alike  un- 
heeded. 

Scarcely  waiting  for  his  commands,  the  Spaniards 
moved  towards  one  of  the  principal  teocallis,  or 
temples,  which  rose  high  on  a  pyramidal  foundation, 
with  a  steep  ascent  of  stone  steps  in  the  middle. 
The  cacique,  divining  their  purpose,  instantly  called 
his  men  to  arms.  The  Indian  warriors  gathered 
from  all  quarters,  with  shrill  cries  and  clashing  of 
weapons ;  wdiile  the  priests,  in  their  dark  cotton 
robes,  with  dishevelled  tresses  matted  with  blood, 
flowing  wildly  over  their  shoulders,  rushed  frantic 
among  the  natives,  calling  on  them  to  protect  their 
gods  from  violation !  All  was  now  confusion,  tumult, 
and  warlike  menace,  where  so  lately  had  been  peace 
and  the  sweet  brotherhood  of  nations. 

Cortes  took  his  usual  prompt  and  decided  meas- 
ures. He  caused  the  cacique  and  some  of  the 
principal  inhabitants  and  priests  to  be  arrested  by 
his  soldiers.  He  then  commanded  them  to  quiet 
the  people,  for,  if  an  arrow  was  sliot  against  a  Span- 
iard, it  should  cost  every  one  of  them  his  life.  Ma- 
rina,  at   the   sasne    lime,   represented    the   madness 


360  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

of  resistance,  and  reminded  the  cacique,  that,  if  he 
now  alienated  the  affections  of  the  Spaniards,  he 
would  be  left  without  a  protector  against  the  terrible 
vengeance  of  Montezuma.  These  temporal  consid- 
erations seem  to  have  had  more  weight  with  the 
Totonac  chieftain,  than  those  of  a  more  spiritual 
nature.  He  covered  his  face  with  his  hands,  ex- 
claiming, that  the  gods  would  avenge  their  own 
wrongs. 

The  Christians  were  not  slow  in  availing  them- 
selves of  his  tacit  acquiescence.  Fifty  soldiers,  at 
a  signal  from  their  general,  sprang  up  the  great 
stairway  of  the  temple,  entered  the  building  on  the 
summit,  the  walls  of  which  were  black  with  human 
gore,  tore  the  huge  wooden  idols  from  their  founda- 
tions, and  dragged  them  to  the  edge  of  the  terrace. 
Their  fantastic  forms  and  features,  conveying  a  sym- 
bolic meaning,  which  was  lost  on  the  Spaniards, 
seemed  in  their  eyes  only  the  hideous  lineaments  of 
Satan.  With  great  alacrity  they  rolled  the  colossal 
monsters  down  the  steps  of  the  pyramid,  amidst  the 
triumphant  shouts  of  their  own  companions,  and  the 
groans  and  lamentations  of  the  natives.  They  then 
consummated  the  whole  by  burning  them  in  the 
presence  of  the  assembled  multitude. 

The  same  effect  followed  as  in  Cozumel.  The 
Totonacs,  finding  their  deities  incapable  of  pre- 
venting or  even  punishing  this  profanation  of  their 
shrines,  conceived  a  mean  opinion  of  their  power, 
compared  with  that  of  the  mysterious  and  formidable 
strangers.     The  floor  and  walls  of  the  tcocalli  were 


Ch.  VIII.]  DESTRUCTION   OF  THE   IDOLS.  361 

then  cleansed,  by  command  of  Cortes,  from  their 
foul  impurities ;  a  fresh  coating  of  stucco  was  laid 
on  them  by  the  Indian  masons  ;  and  an  altar  was 
raised,  surmounted  by  a  lofty  cross,  and  hung  with 
garlands  of  roses.  A  procession  was  next  formed, 
in  which  some  of  the  principal  Totonac  priests, 
exchanging  their  dark  mantles  for  robes  of  white, 
carried  lighted  candles  in  their  hands ;  while  an 
image  of  the  Virgin,  half  smothered  under  the  weight 
of  flowers,  was  borne  aloft,  and,  as  the  procession 
climbed  the  steps  of  the  temple,  was  deposited 
above  the  altar.  Mass  was  performed  by  father 
Olmedo,  and  the  impressive  character  of  the  cere- 
mony and  the  passionate  eloquence  of  the  good 
priest  touched  the  feelings  of  the  motley  audience, 
until  Indians  as  well  as  Spaniards,  if  we  may  trust 
the  chronicler,  were  melted  into  tears  and  audible 
sobs.  The  Protestant  missionary  seeks  to  enlighten 
the  understanding  of  his  convert  by  the  pale  light  of 
reason.  But  the  bolder  Catholic,  kindhng  the  spirit 
by  the  splendor  of  the  spectacle  and  by  the  glow- 
ing portrait  of  an  agonized  Redeemer,  sweeps  along 
his  hearers  in  a  tempest  of  passion,  that  drowns 
every  thing  like  reflection.  He  has  secured  his  con- 
vert, however,  by  the  hold  on  his  affections,  —  an 
easier  and  more  powerful  hold  with  the  untutored 
savage,  than  reason. 

An  old  soldier  named  Juan  de  Torres,  disabled  by 
bodily  infirmity,  consented  to  remain  and  watch  over 
the  sanctuary,  and  instruct  the  natives  in  its  ser- 
vices.     Cortes   then,  embracing   his   Totonac   allies, 

VOL.    I.  46 


362  DISCOVERY   OF  MEXICO.  [Book  II 

now  brothers  in  religion  as  in  arms,  set  out  once 
more  for  the  Villa  Rica,  where  he  had  some  arrange- 
ments to  complete,  previous  to  his  departure  for  the 
capital.*' 

He  was  surprised  to  find  that  a  Spanish  vessel 
had  arrived  there  in  his  absence,  having  on  board 
twelve  soldiers  and  two  horses.  It  was  under  the 
command  of  a  captain  named  Saucedo,  a  cavalier  of 
the  ocean,  who  had  followed  in  the  track  of  Cortes 
in  quest  of  adventure.  Though  a  small,  thej  af- 
forded a  very  seasonable  body  of  recruits  for  the 
little  army.  By  these  men,  the  Spaniards  were 
informed  that  Velasquez,  the  governor  of  Cuba,  had 
lately  received  a  warrant  from  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment to  establish  a  colony  in  the  newly  discovered 
countries. 

Cortes  now  resolved  to  put  a  plan  in  execution 
Avhich  he  had  been  some  time  meditating.  He  knew 
that  all  the  late  acts  of  the  colony,  as  well  as  his 
own  authority,  would  fall  to  the  ground  without  the 
royal  sanction.  He  knew,  too,  that  the  interest  of 
Velasquez,  which  was  great  at  court,  would,  so  soon 
as  he  was  acquainted  with  his  secession,  be  wholly 
employed  to  circumvent  and  crush  him.  He  resolved 
to  anticipate  his  movements,  and  to  send  a  vessel  to 
Spain,  with  despatches  addressed  to  the  emperor 
himself,   announcing   the   nature   and   extent  of  his 


*>  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  43.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General, dec. 

MS.,  lib.   3,  cap.    122.  — Bernal  2,  lib.  5,  cap.   13,   14.  — Ixtlilxo- 

Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83. 
T)l,  52.  —  Gouiara,  Cronica,   cap. 


Ch.  VIIl.J  DESPATCHES   SENT  TO   SPAIN.  363 

discoveries,  and  to  obtain,  if  possible,  the  confmnation 
of  his  proceedings.  In  order  to  conciliate  his  mas- 
ter's good-will,  he  further  proposed  to  send  him  such 
a  present,  as  should  suggest  lofty  ideas  of  the  im- 
portance of  his  own  services  to  the  crown.  To 
eifect  this,  the  royal  fifth  he  considered  inadequate, 
lie  conferred  with  his  officers,  and  persuaded  them 
to  relinquish  their  share  of  the  treasure.  At  his 
instance,  they  maide  a  similar  application  to  the  sol- 
diers ;  representing  that  it  was  the  earnest  wish  of 
the  general,  who  set  the  example  by  resigning  his 
own  fifth,  equal  to  the  share  of  the  crown.  It  was 
but  little  that  each  man  was  asked  to  surrender,  but 
the  whole  would  make  a  present  worthy  of  the 
monarch  for  whom  it  was  intended.  By  this  sacri- 
fice, they  might  hope  to  secure  his  indulgence  for 
the  past,  and  his  favor  for  the  future ;  a  temporary 
sacrifice,  that  would  be  well  repaid  by  the  security 
of  the  rich  possessions  which  awaited  them  in  Mex- 
ico. A  paper  was  then  circulated  among  the  sol- 
diers, which,  all  who  were  disposed  to  relinquish 
their  shares,  were  requested  to  sign.  Those  who 
declined  should  have  their  claims  respected,  and 
receive  the  amount  due  to  them.  No  one  refused 
to  sign ;  thus  furnishing  another  example  of  the 
extraordinary  power  obtained  by  Cortes  over  these 
rapacious  spirits,  who,  at  his  call,  surrendered  up  the 
very  treasures  which  had  been  the  great  object  of 
their  hazardous  enterprise  !  ^ 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  53.  —  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist 


364 


DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO. 


[Book  II 


He  accompanied  this  present  with  a  letter  to  the 
emperor,  in  which  he  gave  a  full  account  of  all  that 
had  befallen  him  since  his  departure  from  Cuba  ;  of 
his  various  discoveries,  battles,  and  traffic  with  the 
natives  ;  their  conversion  to  Christianity ;  his  strange 
perils  and  sufferings;  many  particulars  respecting 
the  lands  he  had  visited,  and  such  as  he  could  collect 
in  regard  to  the  great  Mexican   monarchy  and  its 


Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  82.  — Carta  de 
Vera  Cruz,  MS. 

A  complete  inventory  of  the  ar- 
ticles received  from  Montezuma  is 
contained  in  the  Carta  de  Vera 
Cruz.  —  The  following  are  a  few 
of  the  items. 

Two  collars  made  of  gold  and 
precious  stones. 

A  hundred  ounces  of  gold  ore, 
that  their  Highnesses  might  see  in 
what  state  the  gold  came  from 
the  mines. 

Two  birds  made  of  green  feath- 
ers, with  feet,  beaks,  and  eyes  of 
gold,  —  and,  in  the  same  piece  with 
them,  animals  of  gold,  resembling 
snails. 

A  large  alligator's  head  of  gold. 

A  bird  of  green  feathers,  with 
feet,  beak,  and  eyes  of  gold. 

Two  birds  made  of  thread  and 
feather -work  having  the  quills  of 
their  wings  and  tails,  their  feet, 
eyes,  and  the  ends  of  their  beaks, 
of  gold,  —  standing  upon  two  reeds 
covered  with  gold,  which  are  rais- 
ed on  balls  of  feather-work  and  gold 
embroidery,  one  white  and  the  oth- 
er yellow,  with  seven  tassels  of 
feather-work  hanging  from  each  of 
tliem. 


A  large  wheel  of  silver  weigh- 
ing forty  marks,  and  several  small- 
er ones  of  the  same  metal. 

A  box  of  feather-work  embroi- 
dered on  leather,  with  a  large  plate 
of  gold,  weighing  seventy  ounces, 
in  the  midst. 

Two  pieces  of  cloth  woven  with 
feathers ;  another  with  variegated 
colors ;  and  another  worked  with 
black  and  white  figures. 

A  large  wheel  of  gold,  with 
figures  of  strange  animals  on  it, 
and  worked  with  tufts  of  leaves  ; 
weighing  three  thousand,  eight 
hundred  ounces. 

A  fan  of  variegated  feather- 
work,  with  thirty -seven  rods  plated 
with  gold. 

Five  fans  of  variegated  feathers, 
—  four  of  which  have  ten,  and  the 
other  thirteen,  rods  embossed  with 
gold. 

Sixteen  shields  of  precious 
stones,  with  feathers  of  various 
colors  hanging  from  their  rims. 

Two  pieces  of  cotton  very  rich- 
ly wrought  with  black  and  white 
embroidery. 

Six  shields,  each  covered  with  a 
plate  of  gold , with  something  resem- 
bling a  golden  mitre  in  the  centre. 


Ch.  VIII] 


DESPATCHES   SENT  TO  SPAIN. 


365 


sovereign.  He  stated  his  difficulties  with  the  gov- 
ernor of  Cuba,  the  proceedings  of  the  armj  in  ref- 
erence to  colonization,  and  besought  the  emperor  to 
confirm  their  acts,  as  well  as  his  own  authority,  ex- 
pressing his  entire  confidence  that  he  should  be  able, 
with  the  aid  of  his  brave  followers,  to  place  the 
Castilian  crown  in  possession  of  this  great  Indian 
empire.^ 

This  was  the  celebrated  First  Letter,  as  it  is 
called,  of  Cortes,  which  has  hitherto  eluded  every 
search  that  has  been  made  for  it  in  the  libraries  of 
Europe.^  Its  existence  is  fully  established  by  refer- 
ences to  it,  both  in  his  own  subsequent  letters,  and 
in    the    writings  of  contemporaries. ^'^      Its   general 


8  "  Una  muy  larg-a  Carta," 
says  Gomara,  in  his  loose  analysis 
of  it.     Cronica,  cap.  40. 

9  Dr.  Robertson  states  that  the 
Imperial  Library  at  Vienna  was 
examined  for  this  document,  at 
his  instance,  but  without  success. 
(History  of  America,  vol.  II.  note 
70.)  I  have  not  been  more  fortu- 
nate in  the  researches  made  for  me 
in  the  British  Museum,  the  Royal 
Library  of  Paris,  and  that  of  the 
Academy  of  History  at  Madrid. 
The  last  is  a  great  depository  for 
the  colonial  historical  documents  ; 
but  a  very  thorough  inspection  of 
its  papers  makes  it  certain  that 
this  is  wanting  to  the  collection. 
As  the  emperor  received  it  on  the 
eve  of  his  embarkation  for  Ger- 
many, and  the  Letter  of  Vera 
Cruz,  forwarded  at  the  same  time, 
is  in  the  library   of  Vienna,   this 


would  seem,  after  all,  to  be  the 
most  probable  place  of  its  retreat. 
^0  "En  una  nao,"  says  Cortes, 
in  the  very  first  sentence  of  his 
Second  Letter  to  the  emperor, 
"  que  de  esta  Nueva  Espaiia  de 
Vuestra  Sacra  Mag-estad  despache 
a  16  de  Julio  de  el  aiio  1519  embie 
a  Vuestra  Alteza  muy  larga  y 
particular  Relacion  de  las  cusas 
hasta  aquella  sazon  despues  que 
yo  a  ella  vine  en  ella  sucedidas." 
(Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren- 
zana,  p.  38.)  "Cortes  escriuio," 
says  Bernal  Diaz,  "segun  el  nos 
dixo,  con  recta  relacion,  mas  no 
vimos  su  carta."  (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  53.)  (Also,  Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  1,  and  Gomara,  ut  supra.) 
Were  it  not  for  these  positive  tes- 
timonies, one  might  suppose  that 
the  Carta  de  Vera  Cruz  had  sug- 


366  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

purport  is  given  by  his  chaplain,  Gomara.  The 
importance  of  the  document  has  doubtless  been 
much  overrated ;  and,  should  it  ever  come  to  light, 
it  will  probably  be  found  to  add  little  of  interest  to 
the  matter  contained  in  the  letter  from  Vera  Cruz, 
which  has  formed  the  basis  of  the  preceding  portion 
of  our  narrative.  He  had  no  sources  of  information 
beyond  those  open  to  the  authors  of  the  latter  docu- 
ment. He  was  even  less  full  and  frank  in  hil  com- 
munications, if  it  be  true,  that  he  suppressed  all 
notice  of  the  discoveries  of  his  two  immediate  pre- 
decessors.'^ 

The  magistrates  of  the  Villa  Rica,  in  their  epistle, 
went  over  the  same  ground  with  Cortes ;  concluding 
with  an  emphatic  representation  of  the  misconduct 
of  Velasquez,  whose  venality,  extortion,  and  selfish 
devotion  to  his  personal  interests,  to  the  exclusion  of 
those  of  his  sovereigns  as  well  as  of  his  own  follow- 
ers, they  placed  in  a  most  clear  and  unenviable 
light.'^  They  implored  the  government  not  to  sanc- 
tion his  interference  with  the  new  colony,  which 
would  be  fatal  to  its  welfare,  but  to  commit  the  un- 
dertaking  to   Hernando  Cortes,   as   the   man  most 

gested  an  imagivary  letter  of  Cor-  as   he  admits  he  never   saw   the 

t^s.     Indeed,  the  copy  of  the  for-  letter  himself.     Ibid.,  cap.  54. 

mer   document,   belonging  to  the  ^~  "  Fingiendo   mill   cautelas," 

Spanish   Academy  of  History, —  says  Las  Casas,  politely,  of  this 

and  perhaps  the  original  at  Vienna,  part  of   the  letter,  "y  afirmando 

—  bears    the    erroneous    title   of  otras  muchas  falsedades  e  menti- 

"Primera  Relacion  dc  Cortes."  ras''I     Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS. 

11  This  is   the    imputation    of  lib.  3,  cap.  122. 
Bemal  Diaz,  reported  on  hearsay. 


Ch.  VIII]  despatches  sent  to  SPAIN.  367 

capable,  by  his  experience  and  conduct,  of  bringing 
it  to  a  glorious  termination.^^ 

With  this  letter  went  also  another  in  the  name 
of  the  citizen-soldiers  of  Villa  Rica,  tendering  their 
dutiful  submission  to  the  sovereigns,  and  requestin<i 
the  confirmation  of  their  proceedings,  above  all,  that 
of  Cortes  as  their  general. 

The  selection  of  the  agents  for  the  mission  was  a 
delicate  matter,  as  on  the  result  might  depend  the 
future  fortunes  of  the  colony  and  its  commander. 
Cortes  intrusted  the  affair  to  two  cavaliers  on  whom 
he  could  rely  ;  Francisco  de  Montejo,  the  ancient 
partisan  of  Velasquez,  and  Alonso  Hernandez  de 
Puertocarrero.  The  latter  officer  was  a  near  kins- 
man of  the  count  of  Medellin,  and  it  was  hoped  his 
high  connexions  might  secure  a  favorable  influence 
at  court. 


13  This  document  is  of  the  great-  naturales  de  ella,  y  por  esto  no  nos 
est  value  and  interest,  coming  as  entremetemos  a  dar  mas  de  aquello 
it  does  from  the  best  instructed  que  por  muy  cierto  y  verdadero 
persons  in  the  camp.  It  presents  Vras.  Reales  Altezas  podran  man- 
an  elaborate  record  of  all  then  dartener."  The  account  given  of 
known  of  the  countries  they  had  Velasquez,  however,  must  be  con- 
visited,  and  of  the  principal  move-  sidered  as  an  ex  parte  testimony, 
ments  of  the  army,  to  the  time  of  and,  as  such,  admitted  with  great 
the  foundation  of  the  Villa  Rica,  reserve.  It  was  essential  to  their 
The  writers  conciliate  our  confi-  own  vindication,  to  vindicate  Cor- 
dence  by  the  circumspect  tone  of  tes.  The  letter  has  never  been 
their  narration.  "  Querer  dar,''  printed.  The  original  exists,  as 
they  say,  "  a  Vuestra  Magestad  to-  above  stated,  in  the  Imperial  Li- 
das  las  particularidades  de  esta  tier-  brary  at  Vienna.  The  copy  in  my 
ra  y  gente  de  ella,  podria  ser  que  possession,  covering  more  than 
en  algo  se  errase  la  relacion,  por-  sixty  pages  folio,  is  taken  from 
que  muchas  de  ellas  no  se  han  visto  that  of  the  Academy  of  History  at 
mas  de   por  informaciones  de  los  Madrid. 


'368  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

Together  with  the  treasure,  which  seemed  to  ver- 
ify the  assertion  that  "  the  land  teemed  with  gold  as 
abundantly  as  that  whence  Solomon  drew  the  same 
precious  metal  for  his  temple,'"^  several  Indian  man- 
uscripts were  sent.  Some  were  of  cotton,  others  of 
the  Mexican  agave.  Their  unintelligible  characters, 
says  a  chronicler,  excited  little  interest  in  the  Con- 
querors. As  evidence  of  intellectual  culture,  how- 
ever, they  formed  higher  objects  of  interest  to  a 
philosophic  mind,  than  those  costly  fabrics  which  at- 
tested only  the  mechanical  ingenuity  of  the  nation. '° 
lour  Indian  slaves  were  added  as  specimens  of  the 
natives.  They  had  been  rescued  from  the  cages  in 
which  they  were  confined  for  sacrifice.  One  of  the 
best  vessels  of  the  fleet  was  selected  for  the  voyage, 
manned  by  fifteen  seamen,  and  placed  under  the  di- 
rection of  the  pilot  Alaminos.  He  was  directed  to 
hold  his  course  through  the  Bahama  channel,  north 
of  Cuba,  or  Fernandina,  as  it  was  then  called,  and 
on  no  account  to  touch  at  that  island,  or  any  other 
in  the  Indian  ocean.  With  these  instructions,  the 
good  ship  took  its  departure  on  the  26th  of  July, 
freighted  with  the  treasures  and  the  good  wishes  of 
the  community  of  the  Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz. 

14  "A  nupstra  parecer  sc  debe  enlightened  views  he  took  of  tJie 
creer,  que  rii  en  esta  ticrra  tanto  new  discoveries,  devotes  half  a 
(juanto  en  a/iuella  dc  donde  se  dize  chapter  to  the  Indian  manuscripts, 
aver  llevado  Salomon  el  oro  para  in  which  he  recognised  the  evi- 
el  templo."  Carta  de  Vera  Crirz,  dence  of  a  civilization  analog-ous 
MS.  to  the  Egyptian.     De  Orbe  Novo, 

15  Peter    Martyr,    preeminent     dec.  4,  cap.  8. 
above  his  contemporaries  for  the 


Ch.  VIII.]  DESPATCHES   SENT  TO  SPAIN.  369 

After  a  quick  run  the  emissaries  made  the  island  of 
Cuba,  and,  in  direct  disregard  of  orders,  anchored  be- 
fore Marien,  on  the  northern  side  of  the  island.  This 
was  done  to  accommodate  Montejo,  who  wished  to 
visit  a  plantation  owned  by  him  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. While  off  the  port,  a  sailor  got  on  shore,  and, 
crossing  the  island  to  St.  Jago,  the  capital,  spread 
everywhere  tidings  of  the  expedition,  until  they 
reached  the  ears  of  Velasquez.  It  was  the  first  in- 
telligence which  had  been  received  of  the  armament 
since  its  departure  ;  and,  as  the  governor  listened  to 
the  recital,  it  would  not  be  easy  to  paint  the  mingled 
emotions  of  curiosity,  astonishment,  and  wrath  which 
agitated  his  bosom.  In  the  first  sally  of  passion,  he 
poured  a  storm  of  invective  on  the  heads  of  his  sec- 
retary and  treasurer,  the  friends  of  Cortes,  who  had 
recommended  him  as  the  leader  of  the  expedition. 
After  somewhat  relieving  himself  in  this  way,  he 
despatched  two  fast-sailing  vessels  to  Marien  with 
orders  to  seize  the  rebel  ship,  and,  in  case  of  her 
departure,  to  follow  and  overtake  her. 

But  before  the  ships  could  reach  that  port,  the 
bird  had  tiown,  and  was  far  on  her  way  across  the 
broad  Atlantic.  Stung  with  mortification  at  this 
fresh  disappointment,  Velasquez  wrote  letters  of  in- 
dignant complaint  to  the  government  at  home,  and 
to  the  fathers  of  St.  Jerome,  in  Hispaniola,  de- 
manding redress.  He  obtained  little  satisfaction 
from  the  last.  He  resolved,  however,  to  take  it  into 
his  own  hands,  and  set  about  making  formidable 
preparations  for  another  squadron,  which  should  be 

VOL.    I.  47 


370  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO  fBooK  II 

more  than  a  match  for  that  under  his  rebellious  offi- 
cer. He  was  indefatigable  in  his  exertions,  visiting 
every  part  of  the  island,  and  straining  all  his  re- 
sources to  effect  his  purpose.  The  preparations 
were  on  a  scale  that  necessarily  consumed  many 
months. 

Meanwhile  the  little  vessel  was  speeding  her  pros- 
perous way  across  the  waters  ;  and,  after  touching 
at  one  of  the  Azores,  came  safely  into  the  harbour 
of  St.  Lucar,  in  the  month  of  October.  However 
long  it  may  appear,  in  the  more  perfect  nautical  sci- 
ence of  our  day,  it  was  reckoned  a  fair  voyage  for 
that.  Of  what  befell  the  commissioners  on  their 
arrival,  their  reception  at  court,  and  the  sensation 
caused  by  their  intelligence,  I  defer  the  account  to  a 
future  chapter.'^ 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  commissioners, 
an  affair  occurred  of  a  most  unpleasant  nature.  A 
number  of  persons,  with  the  priest  Juan  Diaz  at 
their  head,  ill-affected,  from  some  cause  or  other, 
towards  the  administration  of  Cortes,  or  not  relish 
ing  the  hazardous  expedition  before  them,  laid  a 
plan  to  seize  one  of  the  vessels,  make  the  best  of 
their  way  to  Cuba,  and  report  to  the  governor  the 
fate  of  the  armament.  It  was  conducted  with  so 
much  secrecy,  that  the  party  had  got  their  provis- 

16  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  chiefly  derived  from  his  conversa- 

quista,   cap.    54  -  57.  —  Gomara,  tions  with  Alaminos  and  the  two 

Cr6nica,  cap.  40.  —  Herrera,  Hist,  envoys,  on  their  arrival  at  court. 

General,  dec.  2,  lib.  5,  cap.  14. —  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  4,  cap.  6,  et 

Carta  de  A'^era  Cruz,  MS.  alibi;  also  Idem,  OpusEpistolarum, 

Martyr's  copious  information  was  (Amstelodami,  1670,)  ep.  650 


Ch.  VIII.]  CONSPIRACY   IN   THE  CAMP.  371 

ions,  water,  and  every  thing  necessary  for  the  voyage, 
on  board,  without  detection  ;  when  the  conspiracy 
was  betrayed,  on  the  very  night  they  were  to  sail,  by 
one  of  their  own  number,  who  repented  the  part  he 
had  taken  in  it.  The  general  caused  the  persons 
implicated  to  be  instantly  apprehended.  An  exam- 
ination was  instituted.  The  guilt  of  the  parties  was 
placed  beyond  a  doubt.  Sentence  of  death  was 
passed  on  two  of  the  ringleaders ;  another,  the  pilot, 
was  condemned  to  lose  his  feet,  and  severai  others  to 
be  whipped.  The  priest,  probably  the  most  guilty 
of  the  whole,  claiming  the  usual  benefit  of  clergy,  was 
permitted  to  escape.  One  of  those  condemned  to  the 
gallows  was  named  Escudero,  the  very  alguacil  who, 
the  reader  may  remember,  so  stealthily  apprehended 
Cortes  before  the  sanctuary  in  Cuba.'^  The  general, 
on  siffnins  the  death-warrants,  was  heard  to  exclaim, 
"Would  that  J  had  never  learned  to  write!"  It 
was  not  the  first  time,  it  was  remarked,  that  the  ex- 
clamation had  been  uttered  in  similar  circumstances.'^ 
The  arrangements  being  now  finally  settled  at 
the  Villa  Rica,  Cortes  sent  forward  Alvarado,  with  a 
laro-e  part  of  the  army,  to  Cempoalla,  where  he  soon 
after  joined  them  with  the  remainder.    The  late  affair 


17  See  Ante,  p.  240.  It  was  the  exclamation  of  Nero, 

18  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  as  reported  by  Suetonius.  "Et 
^uista,  cap.  57.  —  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  cum  de  supplicio  cujusdam  capite 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  2. —  damnati  ut  ex  more  subscriberel, 
Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  admoneretur,  '  Quam  vellem,'  in- 
MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122. — Demanda  quit,  '  nescire  literas  !'  "  Lib.  6. 
de  Narvaez,  MS.  —  Rel.  Seg.  de  cap.  10 

Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  41 


372  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  II. 

of  the  conspiracy  seems  to  have  made  a  deep  impres- 
sion on  his  mind.  It  showed  him,  that  there  were 
timid  spirits  in  the  camp  on  whom  he  could  not  rely, 
and  who,  he  feared,  might  spread  the  seeds  of  disaf- 
fection among  their  companions.  Even  the  more 
resolute,  on  any  occasion  of  disgust  or  disappoint- 
ment hereafter,  might  falter  in  purpose,  and,  getting 
possession  of  the  vessels,  abandon  the  enterprise. 
This  was  already  too  vast,  and  the  odds  were  too 
formidable,  to  authorize  expectation  of  success  with 
diminution  of  numbers.  Experience  showed  that 
this  was  always  to  be  apprehended,  while  means  of 
escape  were  at  hand.'^  The  best  chance  for  suc- 
cess was  to  cut  off  these  means. — He  came  to  the 
daring  resolution  to  destroy  the  fleet,  without  the 
knowledge  of  his  army. 

When  arrived  at  CempoalU,  he  communicated  his 
design  to  a  few  of  his  devoted  adherents,  who  en- 
tered warmly  into  his  views.  Through  them  he 
readily  persuaded  the  pilots,  by  means  of  those  golden 
arguments  Avhich  weigh  more  than  any  other  with 
ordinary  minds,  to  make  such  a  report  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  fleet  as  suited  his  purpose.  The  ships, 
they  said,  were  grievously  racked  by  the  heavy  gales 
they  had  encountered,  and,  what  was  worse,  the 
worms  had  eaten  into  their  sides  and  bottoms  until 


'3  "Y  porquc,"  says  Cortes,  "de-  pocos  Espafioles  que  eramos,  esta- 

inas  de  los  que  por  ser  criados  y  ban  del  mismo  proposito  ;  creyen- 

amigos  de  Diego  Velasquez  lenian  do,  que  si  alii  los  navios  dejasse, 

voluntad  de  salir  de  la  Tierra,  ha-  se  me  alzarian  con  ellos,  y  yendose 

bia  olros,  que  por  verla  tan  grande,  todos    los    que  de   esta   voluntad 

y  da  tanta  gente,  y  tal,  y  ver  los  estavan,  yo  quedaria  casi  solo  " 


ch.  viii]  the  fleet  sunk.  373 

most  of  them  were  not  sea-worthy,  and  some,  in- 
deed, could  scarcely  now  be  kept  afloat. 

Cortes  received  the  communication  with  surprise  ; 
"  for  he  could  well  dissemble,  "  observes  Las  Casas, 
with  his  usual  friendly  comment,  "  when  it  suited 
his  interests."  "  If  it  be  so,  "  he  exclaimed,  "  wc 
must  make  the  best  of  it !  Heaven's  will  be  done  ! "  ^ 
He  then  ordered  five  of  the  worst  conditioned  to  be 
dismantled,  their  cordage,  sails,  iron,  and  whatever 
was  movable,  to  be  brought  on  shore,  and  the  ships 
to  be  sunk.  A  survey  was  made  of  the  others,  and, 
on  a  similar  report,  four  more  were  condemned  in 
the  same  manner.     Only  one  small  vessel  remained  ! 

When  the  intelligence  reached  the  troops  in  Cem- 
poalla,  it  caused  the  deepest  consternation.  They 
saw  themselves  cut  off  by  a  single  blow  from  friends, 
family,  country  !  The  stoutest  hearts  quailed  before 
the  prospect  of  being  thus  abandoned  on  a  hostile 
shore,  a  handful  of  men  arrayed  against  a  formidable 
empire.  When  the  news  arrived  of  the  destruction 
of  the  five  vessels  first  condemned,  they  had  acqui- 
esced in  it  as  a  necessary  measure,  knowing  the 
mischievous  activity  of  the  insects  in  these  tropical 
seas.  But,  when  this  was  followed  by  the  loss  of 
the  remaining  four,  suspicions  of  the  truth  flashed  on 
their  minds.     They  felt  they  were  betrayed.     Mur- 

20  »'Mostr6  quando  se  lo  dixe-  e  que  si  no  estavan  para  navegar 

ron  mucho  sentimiento  Cortes,  por-  que  diesen  gracias  a  Dios  por  ello, 

que  savia  bien  hager  iingimientos  pues  no  se  podia  hacer  mas."  Las 

quando  le  era  provechoso,  y  rres-  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,   MS., 

pondioles  que  mirasen  vien  en  ello,  lib.  3,  cap.  122. 


374  DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO.  [Book  11. 

murs,  at  first  deep,  swelled  louder  and  louder,  menac- 
ing open  mutiny.  "  Their  general,"  they  said,  "  had 
led  them  like  cattle  to  be  butchered  in  the  sham- 
bles !  "  -'  The  affair  wore  a  most  alarming  aspect. 
In  no  situation  was  Cortes  ever  exposed  to  greater 
danger  from  his  soldiers.^" 

His  presence  of  mind  did  not  desert  him  at  this 
crisis.  He  called  his  men  together,  and,  employing 
the  tones  of  persuasion  rather  than  authority,  assured 
them,  that  a  survey  of  the  ships  showed  they  were 
not  fit  for  service.  If  he  had  ordered  them  to  be  de- 
stroyed, they  should  consider,  also,  that  his  was  the 
greatest  sacrifice,  for  they  were  his  property,  —  all, 
indeed,  he  possessed  in  the  world.  The  troops,  on 
the  other  hand,  would  derive  one  great  advantage 
from  it,  by  the  addition  of  a  hundred  able-bodied 
recruits,  before  required  to  man  the  vessels.  But, 
even  if  the  fleet  had  been  saved,  it  could  have  been 
of  little  service  in  their  present  expedition  ;  since 
they  would  not  need  it  if  they  succeeded,  while 
they  would  be  too  far  in  the  interior  to  profit  by 
it  if  they  failed.  He  besought  them  to  turn  their 
thoughts  in  another  direction.  To  be  thus  cal- 
culating chances  and  means  of  escape  was  unwor- 
thy of  brave  souls.  They  had  set  their  hands  to 
the  work  ;  to  look  back,  as  they  advanced,  would  be 

21  "Decian,  que  los  queria  me-  gros  que   pasaron  per  Cortes  de 

ter  en  el   matadero."      Gomara,  muchos  que  para  malallo  de  los 

Crdnica,  cap.  42.  mismos  Espanoles  estuvo."     Las 

^  "  Al  cavo  lo  ovi6ron  de  sentir  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  MS., 

la  gente  y  ayna  se  le  amotinaran  lib.  3,  cap.  122. 
muchos,  y  esta  fue  uno  de  los  peli- 


ch  viil]  the  fleet  sunk.  375 

their  ruin.  They  had  only  to  resume  their  former 
confidence  in  themselves  and  their  general,  and  suc- 
cess was  certain.  "  As  for  me,"  he  concluded,  "  I 
have  chosen  my  part.  I  will  remain  here,  while 
there  is  one  to  bear  me  company.  If  there  be  any 
so  craven,  as  to  shrink  from  sharing  the  dangers  oi" 
our  glorious  enterprise,  let  them  go  home,  in  God's 
name.  There  is  still  one  vessel  left.  Let  them  take 
that  and  return  to  Cuba.  They  can  tell  there,  how 
they  have  deserted  their  commander  and  their  com- 
rades, and  patiently  wait  till  we  return  loaded  with 
the  spoils  of  the  Aztecs."  ^^ 

The  politic  orator  had  touched  the  right  chord  m 
the  bosoms  of  the  soldiers.  As  he  spoke,  their  re- 
sentment gradually  died  away.  The  faded  visions 
of  future  riches  and  glory,  rekindled  by  his  eloquence, 
again  floated  before  their  imaginations.  The  first 
shock  over,  they  felt  ashamed  of  their  temporary 
distrust.  The  enthusiasm  for  their  leader  revived, 
for  they  felt  that  under  his  banner  only  they  could 
hope  for  victory ;  and,  as  he  concluded,  they  testified 
the  revulsion  of  their  feelings  by  making  the  air  ring 
with  their  shouts,  "  To  Mexico !   to  Mexico  !  " 

The  destruction  of  his  fleet  by  Cortes  is,  perhaps, 
the  most  remarkable  passage  in  the  life  of  this  re- 

23  "  Que  ninguno  seria  tan  c6-  dejar  de  hacer  este  se  podia  ir  ben- 

barde  y  tan  pusilanime  que  queria  dito  de  Digs  a  Cuba  en  el  navio 

estimar  su  vida  mas  que  la  suya,  que  habia  dexado,  de  que  antes  de 

ni  de  tan  debil  corazon  que  dudase  mucho  sc  arrepentiria,  y  pelaria  la3 

de  ir  con  ^1  a  Mexico,  donde  tanto  barbas,  viendolabuena  ventura  que 

bien  le  estaba  aparejado,  y  que  si  esperaba  le  sucederia."      Ixtlilx- 

acaso  se   determinaba    alguno   de  ocbitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  82. 


376 


DISCOVERY   OF   MEXICO. 


[Book  II 


markable  man.  History,  indeed,  affords  examples 
of  a  similar  expedient  in  emergencies  somewhat  sim- 
ilar ;  but  none  where  the  chances  of  success  were 
so  precarious,  and  defeat  would  be  so  disastrous.^ 
Had  he  failed,  it  might  well  seem  an  act  of  madness. 
Yet  it  was  the  fruit  of  deliberate  calculation.  He 
had  set  fortune,  fame,  life  itself,  all  upon  the  cast, 
and  must  abide  the  issue.  There  was  no  alterna- 
tive in  his  mind  but  to  succeed  or  perish.  The 
measure  he  adopted  greatly  increased  the  chance  of 
success.  But  to  carry  it  into  execution,  in  the  face 
of  an  incensed  and  desperate  soldiery,  was  an  act 
of  resolution  that  has  few  parallels  in  history .^^ 


'^  Perhaps  the  most  remarkable 
of  these  examples  is  that  of  Ju- 
lian, who,  in  his  unfortunate  Assy- 
rian invasion,  burnt  the  fleet  which 
had  carried  him  up  the  Tigris. 
The  story  is  told  by  Gibbon,  who 
shows  very  satisfactorily  that  the 
fleet  would  have  proved  a  hinder- 
ance  rather  than  a  help  to  the  em- 
peror in  his  further  progress.  See 
History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall, 
(vol.  IX.  p.  177,)  of  Milman's  ex- 
cellent edition. 

25  The  account  given  in  the  text 
of  the  destruction  of  the  fleet  is 
not  that  of  Bernal  Diaz,  who  states 
it  to  have  been  accomplished,  not 
only  with  the  knowledge,  but  entire 
approbation  of  the  army,  though 
at  the  suggestion  of  Cortes.  (Hist. 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  58).  This 
version  is  sanctioned  by  Dr.  Rob- 
ertson (History  of  America,  vol. 
n.  pp.  253,  254).     One  should  be 


very  slow  to  depart  from  the  hon- 
est record  of  the  old  soldier,  espe- 
cially when  confirmed  by  the  dis- 
criminating judgment  of  the  His- 
torian of  America.  But  Cortes 
expressly  declares  in  his  letter  to 
the  emperor,  that  he  ordeted  the 
vessels  to  be  sunk,  without  the 
knowledge  of  his  men,  from  the 
apprehension,  that,  if  the  means  of 
escape  were  open,  the  timid  and 
disaffected  might,  at  some  future 
time,  avail  themselves  of  them. 
(Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.Lorenza- 
na,  p.  41.)  The  cavaliers  Monte- 
jo  y  Puertocarrero,  on  their  visit 
to  Spain,  stated,  in  their  deposi- 
tions, that  the  general  destroyed 
the  fleet  on  information  received 
from  the  pilots.  (Declaraciones, 
MSS.)  Narvaez  in  his  accusation 
of  Cortes,  and  Las  Casas,  speak 
of  the  act  in  terms  of  unqualified 
reprobation,  charging  him,  moreo- 


Ch.  VIII.] 


LAS   CASAS. 


377 


ver,  with  bribing  the  pilots  to  bore 
holes  in  the  bottoms  of  the  ships, 
in  order  to  disable  them.  (De- 
manda  de  Narvaez,  MS.  — Hist,  de 
las  Indias,  MS.,  lib.  3,  cap.  122.) 
The  same  account  of  the  transac- 
tion, though  with  a  very  different 
commentary  as  to  its  merits,  is  re- 
peated by  Oviedo,  (Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  2,)  Go- 
mara,  (Cronica,  cap.  42,)  and  Pe- 
ter Martyr,  (De  Orbe  Novo,  dec. 
5,  cap.  1,)  all  of  whom  had  access 
to  the  best  sources  of  information. 
The  affair,  so  remarkable  as  the 
act  of  one  individual,  becomes  ab- 
solutely incredible,  when  consid- 
ered as  the  result  of  so  many  inde- 
pendent wills.  It  is  not  improba- 
ble, that  Bernal  Diaz,  from  his 
known  devotion  to  the  cause,  may 


have  been  one  of  the  few  to  whom 
Cortes  confided  his  purpose.  The 
veteran,  in  writing  his  narrative, 
many  years  after,  may  have  mista- 
ken a  part  for  the  whole,  and  in 
his  zeal  to  secure  to  the  army  a 
full  share  of  the  glory  of  the  ex- 
pedition, too  exclusively  appropri- 
ated by  the  general,  (a  great  ob- 
ject, as  he  tells  us,  of  his  history,) 
may  have  distributed  among  his 
comrades  the  credit  of  an  exploit 
which,  in  this  instance,  at  least, 
properly  belonged  to  their  com- 
mander. —  Whatever  be  the  cause 
of  the  discrepancy,  his  solitary  tes- 
timony can  hardly  be  sustained 
against  the  weight  of  contempora- 
ry evidence  from  such  competent 
sources. 


Fray  Bartolome  de  las  Casas,  bishop  of  Chiapa,  whose  "  History  of 
the  Indies  "  forms  an  important  authority  for  the  preceding  pages,  was 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the  sixteenth  century.  He  was 
born  at  Seville  in  1474.  His  father  accompanied  Columbus,  as  a  com- 
mon soldier,  in  his  first  voyage  to  the  New  World  ;  and  he  acquired 
wealth  enough  by  his  vocation  to  place  his  son  at  the  University  of  Sal- 
amanca. During  his  residence  there,  he  was  attended  by  an  Indian 
page,  whom  his  father  had  brought  with  him  from  Hispaniola.  Thus 
the  uncompromising  advocate  for  freedom  began  his  career  as  the  own- 
er of  a  slave  himself.  But  he  did  not  long  remain  so,  for  his  slave 
was  one  of  those  subsequently  liberated  by  the  generous  commands 
of  Isabella. 

In  1498,  he  completed  his  studies  in  law  and  divinity,  took  his 
degree  of  licentiate,  and,  in  1502,  accompanied  Oviedo,  in  the  most 
brilliant  armada  which  had  been  equipped  for  the  Western  World. 
Eight  years  after,  he  was  admitted  to  priest's  orders  in  St.  Domingo, 
an  event  somewhat  memorable,  since  he  was  the  first  person  consecra- 
ted in  that  holy  office  in  the  colonies.  On  the  occupation  of  Cuba  by 
the  Spaniards,  Las  Casas  passed  over  to  that  island,  where  he  obtained 

VOL.    I.  48 


378  LAS   CASAS.  [Book  II 

a  curacy  in  a  small  settlement.  He  soon,  however,  made  himself 
known  to  the  governor,  Velasquez,  by  the  fidelity  with  which  he  dis- 
charged his  duties,  and  especially  by  the  influence  which  his  mild  and 
benevolent  teaching  obtained  for  him  over  the  Indians.  Through  his 
intimacy  with  the  governor,  Las  Casas  had  the  means  of  ameliorating 
the  condition  of  the  conquered  race,  and  from  this  time  he  may  be  said 
to  have  consecrated  all  his  energies  to  this  one  great  object.  At  this 
period,  the  scheme  o(  repartimientos ,  iniioductid  soon  after  the  discove- 
ries of  Columbus,  was  in  full  operation,  and  the  Aboriginal  population 
of  the  Islands  was  rapidly  melting  away  under  a  system  of  oppression, 
which  has  been  seldom  paralleled  in  the  annals  of  mankind.  Las  Ca- 
sas, outraged  at  the  daily  exhibition  of  crime  and  misery,  returned  to 
Spain  to  obtain  some  redress  from  government.  Ferdinand  died  soon 
after  his  arrival.  Charles  was  absent,  but  the  reins  were  held  by  Car- 
dinal Ximenes,  who  listened  to  the  complaints  of  the  benevolent  mis- 
sionary, and,  with  his  characteristic  vigor,  instituted  a  commission  of 
three  Hieronomite  friars,  with  full  authority,  as  already  noticed  in  the 
text,  to  reform  abuses.  Las  Casas  was  honored,  for  his  exertions,  with 
the  title  of  "  Protector  General  of  the  Indians." 

The  new  commissioners  behaved  with  great  discretion.  But  their 
office  was  one  of  consummate  difficulty,  as  it  required  time  to  introduce 
important  changes  in  established  institutions.  The  ardent  and  im- 
petuous temper  of  Las  Casas,  disdaining  every  consideration  of  pru- 
dence, overleaped  all  these  obstacles,  and  chafed  under  what  he  con- 
sidered the  lukewarm  and  temporizing  policy  of  the  commissioners. 
As  he  was  at  no  pains  to  conceal  his  disgust,  the  parties  soon  came  to 
a  misunderstanding  with  each  other  ;  and  Las  Casas  again  returned  to 
the  mother  country,  to  stimulate  the  government,  if  possible,  to  more 
cfFectual  measures  for  the  protection  of  the  natives. 

He  found  the  country  under  the  administration  of  the  Flemings,  who 
discovered  from  the  first  a  wholesome  abhorrence  of  the  abuses  prac- 
tised in  the  colonies,  and  who,  in  short,  seemed  inclined  to  tolerate  no 
peculation  or  extortion,  but  their  own.  They  acquiesced,  without 
much  difficulty,  in  the  recommendations  of  Las  Casas,  who  proposed  to 
relieve  the  natives  by  sending  out  Castilian  laborers,  and  by  importing 
A'egro  slavesinto  the  Islands.  T'.is  last  proposition  has  brought  heavy 
obloquy  on  the  head  of  its  author,  who  has  been  freel)"^  accused  of  hav- 
ing thus  introduced  Negro  slavery  into  the  New  World.  Otlicrs,  with 
equal  groundlessness,  have  attempted  to  vindicate  his  memory  from  the 
reproach  of  having  recommended  the  measure  at  all.  Unfortunately 
for  the  latter  assertion.  Las  Casas,  in  his  History  of  the  Indies,  con- 
fesses, with  deep  regret  and  humiliation,  his  advice  on  this  occasion, 
founded  on  the  most  erroneous  views,  as  he  frankly  states ;  since,  to 


Ch.  VIII.]  LAS   CASAS.  379 

use  his  own  words,  •'  the  same  law  applies  equally  to  the  Negro  as  to 
the  Indian."  But  so  far  from  having  introduced  slavery  by  this  meas- 
ure into  the  Islands,  the  importation  of  blacks  there  dates  from  the 
beginning  of  the  century.  It  was  recommended  by  some  of  the  wisest 
and  most  benevolent  persons  in  the  colony,  as  the  means  of  diminishing 
the  amount  of  human  suffering  ;  since  the  African  was  more  fitted  by 
lii«  constitution  to  endure  the  climate  and  the  severe  toil  imposed  on 
the  slave  li.di:  iue  feeble  and  effeminate  islander.  It  was  a  suggestion 
of  humanity,  however  mistaken,  and,  considering  the  circumstances  un- 
der w^hich  it  occurred,  and  the  age,  it  may  well  be  forgiven  in  Las  Ca- 
sas,  especially  taking  into  view,  that,  as  he  became  more  enlightened 
himself,  he  was  so  ready  to  testify  his  regret  at  having  unadvisedly 
countenanced  the  measure. 

The  experiment  recommended  by  Las  Casas  was  made,  but,  througb 
the  apathy  of  Fonseca,  president  of  the  Indian  Council,  not  heartily,— 
and  it  failed.  The  good  missionary  now  proposed  another,  and  much 
bolder  scheme.  He  requested  that  a  large  tract  of  country  in  Tierra 
Firme,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  famous  pearl  fisheries,  might  be 
ceded  to  him  for  the  purpose  of  planting  a  colony  there,  and  of  con- 
verting the  natives  to  Christianity.  He  required  that  none  of  the  au- 
thorities of  the  Islands,  and  no  military  force,  especially,  should  be 
allowed  to  interfere  with  his  movements.  He  pledged  himself  by 
peaceful  means  alone  to  accomplish  all  that  had  been  done  by  violence 
in  other  quarters.  He  asked  only  that  a  certain  number  of  laborers 
should  attend  him,  invited  by  a  bounty  from  government,  and  that  he 
might  further  be  accompanied  by  fifty  Dominicans,  who  were  to  be 
distinguished  like  himself  by  a  peculiar  dress,  that  should  lead  the  na- 
tives to  suppose  them  a  different  race  of  men  from  the  Spaniards. 
This  proposition  was  denounced  as  chimerical  and  fantastic  by  some, 
whose  own  opportunities  of  observation  entitled  their  judgment  to 
respect.  These  men  declared  the  Indian,  from  his  nature,  incapable  of 
civilization.  The  question  was  one  of  such  moment,  that  Charles  the 
Fifth  ordered  the  discussion  to  be  conducted  before  him.  The  opponent 
of  Las  Casas  was  first  heard,  when  the  good  missionary,  in  answer, 
warmed  by  the  noble  cause  he  was  to  maintain,  and  nothing  daunted  by 
the  august  presence  in  which  he  stood,  delivered  himself  with  a  fer- 
vent eloquence  that  went  directly  to  the  hearts  of  his  auditors.  "  The 
Christian  religion,"  he  concluded,  "  is  equal  in  its  operation,  and  is 
accommodated  to  every  nation  on  the  globe.  It  robs  no  one  of  his  free- 
dom, violates  none  of  his  inhrrent  rights,  on  the  ground  that  he  is  a 
slave  by  nature,  as  pretended  ;  and  it  well  becomes  your  Majesty  to 
banish  so  monstrous  an  oppression  from  your  kingdoms  in  the  beginning 
of  your  reign,  that  the  Almighty  may  make  it  long  and  glorious." 


"380  LAS   CASAS.  [Book  II. 

In  the  end  Las  Casas  prevailed.  He  was  furnished  with  the  men 
and  means  for  establishing  his  colony;  and,  in  1520,  embarked  for 
America.  But  the  result  was  a  lamentable  failure.  The  country  as- 
signed to  him  lay  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  Spanish  settlement,  which 
had  already  committed  some  acts  of  violence  on  the  natives.  To  quell 
the  latter,  now  thrown  into  commotion,  an  armed  force  was  sent  by  the 
young  "  Admiral"  from  Hispaniola.  The  very  people,  among  whom 
Las  Casas  was  to  appear  as  the  messenger  of  peace,  were  thus  in- 
volved in  deadly  strife  with  his  countrymen.  The  enemy  had  been 
before  him  in  his  own  harvest.  While  waiting  for  the  close  of  these 
turbulent  scenes,  the  laborers,  whom  he  had  taken  out  with  him,  dis- 
persed, in  despair  of  effecting  their  object.  And  after  an  attempt  to 
pursue,  with  his  faithful  Dominican  brethren,  the  work  of  colonization 
further,  other  untoward  circumstances  compelled  them  to  abandon  the 
project  altogether.  Its  unfortunate  author,  overwhelmed  with  chagrin, 
took  refuge  in  the  Dominican  monastery  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  — 
The  failure  of  the  enterprise  should,  no  doubt,  be  partly  ascribed  to 
;ircumstances  beyond  the  control  of  its  projector.  Yet  it  is  impossible 
.lot  to  recognise,  in  the  whole  scheme,  and  in  the  conduct  of  it,  the  hand 
)f  one  much  more  familiar  with  books  than  men,  who,  in  the  seclu- 
sion of  the  cloister,  had  meditated  and  matured  his  benevolent  plans, 
without  fully  estimating  ihe  obstacles  that  lay  in  their  way,  and  who 
counted  too  confidently  on  meeting  the  same  generous  enthusiasm  in 
others,  which  glowed  in  his  own  bosom. 

He  found,  in  his  disgrace,  the  greatest  consolation  and  sympathy  from 
the  brethren  of  St.  Dominic,  who  stood  forth  as  the  avowed  champions 
of  the  Indians  on  all  occasions,  and  showed  themselves  as  devoted  to 
the  cause  of  freedom  in  the  New  World,  as  they  had  been  hostile  to  it 
in  the  Old.  Las  Casas  soon  became  a  member  of  their  order,  and,  in 
his  monastic  retirement,  applied  himself  for  many  years  to  the  per- 
formance of  his  spiritual  duties,  and  the  composition  of  various  works, 
all  directed,  more  or  less,  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  the  Indians.  Here, 
too,  he  commenced  his  great  work,  the  "  Historia  General  de  las  In- 
dias,"  which  he  pursued,  at  intervals  of  leisure,  from  1527  till  a  few 
years  before  his  death.  His  time,  however,  was  not  wholly  absorbed 
by  these  labors  ;  and  he  found  means  to  engage  in  several  laborious 
missions.  He  preached  the  gospel  among  the  natives  of  Nicaragua, 
and  Guatemala ;  and  succeeded  in  converting  and  reducing  to  obedi- 
ence some  wild  tribes  in  the  latter  province,  who  had  defied  the  arms  of 
his  countrymen.  In  all  these  pious  la'  ors,  he  was  sustained  by  his 
Dominican  brethren.  At  length,  in  1539,  he  crossed  the  waters 
again ,  to  seek  further  assistance  and  recruits  among  the  members  of 
his  order. 


Ch.  VIII.]  LAS    UASAS.  38  J 

A  great  change  had  taken  place  in  the  board  that  now  presided 
over  the  colonial  department.  The  cold  and  narrow-minded  Fonseca, 
who,  during  his  long  administration,  had,  it  may  be  truly  said,  shown 
liimself  the  enemy  of  every  great  name  and  good  measure  connected 
with  the  Indians,  had  died.  His  place,  as  president  of  the  Indian 
Council,  was  filled  by  Loaysa,  Charles's  confessor.  This  functionary, 
general  of  the  Dominicans,  gave  ready  audience  to  Las  Casas,  and 
showed  a  good-will  to  his  proposed  plans  of  reform.  Charles,  too, 
now  grown  older,  seemed  to  feel  more  deeply  the  responsibility  of 
his  station,  and  the  necessity  of  redressing  the  wrongs,  too  long  toler- 
ated, of  his  American  subjects.  The  state  of  the  colonies  became  a 
common  topic  of  discussion,  not  only  in  the  council,  but  in  the  court ; 
and  the  representations  of  Las  Casas  made  an  impression  that  mani- 
fested itself  in  the  change  of  sentiment  more  clearly  every  day.  He 
promoted  this  by  the  publication  of  some  of  his  writings  at  this  time, 
and  especially  of  his  "Brevisima  Relacion,"  or  Short  Account  of  the 
Destruction  of  the  Indies,  in  which  he  sets  before  the  reader  the 
manifold  atrocities  committed  by  his  countrymen  in  different  parts  of  the 
New  World  in  the  prosecution  of  their  conquests.  It  is  a  tale  of  woe. 
Every  line  of  the  work  may  be  said  to  be  written  in  blood.  How- 
ever good  the  motives  of  its  author,  we  may  regret  that  the  book 
was  ever  written.  He  would  have  been  certainly  right  not  to  spare 
his  countrymen  ;  to  exhibit  their  misdeeds  in  their  true  colors,  and  by 
this  appalling  picture  —  for  such  it  would  have  been —  to  have  recalled 
the  nation,  and  those  who  governed  it,  to  a  proper  sense  of  the  iniqui- 
tous career  it  was  pursuing  on  the  other  side  of  the  water.  But,  to 
produce  a  more  striking  effect,  he  has  lent  a  willing  ear  to  every  tale 
of  violence  and  rapine,  and  magnified  the  amount  to  a  degree  which 
borders  on  the  ridiculous.  The  wild  extravagance  of  his  numerical 
estimates  is  of  itself  sufficient  to  shake  confidence  in  the  accuracy  of 
his  statements  generally.  Yet  the  naked  truth  was  too  startling  in 
itself  to  demand  the  aid  of  exaggeration.  The  book  found  great  favor 
with  foreigners  ;  was  rapidly  translated  into  various  languages,  and 
ornamented  with  characteristic  designs,  which  seemed  to  put  into  ac 
tion  all  the  recorded  atrocities  of  the  text.  It  excited  somewhat  dif- 
ferent feelings  in  his  own  countrymen,  particularly  the  people  of  the 
colonies,  who  considered  themselves  the  subjects  of  a  gross,  however 
undesigned,  misrepresentation ;  and,  in  his  future  intercourse  with  them, 
it  contributed,  no  doubt,  to  diminish  his  influence  and  consequent  use- 
fulness, by  the  spirit  of  alienation,  aud  even  resentment,  which  it  en- 
gendered. 

Las  Casas'  honest  intentions,  his  enlightened  views  and  long  experi- 
ence, gained  him  deserved  credit  at  home.     This   was  visible  in  the 


382  LAS   CASAS.  [Book  IJ. 

important  regulations  made  at  this  time  for  the  better  government  of 
the  colonies,  and  particularly  in  respect  to  the  Aborigines.  A  code 
of  laws,  Las  Nucvas  Leyes,  was  passed,  having  for  their  avowed  object 
the  enfranchisement  of  this  unfortunate  race  ;  and,  in  the  wisdom  and 
humanity  of  its  provisions,  it  is  easy  to  recognise  the  hand  of  the 
Piotector  of  the  Indians.  The  history  of  Spanish  colonial  legislation 
is  the  history  of  the  impotent  struggles  of  the  government  in  behalf 
of  the  natives,  against  the  avarice  and  cruelty  of  its  subjects.  It 
proves  that  an  empire  powerful  at  home  —  and  Spain  then  was  so  — 
may  be  so  widely  extended,  that  its  authority  shall  scarcely  be  felt  in 
its  extremities. 

The  government  testified  their  sense  of  the  signal  services  of  Las 
Casas,  by  promoting  him  to  the  bishopric  of  Cuzco,  one  of  the  richest 
sees  in  the  colonies.  But  the  disinterested  soul  of  the  missionary  did 
not  covet  riches  or  preferment.  He  rejected  the  proffered  dignity 
without  hesitation.  Yet  he  could  not  refuse  the  bishopric  of  Chiapa, 
a  country,  which,  from  the  poverty  and  ignorance  of  its  inhabitants, 
offered  a  good  field  for  his  spiritual  labors.  In  1544,  though  at  the 
advanced  age  of  seventy,  he  took  upon  himself  these  new  duties,  and 
embarked,  for  the  fifth  and  last  time,  for  the  shores  of  America.  His 
fame  had  preceded  him.  The  colonists  looked  on  his  coming  with 
apprehension,  regarding  him  as  the  real  author  of  the  new  code,  which 
struck  at  their  ancient  immunities,  and  which  he  would  be  likely  to 
enforce  to  the  letter.  Everywhere  he  was  received  with  coldness. 
In  some  places  his  person  was  menaced  with  violence.  But  the  vener- 
a.ble  presence  of  the  prelate,  his  earnest  expostulations,  which  flowed 
BO  obviously  from  conviction,  and  his  generous  self-devotion,  so  regard- 
less of  personal  considerations,  preserved  him  from  this  outrage.  Yet 
he  showed  no  disposition  to  conciliate  his  opponents  by  what  he  deemed 
an  unworthy  concession  ;  and  he  even  stretched  the  arm  of  authority 
80  far  as  to  refuse  the  sacraments  to  any,  who  still  held  an  Indian  in 
bondage.  This  high-handed  measure  not  only  outraged  the  planters, 
but  incurred  the  disapprobation  of  his  own  brethren  in  the  Church. 
Three  years  were  spent  in  disagreeable  altercation  without  coming  to 
any  decision.  The  Spaniards,  to  borrow  their  accustomed  phraseology 
on  these  occasions,  "obeying  the  law,  but  not  fulfilling  it,"  applied  to 
the  Court  for  further  instructions  ;  and  the  bishop,  no  longer  supported 
by  his  own  brethren,  thwarted  by  the  colonial  magistrates,  and  out- 
raged by  the  people,  relinquished  a  post  where  his  presence  could  be 
no  further  useful,  and  returned  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in 
tranquillity  at  home. 

Yet,  tliough  withdrawn  to  his  Dominican  convent,  he  did  not  pass 
his  hours  in  slothful  seclusion.     He  again  appeared  as  the  champion 


Ch.  VIII.]  LAS   CASAS.  383 

of  Indian  freedom  in  the  famoirs  controversy  with  Sepulveda,  one  of 
the  most  acute  scholars  of  the  time,  and  far  surpassing  Las  Casas  in 
elegance  and  correctness  of  composition.  But  the  Bishop  of  Chiapa 
was  his  superior  in  argument,  at  least  in  this  discussion,  where  he  had 
right  and  reason  on  his  side.  In  his  "Thirty  Propositions,"  as  they 
are  called,  in  which  he  sums  up  the  several  points  of  his  case,  he 
maintains,  that  the  circumstance  of  infidelity  in  religion  cannot  deprive 
a  nation  of  its  political  rights ;  that  the  Holy  See,  in  its  grant  of  the 
New  World  to  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  designed  only  to  confer  the 
right  of  converting  its  inhabitants  to  Christianity,  and  of  thus  winning 
a  peaceful  authority  over  them  ;  and  that  no  authority  could  be  valid, 
which  rested  on  other  foundations.  This  was  striking  at  the  root  of 
the  colonial  empire,  as  assumed  by  Castile.  But  the  disinterested 
views  of  Las  Casas,  the  respect  entertained  for  his  principles,  and  the 
general  conviction,  it  may  be,  of  the  force  of  his  arguments,  prevented 
the  Court  from  taking  umbrage  at  their  import,  or  from  pressing  them 
to  their  legitimate  conclusion.  While  the  writings  of  his  adversary 
were  interdicted  from  publication,  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  his 
own  printed  and  circulated  in  every  quarter. 

From  this  period  his  time  was  distributed  among  his  religious  duties, 
his  studies,  and  the  composition  of  his  works,  especially  his  History. 
His  constitution,  naturally  excellent,  had  been  strengthened  by  a  life 
of  temperance  and  toil ;  and  he  retained  his  faculties  unimpaired  to  the 
last.  He  died  after  a  short  illness,  July,  1566,  at  the  great  age  of 
ninety-two,  in  his  monastery  of  Atocha,  at  Madrid. 

The  character  of  Las  Casas  may  be  inferred  from  his  career.  He 
was  one  of  those,  to  whose  gifted  minds  are  revealed  those  glorious 
moral  truths,  which,  like  the  lights  of  heaven,  are  fixed  and  the  same 
for  ever  ;  but  which,  though  now  familiar,  were  hidden  from  all  but  a 
few  penetrating  intellects  by  the  general  darkness  of  the  time  in  which 
he  lived.  He  was  a  reformer,  and  had  the  virtues  and  errors  of  a  re- 
former. He  was  inspired  by  one  great  and  glorious  idea.  This  was 
the  key  to  all  his  thoughts,  all  that  he  said  and  wrote,  to  every  act  of 
his  long  life.  It  was  this  which  urged  him  to  lift  the  voice  of  rebuke 
in  the  presence  of  princes,  to  brave  the  menaces  of  an  infuriated  pop- 
ulace, to  cross  seas,  to  traverse  mountains  and  deserts,  to  incur  the 
alienation  of  friends,  the  hostility  of  enemies,  to  endure  obloquy,  insult, 
and  persecution.  It  was  this,  too,  which  made  him  reckless  of  obsta- 
cles, led  him  to  count  too  confidently  on  the  cooperation  of  others, 
animated  his  discussion,  sharpened  his  invective,  too  often  steeped  his 
pen  in  the  gall  of  personal  vituperation,  led  him  into  gross  exaggera- 
tion and  over-coloring  in  his  statements,  and  a  blind  credulity  of  evil  that 
rendered  him  unsafe  as  a  counsellor,  and  unsuccessful  in  the  practical 


384  LAS   CAS  AS.  [Book  II. 

concerns  of  life.  His  motives  were  pure  and  elevated.  B\it  his  man- 
ner of  enforcing  them  was  not  always  so  commendable.  This  may  be 
gathered  not  only  from  the  testimony  of  the  colonists  generally,  who-,  as 
parties  interested,  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  prejudiced  ;  but  from 
that  of  the  members  of  his  own  profession,  persons  high  in  office,  and  of 
integrity  beyond  suspicion,  not  to  add  that  of  missionaries  engaged  in 
the  same  good  work  with  himself.  These,  in  their  letters  and  reported 
conversations,  charged  the  Bishop  of  Chiapa  with  an  arrogant,  un- 
charitable temper,  which  deluded  his  judgment,  and  vented  itself  in 
unwarrantable  crimination  against  such  as  resisted  his  projects,  or 
differed  from  him  in  opinion.  Las  Casas,  in  short,  was  a  man.  But, 
if  he  had  the  errors  of  humanity,  he  had  virtues  that  rarely  belong  to 
it.  The  best  commentary  on  his  character  is  tlie  estimation  which 
he  obtained  in  the  court  of  his  sovereign.  A  liberal  pension  was 
settled  on  him  after  his  last  return  from  America,  which  he  chiefly 
expended  on  charitable  objects.  No  measure  of  importance,  relating 
to  the  Indians,  was  taken  without  his  advice.  He  lived  to  see  the 
fruits  of  his  efforts  in  the  positive  amelioration  of  their  condition,  and 
in  the  popular  admission  of  those  great  truths  which  it  had  been  the 
object  of  his  life  to  unfold.  And  who  shall  say  how  much  of  the 
successful  efforts  and  arguments  since  made  in  behalf  of  persecuted 
humanity  may  be  traced  to  the  example  and  the  writings  of  this  illus- 
trious philanthropist? 

His  compositions  were  numerous,  most  of  them  of  no  great  length. 
Some  were  printed  in  his  time  ;  others  have  since  appeared,  especially 
in  the  French  translation  of  Llorente.  His  great  work,  which  occu- 
pied him  at  intervals  for  more  than  thirty  years,  the  Hisioria  General 
de  las  Indias,  still  remains  in  manuscript.  It  is  in  three  volumes,  di- 
vided into  as  many  parts,  and  embraces  the  colonial  history  from  the 
discovery  of  the  country  by  Columbus  to  the  year  1520.  The  style  of 
the  work,  like  that  of  all  his  writings,  is  awkward,  disjointed,  and  ex- 
cessively diffuse  ;  abounding  in  repetitions,  irrelevant  digressions,  and 
pedantic  citations.  But  it  is  sprinkled  over  with  passages  of  a  differ- 
ent kind  ;  and,  when  he  is  roused  by  the  desire  to  exhibit  some  gross 
wrong  to  the  natives,  his  simple  language  kindles  into  eloquence,  and 
he  expounds  those  great  and  immutable  principles  of  natural  justice, 
which,  in  his  own  day,  were  so  little  understood.  His  defect  as  a 
historian  is,  that  he  wrote  history,  like  every  thing  else,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  one  dominant  idea.  He  is  always  pleading  the  cause  of 
the  persecuted  native.  This  gives  a  coloring  to  events  which  passed 
under  his  own  eyes,  and  filled  him  with  a  too  easy  confidence  in  those 
which  he  gathered  from  the  reports  of  others.  Much  of  the  preced- 
ing portion  of  our   narrative   which  relates  to  affairs  in   Cuba   must 


Ch.  VIII.]  LAS   CASAS.  385 

have  come  under  his  personal  observation.  But  he  seems  incapable  of 
shaking  ofF  his  early  deference  to  Velasquez,  who,  as  we  have  noticed, 
treated  him,  while  a  poor  curate  in  the  island,  with  peculiar  confidence, 
For  Cortes,  on  the  other  hand,  he  appears  to  have  felt  a  profound  con- 
tempt. He  witnessed  the  commencement  of  his  career,  when  he  was 
standing,  cap  in  hand,  as  it  were,  at  the  proud  governor's  door,  thank- 
ful even  for  a  smile  of  recognition.  Las  Casas  remembered  all  this, 
and,  when  he  saw  the  Conqueror  of  Mexico  rise  into  a  glory  and  re- 
nown, that  threw  his  former  patron  into  the  shade, — and  most  unfairly, 
as  Las  Casas  deemed,  at  the  expense  of  that  patron,  —  the  good  bishop 
could  not  withhold  his  indignation  ;  nor  speak  of  him  otherwise  than 
with  a  sneer,  as  a  mere  upstart  adventurer. 

It  was  the  existence  of  defects  like  these,  and  the  fear  of  the  mis- 
conception likely  to  be  produced  by  them,  that  have  so  long  prevented 
the  publication  of  his  history.  At  his  death,  he  left  it  to  the  convent 
of  San  Gregorio,  at  Valladolid,  with  directions  that  it  should  not  be 
printed  for  forty  years,  nor  be  seen  during  that  time  by  any  layman  or 
member  of  the  fraternity.  Herrera,  however,  was  permitted  to  con- 
sult it,  and  he  liberally  transferred  its  contents  to  his  own  volumes, 
which  appeared  in  1601.  The  Royal  Academy  of  History  revised  the 
first  volume  of  Las  Casas  some  years  since,  with  a  view  to  the  publica- 
tion of  the  whole  work.  But  the  indiscreet  and  imaginative  style  of 
the  composition,  according  to  Navarrete,  and  the  consideration  that  its 
most  important  facts  were  already  known  through  other  channels,  in- 
duced that  body  to  abandon  the  design.  With  deference  to  their 
judgment,  it  seems  to  me  a  mistake.  Las  Casas,  with  every  deduction, 
is  one  of  the  great  writers  of  the  nation  ;  great  from  the  important 
truths  which  he  discerned  when  none  else  could  see  them,  and  from 
the  courage  with  which  he  proclaimed  them  to  the  world.  They  are 
scattered  over  his  History  as  well  as  his  other  writings.  They  are  not, 
however,  the  passages  transcribed  by  Herrera.  In  the  statement  of 
fact,  too,  however  partial  and  prejudiced,  no  one  will  impeach  his 
integrity  ;  and,  as  an  enlightened  contemporary,  his  evidence  is  of 
undeniable  value.  It  is  due  to  the  memory  of  Las  Casas,  that,  if  his 
work  be  given  to  the  public  at  all,  it  should  not  be  through  the  garbled 
extracts  of  one  who  was  no  fair  interpreter  of  his  opinions.  Las  Casas 
does  not  speak  for  himself  in  the  courtly  pages  of  Herrera.  Yet  the 
History  should  not  be  published  without  a  suitable  commentary  to 
enlighten  the  student,  and  guard  him  against  any  undue  prejudices  in 
the  writer.  We  may  hope  that  the  entire  manuscript  will  one  day  be 
given  to  the  world  under  the  auspices  of  that  distinguished  body,  which 
has  already  done  so  much  in  this  way  for  the  illustration  of  the  national 
annals. 

VOL.    I.  49 


iJ86  LAS   CAS  AS.  [Book   II 

The  life  of  Las  Casas  has  been  several  times  written.  The  two 
memoirs  most  worthy  of  notice  are  that  by  Llorente,  late  Secretary  of 
the  Inquisition,  prefixed  to  his  French  translation  of  the  Bishop's  con- 
troversial waitings,  and  that  by  Quintana,  in  the  third  volume  of  his 
"  Espanoles  Celebres,"  where  it  presents  a  truly  noble  specimen  of 
biographical  composition,  enriched  by  a  literary  criticism  as  acute  as  it 
is  candid.  — I  have  gone  to  the  greater  length  in  this  notice,  from 
the  interesting  character  of  the  man,  and  the  little  that  is  known  of 
him  to  the  English  reader.  I  have  also  transferred  a  passage  from  his 
work  in  the  original  to  the  Appendix,  that  the  Spanish  scholar  may 
form  an  idea  of  his  style  of  composition.  He  ceases  to  be  an  author- 
ity for  us  hereafter,  as  his  account  of  the  expedition  of  Cortes  termi- 
nates with  the  destruction  of  the  navy. 


BOOK    THIRD 


MARCH  TO  MEXICO. 


f 


BOOK  III. 

MARCH   TO   MEXICO. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Proceedings  at  Cempoalla.  —  The  Spaniards  climb  the  Tabli 
LAND. — Picturesque  Scenery.  —  Transactions  with  the  Ni 
TiVES.  —  Embassy  to  Tlascala. 

1519. 

While  at  Cempoalla,  Cortes  received  a  message 
from  Escalante,  his  commander  at  Villa  Rica,  in- 
forming him  there  were  four  strange  ships  hovering 
off  the  coast,  and  that  they  took  no  notice  of  his  re- 
peated signals.  This  intelligence  greatly  alarmed  the 
general,  who  feared  they  might  be  a  squadron  sent 
by  the  governor  of  Cuba,  to  interfere  with  his  move- 
ments. In  much  haste,  he  set  out  at  the  head  of  a 
few  horsemen,  and,  ordering  a  party  of  light  infantry 
to  follow,  posted  back  to  Villa  Rica.  The  rest  of 
the  army  he  left  in  charge  of  Alvarado  and  of  Gon- 
zalo  de  Sandoval,  a  young  officer,  who  had  begun  to 
give  evidence  of  the  uncommon  qualities  which  have 
secured  to  him  so  distinguished  a  rank  among  the 
conquerors  of  Mexico. 


390  MARCH   TO    MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

Escalante  would  have  persuaded  the  general,  on 
his  reaching  the  town,  to  take  some  rest,  and  allow 
him  to  go  in  search  of  the  strangers.  But  Cortes 
replied  with  the  homely  proverb,  "A  wounded  hare 
takes  no  nap," '  and,  without  stopping  to  refresh 
liimself  or  his  men,  pushed  on  three  or  four  leagues 
to  the  north,  where  he  understood  the  ships  were  at 
anchor.  On  the  way,  he  fell  in  with  three  Span- 
iards, just  landed  from  them.  To  his  eager  inquiries 
whence  they  came,  they  replied,  that  they  belonged 
to  a  squadron  fitted  out  by  Francisco  de  Garay,  gov- 
ernor of  Jamaica.  This  person,  the  year  previous, 
had  visited  the  Florida  coast,  and  obtained  from 
Spain  —  where  he  had  some  interest  at  court  — 
authority  over  the  countries  he  might  discover  in 
that  vicinity.  The  three  men,  consisting  of  a  notary 
and  two  witnesses,  had  been  sent  on  shore  to  warn 
their  countrymen  under  Cortes  to  desist  from  what 
was  considered  an  encroachment  on  the  territories 
of  Garay.  Probably  neither  the  governor  of  Jamai- 
ca, nor  his  officers,  had  any  very  precise  notion  of 
the  geography  and  limits  of  these  territories. 

Cortes  saw  at  once  there  was  nothing  to  appre- 
hend from  this  quarter.  He  would  have  been  glad, 
however,  if  he  could,  by  any  means,  have  induced  the 
crews  of  the  ships  to  join  his  expedition.  He  found 
no  difficulty  in  persuading  the  notary  and  his  com- 
panions. But  when  he  came  in  sight  of  the  vessels, 
tlie  people  on  board,  distrusting  the   good   terms  on 

'  "  Cabra  coxa  no  tenga  siesta." 


C'h.  I.]  PROCEEDINGS   AT   CEMPOALLA.  391 

which  their  comrades  appeared  to  be  with  the  Span- 
iards, refused  to  send  their  boat  ashore.  In  this 
dilemma,  Cortes  had  recourse  to  a  stratagem. 

He  ordered  three  of  his  own  men  to  exchange 
dresses  with  the  new  comers.  He  then  drew  off 
his  little  band  in  sight  of  the  vessels,  affecting  to 
return  to  the  city.  In  the  night,  however,  he  came 
back  to  the  same  place,  and  lay  in  ambush,  directing 
the  disguised  Spaniards,  when  the  morning  broke, 
and  they  could  be  discerned,  to  make  signals  to 
those  on  board.  The  artifice  succeeded.  A  boat 
put  off,  filled  with  armed  men,  and  three  or  four 
leaped  on  shore.  But  they  soon  detected  the  deceit, 
and  Cortes,  springing  from  his  ambush,  made  them 
prisoners.  Their  comrades  in  the  boat,  alarmed, 
pushed  off,  at  once,  for  the  vessels,  which  soon  got 
under  way,  leaving  those  on  shore  to  their  fate. 
Thus  ended  the  affair.  Cortes  returned  to  Cempo- 
alla,  with  the  addition  of  half  a  dozen  able-bodied 
recruits,  and,  what  was  of  more  importance,  relieved 
in  his  own  mind  from  the  apprehension  of  inter- 
ference with  his  operations.^ 

He  now  made  arrangements  for  his  speedy  depar- 
ture from  the  Totonac  capital.  The  forces  reserved 
for  the  expedition  amounted  to  about  four  hundred 
foot  and  fifteen  horse,  with  seven  pieces  of  artillery. 
He  obtained,  also,  thirteen  hundred  Indian  warriors, 
and  a  thousand  tamanes,  or  porters,  from  the  cacique 

2  Oviedo,  Hist.de  las  Ind.,  MS.,     — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
lib.   33,  cap.    1. — Rel.    Seg.   de     quista,  cap.  59,  60. 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  42-45. 


392  MARCH  TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

of  Cempoalla,  to  drag  the  guns,  and  transport  the 
baggage.  He  took  forty  more  of  their  principal  men 
as  hostages,  as  well  as  to  guide  him  on  the  way,  and 
serve  him  by  their  counsels  among  the  strange  tribes 
he  was  to  visit.  They  were,  in  fact,  of  essential 
service  to  him  throughout  the  march.'^ 

The  remainder  of  his  Spanish  force  he  left  in 
garrison  at  Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz,  the  command 
of  which  he  had  intrusted  to  the  alguacil,  Juan  de 
Escalante,  an  officer  devoted  to  his  interests.  The 
selection  was  judicious.  It  was  important  to  place 
there  a  man  who  would  resist  any  hostile  interfer- 
ence from  his  European  rivals,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
maintain  the  present  friendly  relations  with  the  na- 
tives, on  the  other.  Cortes  recommended  the  Toto- 
nac  chiefs  to  apply  to  this  officer,  in  case  of  any 
difficulty,  assuring  them,  that,  so  long  as  they  re- 
mained faithful  to  their  new  sovereign  and  religion, 
they  should  find  a  sure  protection  in  the  Spaniards. 

Before  marching,  the  general  spoke  a  few  words 
ol  encouragement  to  his  own  men.  He  told  them, 
they  were  now  to  embark,  in  earnest,  on  an  enter- 
prise which  had  been  the  great  object  of  their  de- 
sires ;  and  that  the  blessed  Saviour  would  carry 
them  victorious  through  every  battle  with  their  ene- 

3  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  44.  —  Cortes  or  Diaz.     But  both  these 

Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.   Chich.,  MS.,  actors  in  the  drama  show  too  ob- 

cap.  83.  —  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  vious  a  desire  to  magnify  their  own 

la  Conquista,  cap.  61.  prowess,  by  exaggerating  the  num- 

The  number  of  the  Indian  aux-  bers  of  their  foes,  and  diminishing 

iliaries  stated  in  the  text  is  much  their  own,  to  be  entitled  to  much 

larger  than  that  allowed  by  either  confidence  in  their  estimates 


Ch.  t.]  PROCEEDINGS   AT  CEMPOALLA.  393 

mies.  "  Indeed,"  he  added,  "  this  assurance  must 
be  our  stay,  for  every  other  refuge  is  now  cut  off, 
but  that  afforded  by  the  Providence  of  God,  and 
your  own  stout  hearts."*  He  ended  by  comparing 
their  achievements  to  those  of  the  ancient  Romans, 
"in  phrases  of  honeyed  eloquence  far  beyond  any 
thing  I  can  repeat,"  says  the  brave  and  simple-heart- 
ed chronicler  who  heard  them.  Cortes  was,  indeed, 
master  of  that  eloquence  which  went  to  the  soldiers' 
hearts.  For  their  sympathies  were  his,  and  he 
shared  in  that  romantic  spirit  of  adventure  which 
belonged  to  them.  "  We  are  ready  to  obey  you," 
they  cried  as  with  one  voice.  "  Our  fortunes,  for 
better  or  worse,  are  cast  with  yours."  ^  Taking 
leave,  therefore,  of  their  hospitable  Indian  friends, 
the  little  army,  buoyant  wdth  high  hopes  and  lofty 
plans  of  conquest,  set  forward  on  the  march  to 
Mexico. 

It  was  the  sixteenth  of  August,  1519.  During 
the  first  day,  their  road  lay  through  the  tierra  cali- 
ente,  the  beautiful  land  where  they  had  been  so  long 
lingering ;  the  land  of  the  vanilla,  cochineal,  cacao, 
(not  till  later  days  of  the  orange  and  the  sugar- 
cane,) products  which,  indigenous  to  Mexico,  have 
now  become  the  luxuries  of  Europe  ;  the  land  where 
Jie  fruits  and  the  flowers  chase  one  another  in  un- 

4  "  No  teniamos  otro  socorro,  ni  5  "  y  todos  a  vna  le   respon- 

ayuda  sino  el  de  Dios  ;  porque  ya  dimos,  que  hariaraos  lo  que  orde- 

no  teniamos  nauios  para  ir  a  Cuba,  nasse,  que  echada  estaua  la  suerte 

salvo  nuestro  buen  pelear,  y  cora-  delabuena,  6  mala  ventura."  Loc 

^ones  fuertes."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  cit. 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  59. 

VOL.    I.  50 


394  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III 

broken  circle  through  the  year ;  where  the  gales  are 
loaded  with  perfumes  till  the  sense  aches  at  their 
sweetness ;  and  the  groves  are  filled  with  many- 
colored  birds,  and  insects  whose  enamelled  wings 
glisten  like  diamonds  in  the  bright  sun  of  the  tropics. 
Such  are  the  magical  splendors  of  this  paradise  of  the 
senses.  Yet  Nature,  who  generally  works  in  a  spirit 
of  compensation,  has  pro\dded  one  here  ;  since  the 
same  burning  sun,  which  quickens  into  life  these 
glories  of  the  vegetable  and  animal  kingdoms,  calls 
forth  the  pestilent  malaria,  with  its  train  of  bilious 
disorders,  unknown  to  the  cold  skies  of  the  North. 
The  season  in  which  the  Spaniards  were  there,  the 
rainy  months  of  summer,  was  precisely  that  in 
which  the  vomito  rages  with  greatest  fury  ;  when 
the  European  stranger  hardly  ventures  to  set  his 
foot  on  shore,  still  less  to  linger  there  a  day.  We 
find  no  mention  made  of  it  in  the  records  of  the 
Conquerors,  nor  any  notice,  indeed,  of  an  uncommon 
mortality.  The  fact  doubtless  corroborates  the  the- 
ory of  those  who  postpone  the  appearance  of  the 
yellow  fever  till  long  after  the  occupation  of  the 
country  by  the  whites.  It  proves,  at  least,  that,  if 
existing  before,  it  must  have  been  in  a  very  much 
mitigated  form. 

After  some  leag-ues  of  travel  over  roads  made 
nearly  impassable  by  the  summer  rains,  the  troops 
began  the  gradual  ascent  —  more  gradual  on  the 
eastern  than  the  western  declivities  of  the  Cordil- 
leras —  which  leads  up  to  the  table-land  of  Mexico. 
At  the  close  of  the  second  day,  they  reached  Xala- 


Ch.  I]     THE   SPANIARDS   CLIMB  THE  TABLE-LAND.      395 

pa,  a  place  still  retaining  the  same  Aztec  name,  that 
it  has  communicated  to  the  drug  raised  in  its  envi- 
rons, the  medicinal  virtues  of  which  are  now  known 
throughout  the  world. ^  This  town  stands  midway 
up  the  long  ascent,  at  an  elevation  where  the  va- 
pors from  the  ocean,  touching  in  their  westerly  pro- 
gress, maintain  a  rich  verdure  throughout  the  year. 
Though  somewhat  infected  with  these  marine  fogs, 
the  air  is  usually  bland  and  salubrious.  The  wealthy 
resident  of  the  lower  regions  retires  here  for  safety 
in  the  heats  of  summer,  and  the  traveller  hails  its 
groves  of  oak  with  delight,  as  announcing  that  he  is 
above  the  deadly  influence  of  the  vomitoJ  From 
this  delicious  spot,  the  Spaniards  enjoyed  one  of  the 
grandest  prospects  in  nature.  Before  them  was  the 
steep  ascent,  —  much  steeper  after  this  point,  — 
which  they  were  to  climb.  On  the  right  rose  the 
Sierra  Madre,  girt  ^vith  its  dark  belt  of  pines,  and 
its  long  lines  of  shadowy  hills  stretching  away  in  the 
distance.  To  the  south,  in  brilliant  contrast,  stood 
the  mighty  Orizaba,  with  his  white  robe  of  snow 
descending  far  down  his  sides,  towering  in  sohtary 
grandeur,  the  giant  spectre  of  the  Andes.  Behind 
them,  they  beheld,  unrolled  at  their  feet,  the  magniii- 


6  Jalap,  Convolvulus  jalapa:.  The  lidity,  like   others   of  the   period 

c  and  j  are  convertible  consonants  built  under  the  same  auspices,  says 

in  the  Castilian.  ^n  agreeable  traveller,  a  mUitary 

'   The  heights  of  Xalapa   are  as  well  as  religious  design.     Tu- 

crowned  with  a  convent  dedicated  dor's  Travels  in  North  America, 

to   St.   Francis,    erected   in   later  (London,  1834,)  vol.  II.  p.  186. 
days  by  Cortes,  showing,  in  its  so- 


396  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

cent  tierra  caliente,  with  its  gay  confusion  of  mead- 
ows, streams,  and  flowering  forests,  sprinkled  over 
with  shining  Indian  villages  ,  while  a  feint  line  of 
light  on  the  edge  of  the  horizon  told  them  that 
there  was  the  ocean,  beyond  which  were  the  kin- 
dred and  country  —  they  were  many  of  them  never 
more  to  see.    ' 

Still  winding  their  way  upward,  amidst  scenery  as 
different  as  was  the  temperature  from  that  of  the 
regions  below,  the  army  passed  through  settlements 
containing  some  hundreds  of  inhabitants  each,  and 
on  the  fourth  day  reached  a  "  strong  town,"  as 
Cortes  terms  it,  standing  on  a  rocky  eminence, 
supposed  to  be  that  now  known  by  the  Mexican 
name  of  Naulinco.  Here  they  were  hospitably 
entertained  by  the  inhabitants,  who  were  friends 
of  the  Totonacs.  Cortes  endeavoured,  through  fa- 
ther Olmedo,  to  impart  to  them  some  knowledge  of 
Christian  truths,  which  were  kindly  received,  and 
the  Spaniards  were  allowed  to  erect  a  cross  in  the 
place,  for  the  future  adoration  of  the  natives.  In- 
deed, the  route  of  the  army  might  be  tracked  by 
these  emblems  of  man's  salvation,  raised  wherever  a 
willing  population  of  Indians  invited  it,  suggesting  a 
very  different  idea  from  what  the  same  memorials 
intimate  to  the  traveller  in  these  mountain  solitude? 
in  our  day.^ 

8  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  tlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap 

lib.   33,  cap.   1.— Rel.    Seg.   de  83. 

Cortes,  ap.   Lorenzana,  p.  40.  —         "  Every  hundred  yards  of  our 

Gomara,  Cr6nica,  cap.  44.  —  Ix-  route,"  says  the  traveller  last  quot- 


Ch.  I.]  PICTURESQUE  SCENERY.  397 

The  troops  now  entered  a  rugged  defile,  the  Bish- 
op's Pass,  ^  as  it  is  called,  capable  of  easy  defence 
against  an  army.  Very  soon  they  experienced  a 
most  unwelcome  change  of  climate.  Cold  winds 
from  the  mountains,  mingled  with  rain,  and,  as  they 
rose  still  higher,  with  driving  sleet  and  hail,  drenched 
their  garments,  and  seemed  to  penetrate  to  their 
very  bones.  The  Spaniards,  indeed,  partially  cov- 
ered by  their  armor  and  thick  jackets  of  quilted  cot- 
ton, were  better  able  to  resist  the  weather,  though 
their  long  residence  in  the  sultry  regions  of  the 
valley  made  them  still  keenly  sensible  to  the  annoy- 
ance. But  the  poor  Indians,  natives  of  the  tierra 
caliente,  with  little  protection  in  the  way  of  cover- 
ing, sunk  under  the  rude  assault  of  the  elements, 
and  several  of  them  perished  on  the  road. 

The  aspect  of  the  country  was  as  wild  and  dreary 
as  the  climate.  Their  route  wound  along  the  spur  of 
the  huge  Cofre  de  Perote,  which  borrows  its  name, 
both  in  Mexican  and  Castilian,  from  the  coffer-like 
rock  on  its  summit."'  It  is  one  of  the  great  vol- 
canoes  of  New   Spain.     It   exhibits    now,  indeed. 


ed,  speaking  of  this  very  region,        10  The  Aztec  name  is  Nauhcam- 

"was  marked  by  the  melancholy  patepetl,   from  nauhcampa,   "any 

erection   of  a  wooden  cross,   de-  thing  square,"  and  ^epei/,  "  a  moun- 

noting,  according  to  the  custom  of  tain."  —  Humboldt,   who    waded 

the   country,   the   commission   of  through  forests  and  snows  to  its 

some  horrible  murder  on  the  spot  summit,  ascertained  its  height  to  be 

where  it  was  planted."     Travels  4,089  metres  =  13,414  feet,  above 

in  North  America,  vol.  II.  p.  188.  the  sea.    See  his  Vues  des  Cordil- 

9  El  Paso  del   Obispo.     Cortes  leres,  p.  234,  and  Essai  Politique, 

named   it   Puerto   del  Nombre  de  vol.  I.  p.  266. 
Dios.  Viaje,  ap   Lorenzana,  p.  ii. 


398  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

110  vestige  of  a  crater  on  its  top,  but  abundant  traces 
of  volcanic  action  at  its  base,  where  acres  of  lava, 
blackened  scoriae,  and  cinders,  proclaim  the  convul- 
sions of  nature,  while  numerous  shrubs  and  moulder- 
ing trunks  of  enormous  trees,  among  the  crevices, 
attest  the  antiquity  of  these  events.  Working  their 
toilsome  way  across  this  scene  of  desolation,  the  path 
often  led  them  along  the  borders  of  precipices,  down 
whose  sheer  depths  of  two  or  three  thousand  feet 
the  shrinking  eye  might  behold  another  climate,  and 
see  all  the  glowing  vegetation  of  the  tropics  chok- 
ing up  the  bottom  of  the  ravines. 

After  three  days  of  this  fatiguing  travel,  the  way- 
worn army  emerged  through  another  defile,  the  Sier- 
ra del  Agtia.^^  They  soon  came  upon  an  open  reach 
of  country,  with  a  genial  climate,  such  as  belongs  to 
the  temperate  latitudes  of  southern  Europe.  They 
had  reached  the  level  of  more  than  seven  thousand 
feet  above  the  ocean,  where  the  great  sheet  of  table- 
land spreads  out  for  hundreds  of  miles  along  the 
crests  of  the  Cordilleras.  The  country  showed  signs 
of  careful  cultivation,  but  the  products  were,  for  the 
most  part,  not  familiar  to  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards. 
Fields  and  hedges  of  the  various  tribes  of  the  cac- 
tus, the  towering  organum,  and  plantations  of  aloes 
with  rich  yellow  clusters  of  flowers  on  their  tall 
stems,  affording  drink  and  clothing  to  the  Aztec, 
were  everywhere  seen.     The   plants  of  the   torrid 


11  The  same  mentioned  in  Cortes'  Letter  as  the  Puerto  de  la  Lerfa 
Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  iii. 


Ch.  l.j  PICTURESQUE   SCENERY.  399 

and  temperate  zones  had  disappeared,  one  after 
another,  with  the  ascent  into  these  elevated  regions. 
The  glossy  and  dark-leaved  banana,  the  chief,  as  ii 
is  the  cheapest,  aliment  of  the  countries  below,  had 
long  since  faded  from  the  landscape.  The  hardv 
maize,  however,  still  shone  with  its  golden  harvests 
in  all  the  pride  of  cultivation,  the  great  staple  of  the 
higher,  equally  with  the  lower  terraces  of  the  pla- 
teau. 

Suddenly  the  troops  came  upon  what  seemed  the 
environs  of  a  populous  city,  which,  as  they  entered 
it,  appeared  to  surpass  even  that  of  Cempoalla  in 
the  size  and  solidity  of  its  structures.'^  These  were 
of  stone  and  lime,  many  of  them  spacious  and  toler- 
ably high.  There  were  thirteen  teocallis  in  the 
place ;  and  in  the  suburbs  they  had  seen  a  recepta- 
cle, in  which,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  were  stored 
a  hundred  thousand  skulls  of  human  victims,  all  piled 
and  ranged  in  order !  He  reports  the  number  as 
one  he  had  ascertained  by  counting  them  himself.'^ 
Whatever  faith  we  may  attach  to  the  precise  accura- 
cy of  his  figures,  the  result  is  almost  equally  start- 
ling.    The  Spaniards  were  destined  to  become  fa- 

12  Now  known  by  the  eupho-        13  Puestos  tantos  rimeros  de  cal- 

nious  Indian  name  of  Tlatlauqni-  aueras  de  muertos,  que  se  podian 

tepee.     (Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  bien  contar,  segun  el  concierto  con 

iv. )      It  is  the  Cocotlan  of  Bernal  que  estauan  puestas,  que  rae  pare- 

Diaz.      (Hist,    de   la    Conquista,  cequeeranmas  decienmil,  y  digo 

cap.   61.)      The   old  Conquerors  otra  vez  sobre  cien  mil."     Ibid., 

made  sorry  work  with  the  Aztec  ubi  supra, 
names,  both  of  places  and  persons, 
for  which  they  must  be  allowed  to 
have  had  ample  apology. 


400  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

miliar  with  this  appalHng  spectacle,  as  they  ap- 
proached nearer  to  the  Aztec  capital. 

The  lord  of  the  town  ruled  over  twenty  thousand 
vassals.  He  was  tributary  to  Montezuma,  and  a 
strong  Mexican  garrison  was  quartered  in  the  place. 
He  had  probably  been  advised  of  the  approach  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  doubted  how  far  it  would  be 
welcome  to  his  sovereign.  At  all  events,  he  gave 
them  a  cold  reception,  the  more  unpalatable  after  the 
extraordinary  sufferings  of  the  last  few  days.  To 
the  inquiry  of  Cortes,  whether  he  were  subject  to 
Montezuma,  he  answered,  with  real  or  affected  sur- 
prise, "  Who  is  there  that  is  not  a  vassal  to  Monte- 
zuma ? "  '^  The  general  told  him,  with  some  em- 
phasis, that  he  was  not.  He  then  explained  whence 
and  why  he  came,  assuring  him  that  he  served  a 
monarch  who  had  princes  for  his  vassals  as  powerful 
as  the  Aztec  monarch  himself. 

The  cacique  in  turn  fell  nothing  short  of  the 
Spaniard,  in  the  pompous  display  of  the  grandeur 
and  resources  of  the  Indian  emperor.  He  told  his 
guest  that  Montezuma  could  muster  thirty  great 
vassals,  each  master  of  a  hundred  thousand  men !  ^^ 


14  "  El  qual  casi  admirado  de  lo  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  1.)  This 
que  le  preguntaba,  me  respondio,  marvellous  tale  is  gravely  repeated 
diciendo  ;  ^que  quien  no  era  vasal-  by  more  than  one  Spanish  writer, 
lo  de  Muctezuma?  queriendo  decir,  in  their  accounts  of  the  Aztec  mon- 
que  alii  era  Sefior  del  Mundo."  archy,  not  as  the  assertion  of  this 
Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenza-  chief,  but  as  a  veritable  piece  of  sta- 
na,  p.  47.  tistics.    See,  among  others,  Herre- 

15  "  Tiene  mas  de  30  Principcs  ra.  Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  7, 
a  SI  subjcctos,  que  cada  uno  dellos  cap.  12, — Solis,  Conquista,  lib. 
tiene  cicnt  mill  hombrcs  e  mas  de  3,  cap.  16. 

pelea."       (Ovicdo,    Hist,    de    las 


Ch.  I.J  TRANSACTIONS   WITH  THE  NATIVES.  401 

His  revenues  vv^ere  immense,  as  every  subject,  novv- 
ever  poor,  paid  something.  They  were  all  expended 
on  his  magnificent  state,  and  in  support  of  his  ar- 
mies. These  were  continually  in  the  field,  while 
garrisons  were  maintained  in  most  of  the  large  cities 
of  the  empire.  More  than  twenty  thousand  victims, 
the  fruit  of  his  wars,  were  annually  sacrificed  on  the 
altars  of  his  gods !  His  capital,  the  cacique  said, 
stood  in  a  lake,  in  the  centre  of  a  spacious  valley. 
The  lake  was  commanded  by  the  emperor's  vessels, 
and  the  approach  to  the  city  was  by  means  of  cause- 
ways, several  miles  long,  connected  in  parts  by 
wooden  bridges,  which,  when  raised,  cut  off  all  com- 
munication with  the  country.  Some  other  things  he 
added,  in  answer  to  queries  of  his  guest,  in  which, 
as  the  reader  may  imagine,  the  crafty,  or  credulous 
cacique  varnished  over  the  truth  with  a  lively  color- 
ing of  romance.  Whether  romance,  or  reality,  the 
Spaniards  could  not  determine.  The  particulars  they 
gleaned  were  not  of  a  kind  to  tranquillize  their 
minds,  and  might  well  have  made  bolder  hearts  than 
theirs  pause,  ere  they  advanced.  But  far  from  it. 
"  The  words  which  we  heard,"  says  the  stout  old 
cavalier,  so  often  quoted,  "  however  they  may  have 
filled  us  with  wonder,  made  us  —  such  is  the  temper 
of  the  Spaniard  —  only  the  more  earnest  to  prove 
the  adventure,  desperate  as  it  might  appear."  '^ 

^6  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  narrative,  which   may  provoke  a 

quista,  cap.  61.  smile,  — not  a  sneer,  for  it  is  min- 

There  is  a  slight  ground-swell  gled  with  too  much  real  courage, 

of   glorification   in    the   Captain's  and        plicity  of  character 
VOL.    I.                         51 


402  MARCH   TO    MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

In  a  further  conversation  Cortes  inquired  of  the 
chief,  whether  his  country  abounded  in  gold,  and  in- 
timated a  desire  to  take  home  some,  as  specimens  to 
his  sovereign.  But  the  Indian  lord  declined  to  give 
him  any,  saying  it  might  displease  Montezuma. 
"  Should  he  command  it,"  he  added,  "  my  gold,  my 
person,  and  all  I  possess,  shall  be  at  your  dispos- 
al."    The  general  did  not  press  the  matter  further. 

The  curiosity  of  the  natives  was  naturally  excited 
by  the  strange  dresses,  weapons,  horses,  and  dogs  of 
the  Spaniards.  Marina,  in  satisfying  their  inquiries, 
took  occasion  to  magnify  the  prowess  of  her  adopted 
countrymen,  expatiating  on  their  exploits  and  victo- 
ries, and  stating  the  extraordinary  marks  of  respect 
they  had  received  from  Montezuma.  This  intelli- 
gence seems  to  have  had  its  effect ;  for  soon  after, 
the  cacique  gave  the  general  some  curious  trinkets 
of  gold,  of  no  great  value,  indeed,  but  as  a  testimony 
of  his  good-will.  He  sent  him,  also,  some  female 
slaves  to  prepare  bread  for  the  troops,  and  supplied 
the  means  of  refreshment  and  repose,  more  impor- 
tant to  them,  in  the  present  juncture,  than  all  the 
gold  of  Mexico. ^'^ 

The  Spanish  general,  as  usual,  did  not  neglect 
the  occasion  to  inculcate  the  great  truths  of  revela- 
tion on  his  host,  and  to  display  the  atrocity  of  the 
Indian   superstitions.      The   cacique    listened   with 


1'^  For  the  preceding  pages,  be-  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83, — Gomara, 

sides  authorities  cited    in  course,  Cronica,  cap.  44,  —  Torquemada, 

see  Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lih   4.  cap.  26 
dec  5,  cap.  1,— Ixtlilxochill,  Hist. 


Ch.  I.]  TRANSACTIONS   WITH    THE   NATIVES.  403 

civil,  but  cold  indifiference.  Cortes,  finding  him  un- 
moved, turned  briskly  round  to  his  soldiers,  exclaim- 
ing that  now  was  the  time  to  plant  the  Cross  !  They 
eagerly  seconded  his  pious  purpose,  and  the  same 
scenes  might  have  been  enacted  as  at  Cempoalla, 
with,  perhaps,  very  different  results,  had  not  father 
Olmedo,  with  better  judgment,  interposed.  He  rep- 
resented that  to  introduce  the  Cross  among:  the  na- 
tives,  in  their  present  state  of  ignorance  and  incre- 
dulity, would  be  to  expose  the  sacred  symbol  to  dese- 
cration, so  soon  as  the  backs  of  the  Spaniards  were 
turned.  The  only  way  was  to  wait  patiently  the  sea- 
son when  more  leisure  should  be  afforded  to  instil 
into  their  minds  a  knowledge  of  the  truth.  The  so- 
ber reasoning  of  the  good  father  prevailed  over  the 
passions  of  the  martial  enthusiasts. 

It  was  fortunate  for  Cortes  that  Olmedo  was  not 
one  of  those  frantic  friars,  who  would  have  fanned 
his  fiery  temper  on  such  occasions  into  a  blaze.  It 
mig-ht  have  had  a  most  disastrous  influence  on  his 
fortunes ;  for  he  held  all  temporal  consequences  light 
in  comparison  with  the  great  work  of  conversion,  to 
effect  which  the  unscrupulous  mind  of  the  soldier, 
trained  to  the  stern  discipline  of  the  camp,  would 
have  employed  force,  whenever  fair  means  were  in- 
effectual.^^ But  Olmedo  belonged  to  that  class  of 
benevolent  missionaries — of  whom  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic church,  to  its  credit,  has  furnished  many  exam- 
is  The  general  clearly  belonged  "  Such  as  do  build  their  faith  upon 

,         ,         ,         -v.      X  ^-         J  The  holy  text  of  pike  and  gun ; 

to  the   church   militant,  mentioned  And  prove  their  doctrines  orthodox- 

by  Butler  ;  By  apostolic  blows  and  knocks." 


404  MARCH  TO  MEXICO.  [Book  IH. 

pies  —  who  relj  on  spiritual  weapons  for  the  great 
work,  inculcating  those  doctrines  of  love  and  mercy 
which  can  best  touch  the  sensibilities  and  win  the 
affections  of  their  rude  audience.  These,  indeed, 
are  the  true  weapons  of  the  Church,  the  weapons 
employed  in  the  primitive  ages,  by  which  it  has 
spread  its  peaceful  banners  over  the  farthest  regions 
of  the  globe.  Such  were  not  the  means  used  by 
the  conquerors  of  America,  who,  rather  adopting  the 
policy  of  the  victorious  Moslems  in  their  early  career, 
carried  with  them  the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the 
Bible  in  the  other.  They  imposed  obedience  in 
matters  of  faith,  no  less  than  of  government,  on  the 
vanquished,  little  heeding  whether  the  conversion 
were  genuine,  so  that  it  conformed  to  the  outward 
observances  of  the  Church.  Yet  the  seeds  thus  reck- 
lessly scattered  must  have  perished  but  for  the  mis- 
sionaries of  their  own  nation,  who,  in  later  times, 
worked  over  the  same  ground,  living  among  the  In- 
dians as  brethren,  and,  by  long  and  patient  culture, 
enabling  the  gferms  of  truth  to  take  root  and  fructify 
in  their  hearts. 

The  Spanish  commander  remained  in  the  city  four 
or  five  days  to  recruit  his  fatigued  and  famished 
forces ;  and  the  modern  Indians  still  point  out,  or 
did,  at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  a  venerable 
cypress,  under  the  branches  of  which  was  tied  the 
horse  of  tlie  Conquistador,  —  the  Conqueror,  as 
Cortes  was  styled,  par  exallence?'^      Their   route 

19  "  Arbol  grande,  dicho  ahue-  of  Linnaeus.  See  Humboldt,  Es- 
huete.^'  (Viaje,  ap.  Lorcnzana,  sai  Politique,  torn.  II.  p.  54,  note, 
p.    iii.)      The    cwpressus    disticlia 


Ch.  I]  TRANSACTIONS  WITH  THE  NATIVES.  405 

now  opened  on  a  broad  and  verdant  valley,  watered 
by  a  noble  stream,  —  a  circumstance  of  not  too  fre- 
quent occurrence  on  the  parched  table-land  of  New 
Spain.  The  soil  was  well  protected  by  woods,  a 
thing  still  rarer  at  the  present  day;  since  the  invaders, 
soon  after  the  Conquest,  swept  away  the  magnifi- 
cent growth  of  timber,  rivalling  that  of  our  Southern 
and  Western  States  in  variety  and  beauty,  which 
covered  the  plateau  under  the  Aztecs.^" 

All  along  the  river,  on  both  sides  of  it,  an  un- 
broken line  of  Indian  dwellings,  "  so  near  as  almost 
to  touch  one  another,"  extended  for  three  or  four 
leagues ;  arguing  a  population  much  denser  than  at 
present.^'  On  a  rough  and  rising  ground  stood  a 
town,  that  might  contain  five  or  six  thousand  inhab- 
itants, commanded  by  a  fortress,  which,  with  its 
walls  and  trenches,  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  quite 
"  on  a  level  with  similar  works  in  Europe."  Here 
the  troops  again  halted,  and  met  with  friendly  treat- 
ment.^^ 


20  It  is  the  same  taste  which  has  lors  de  la  premiere  arrivee  des  Es- 
made  the  Castiles,  the  table-land  pagnols,  toute  cette  cote,  depuis  la 
of  the  Peninsula,  so  naked  of  wood,  riviere  de  Papaloapan  (Alvarado) 
Prudential  reasons,  as  well  as  taste,  jusqu'a  Huaxtecapan,  etait  plus 
however,  seem  to  have  operated  in  habitce  et  raieux  cultivee  qu'elle 
New  Spain.  A  friend  of  mine  on  ne  Test  aujourd'hui.  Cependant  a 
a  visit  to  a  noble  hacienda,  but  un-  mesure  que  les  conquerans  mon- 
commonly  barren  of  trees,  was  in-  terent  au  plateau,  ils  trouverent  lea 
formed  by  the  proprietor  that  they  villages  plus  rapproches  les  uns 
were  cut  down  to  prevent  the  lazy  des  autres,  les  champs  divis^s  en 
Indians  on  the  plantation  from  portions  plus  pctites,  le  peuple 
wasting  their  time  by  loitering  in  plus  police."  Humboldt,  Essai 
their  shade  !  Politique,  torn.  II.  p.  202. 

21  It  confirms  the  observations  22  The  correct  Indian  name  of 
of  M.  de  Humboldt.     "Sansdoute  the  town,  Yxtacamaxtil'dn,  Yztac- 


406  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

Cortes  now  determined  his  future  line  of  march. 
At  the  last  place  he  had  been  counselled  by  the 
natives  to  take  the  route  of  the  ancient  city  of 
Cholula,  the  inhabitants  of  which,  subjects  of  Mon- 
tezuma, were  a  mild  race,  devoted  to  mechanical 
and  other  peaceful  arts,  and  would  be  likely  to  en- 
tertain him  kindly.  Their  Cempoallan  allies,  ho\\'- 
ever,  advised  the  Spaniards  not  to  trust  the  Cliolu- 
lans,  "  a  false  and  perfidious  people,"  but  to  take 
the  road  to  Tlascala,  that  valiant  little  republic, 
which  had  so  long  maintained  its  independence 
against  the  arms  of  Mexico.  The  people  were 
frank  as  they  were  fearless,  and  fair  in  their  dealings. 
They  had  always  been  on  terms  of  amity  with  the 
Totonacs,  which  afforded  a  strong  guaranty  for  their 
amicable  disposition  on  the  present  occasion. 

The  arguments  of  his  Indian  allies  prevailed  vsdth 
the  Spanish  commander,  who  resolved  to  propitiate 
the  good-will  of  the  Tlascalans  by  an  embassy.  He 
selected  four  of  the  principal  Cempoallans  for  this, 
and  sent  by  them  a  martial  gift,  —  a  cap  of  crimson 
cloth,  together  with  a  sword  and  a  crossbow,  weap- 
ons which,  it  was  observed,  excited  general  admira- 
tion among  the  natives.  He  added  a  letter,  in 
which  he  asked  permission  to  pass  through  their 
country.     He  expressed  his  admiration  of  the  valor 


rnasiitan  of  Cortes,  will  hardly  be  are  still  visible  remains  of  carved 

recognised    in    the    Xaladngo    of  stones  of  large  dimensions,  attest- 

Diaz.     The  town  was  removed,  in  ing  the  elegance   of   the   ancient 

1601,  from  the  top  of  the  hill  to  fortress  or  palace  of  the  cacique 

the  plain.      On  the   original   site  Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  v 


tlH.  I.J  EMBASSY   TO  TLASCALA.  407 

of  the  Tlascalans,  and  of  their  long  resistance  to 
the  Aztecs,  whose  proud  empire  he  designed  to 
humble.^  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  this 
epistle,  indited  in  good  Castilian,  would  be  very 
intelligible  to  the  Tlascalans.  But  Cortes  commu- 
nicated its  import  to  the  ambassadors.  Its  myste- 
rious characters  might  impress  the  natives  with  an 
idea  of  superior  intelligence,  and  the  letter  serve 
instead  of  those  hieroglyphical  missives  which  formed 
the  usual  credentials  of  an  Indian  ambassador.-^ 

The  Spaniards  remained  three  days  in  this  hos- 
pitable place,  after  the  departure  of  the  envoys, 
when  they  resumed  their  progress.  Although  in  a 
friendly  country,  they  marched  always  as  if  in  a  land 
of  enemies,  the  horse  and  light  troops  in  the  van, 
with  the  heavy-armed  and  baggage  in  the  rear,  all 
in  battle  array.  They  were  never  without  their 
armor,  waking  or  sleeping,  lying  down  with  their 
weapons  by  their  sides.  This  unintermitting  and 
restless  vigilance  was,  perhaps,  more  oppressive  to 
the  spirits  than  even  bodily  fatigue.  But  they  were 
confident  in  their  superiority  in  a  fair  field,  and  felt 
that  the  most  serious  danger  they  had  to  fear  from 
Indian  warfare  was  surprise.  "We  are  few  against 
many,  brave  companions,"  Cortes  would  say  to 
them;  "be  prepared,  then,  not  as  if  you  were  going 
to  battle,  but  as  if  actually  in  the  midst  of  it !  "  ^^ 

23  "  Estas  cosas  y  otras  de  gran  24  Yor  an  account  of  the  diplo- 

persuasion  contenia  la  carta,  pero  matic  usages  of  the  people  of  An- 

como  no  sabian  leer  no  pudidron  ahuac.  see  Ante,  p.  44. 

entender  lo  que  contenia."      Ca-  25  •' Mira,  seiiores  compafieros, 

margo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.  ya  veis  que   somos  pocos,  hemos 


408  MARCH  TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

The  road  taken  by  the  Spaniards  was  the  same 
which  at  present  leads  to  Tlascala  ;  not  that,  how- 
ever, usually  followed  in  passing  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
the  capital,  which  makes  a  circuit  considerably  to 
the  south,  towards  Puebia,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  ancient  Cholula.  They  more  than  once  forded 
the  stream  that  rolls  through  this  beautiful  plain, 
lingering  several  days  on  the  way,  in  hopes  of  re- 
ceiving an  answer  from  the  Indian  republic.  The 
unexpected  delay  of  the  messengers  could  not  be 
explained,  and  occasioned  some  uneasiness. 

As  they  advanced  into  a  country  of  rougher  and 
bolder  features,  their  progress  was  suddenly  arrested 
by  a  remarkable  fortification.  It  was  a  stone  wall 
nine  feet  in  height,  and  twenty  in  thickness,  with  a 
parapet,  a  foot  and  a  half  broad,  raised  on  the  sum- 
mit for  the  protection  of  those  who  defended  it.  It 
had  only  one  opening,  in  the  centre,  made  by  two 
semicircular  lines  of  wall  overlapping  each  other  for 
the  space  of  forty  paces,  and  affording  a  passage-way 
between,  ten  paces  wide,  so  contrived,  therefore,  as 
to  be  perfectly  commanded  by  the  inner  wall.  This 
fortification,  which  extended  more  than  two  leagues, 
rested  at  either  end  on  the  bold  natural  buttresses 
formed  by  the  sierra.  The  work  was  built  of  im- 
mense blocks  of  stones  nicely  laid  together  without 
cement ;  ^    and   the   remains   still    existing,   among 

de  estar  siempre  tan  apercebidos,  hazer  cuenta  que  estamos  ya  en  la 

y  aparejados,  como  si  aora  viesse-  batalla  con  ellos."     Bernal  Diaz, 

mos  venir  los  contrarios  a  pelear,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  62. 

Y  no  solamenle  vellos  venir,  sine  26  According  to  the  writer  last 


Ch.  I]  EMBASSY   TO  TLASCALA.  409 

which  are   rocks  of  the  whole  breadth  of  the  ram- 
part, fully  attest  its  solidity  and  size."' 

This  singular  structure  marked  the  limits  of  Tlas- 
cala,  and  was  intended,  as  the  natives  told  the 
Spaniards,  as  a  barrier  against  the  Mexican  inva- 
sions. The  army  paused,  filled  with  amazement  al 
the  contemplation  of  this  Cyclopean  monument, 
which  naturally  suggested  reflections  on  the  strength 
and  resources  of  the  people  who  had  raised  it.  It 
caused  them,  too,  some  painful  solicitude  as  to  the 
probable  result  of  their  mission  to  Tlascala,  and 
their  own  consequent  reception  there.  But  they 
were  too  sanguine  to  allow  such  uncomfortable  sur- 
mises long  to  dwell  in  their  minds.  Cortes  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry,  and  calling  out, 
"  Forward,  soldiers,  the  Holy  Cross  is  our  banner, 
and  under  that  we  shall  conquer,"  led  his  little  army 
through  the  undefended  passage,  and  in  a  few 
moments  they  trod  the  soil  of  the  free  republic  of 
Tlascala.^ 

cited,  the  stones  were  held  by  a  have  been  very  successful.     It  is 

cement  so  hard  that  the  men  could  a  pity,  that  his  map  illustrating  the 

scarcely  break  it  with  their  pikes,  itinerary  should  be  so  worthless. 
(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  62.)         38  Camargo,  Hist,   de  Tlascala, 

But  the  contrary  statement,  in  the  MS.  — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  44, 

general's  letter,  is   confirmed   by  45. — Ixtlilxochitl,   Hist.   Chich., 

the  present  appearance  of  the  wall.  MS.,   cap.    83.  —  Herrera,   Hist. 

Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  vii.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  3. — 

27  Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,   p.  vii.  Oviedo,   Hist,   de  las  Ind.,  MS., 

The  attempts  of  the  Archbishop  lib.  33,   cap.   2.— Peter  Martyr, 

to   identify   the    route    of  Cortes  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec   5.  cap.  1. 


VOL.   I.  52 


CHAPTER    II. 

Republic  of  Tlascala.  —  Its  Institutions.  —  Early  History.— 
Discussions  in  the  Senate.  —  Desperate  Battles. 

1519. 

Before  advancing  further  with  the  Spaniards  iniu 
the  territory  of  Tlascala,  it  will  be  well  to  notice 
some  traits  in  the  character  and  institutions  of  the 
nation,  in  many  respects,  the  most  remarkable  in 
Anahuac.  The  Tlascalans  belonged  to  the  same 
great  family  with  the  Aztecs.'  They  came  on  the 
grand  plateau  about  the  same  time  with  the  kin- 
dred races,  at  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  and 
planted  themselves  on  the  western  borders  of  the 
lake  of  Tezcuco.  Here  they  remained  many  years 
engaged  in  the  usual  pursuits  of  a  bold  and  partially 
civilized  people.  From  some  cause  or  other,  perhaps 
their  turbulent  temper,  they  incurred  the  enmity  of 
surrounding  tribes.     A  coalition  was  formed  against 


1  The  Indian  chronicler,  Camar-  Nahuatlac  tribes.    (Stor.  del  Mes- 

rro,  considers  his  nation  a  branch  sico,  torn.  I.  p.  153,  nota.)     The 

of  the  Chichemec.    (Hist,  de  Tlas-  fact  is  not  of  great  moment,  since 

cala,  MS.)   So,  also,  Torqueraada.  they  were  all  cognate  races,  speak- 

(Monarch.   Ind.,  lib.   3.   cap.  9.)  ing  the  same  tongue,  and,  proba- 

Clavigero,  who  has  carefully  in-  bly,  migrated  from  their  country 

vestig:ited  the  antiquities  of  Ana-  in  the  far  North  at  nearly  the  same 

liuac,   calls   it   one  of   the   seven  time 


Ch.  II.]         REPUBLIC  OF  TLASCALA.  411 

them  ;  and  a  bloody  batde  was  fought  on  the  plains 
of  Pojauhtlan,  in  which  the  Tlascalans  were  com- 
pletely victorious. 

Disgusted,  however,  with  their  residence  among 
nations  with  whom  they  found  so  litde  favor,  the 
conquering  people  resolved  to  migrate.  They  sepa- 
rated into  three  divisions,  the  largest  of  which,  taking 
a  southern  course  by  the  great  volcan  of  Mexico, 
wound  round  the  ancient  city  of  Cholula,  and  finally 
settled  in  the  district  of  country  overshadowed  by 
the  sierra  of  Tlascala.  The  warm  and  fruitful  valleys, 
locked  up  in  the  embraces  of  this  rugged  brother- 
hood of  mountains,  afforded  means  of  subsistence 
for  an  agricultural  people,  while  the  bold  eminences 
of  the  sierra  presented  secure  positions  for  their 
towns. 

After  the  lapse  of  years,  the  institutions  of  the 
nation  underwent  an  important  change.  The  mon- 
archy was  divided  first  into  two,  afterwards  into  four 
separate  states,  bound  together  by  a  sort  of  federal 
compact,  probably  not  very  niccl}'  defined.  Each 
state,  however,  had  its  lord  or  supreme  chief,  inde- 
pendent in  his  own  territories,  and  possessed  of 
coordinate  authority  with  the  others  in  all  matters 
concerning  the  whole  republic  .  The  affairs  of  gov- 
ernment, especially  all  those  relating  to  peace  and 
war,  were  settled  in  a  senate  or  council,  consisting 
of  the  four  lords  with  their  inferior  nobles. 

The  lower  dignitaries  held  of  the  superior,  each 
in  his  own  district,  by  a  kind  of  feudal  tenure,  being 
bound  to  supply  his  table,  and  enable  him  to  main- 


412 


MARCH   TO   MEXICO. 


[Book   III. 


tain  his  state  in  peace,  as  well  as  to  serve  him  in 
war.^  In  return,  he  experienced  the  aid  ami  protec- 
tion of  his  suzerain.  The  same  mutual  ohlii^ations 
existed  between  him  and  the  followers  amonj^  whom 
his  own  territories  were  distributed.'^  Thus  a  chain 
of  feudal  dc^peudencies  was  established,  whieh,  if  not 
contrived  with  all  the  art  and  lej^al  refinements  of 
analogous  iustitutions  in  the  Old  World,  displayed 
their  most  prominent  characteristics  in  its  personal 
Halations,  the  oblii:;ations  of  militarv  service  on  the 
one  hand,  and  protection  on  the  other.  This  form 
of  government,  so  different  from  that  of  the  sur- 
rounding nations,  subsisted  till  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards.  And  it  is  certainly  evidence  of  consid- 
erable civilization,   that  so  complex  a   polity  should 


-  Till'  dosonuliiiits  of  tliose  pt'lly 
nobles  atlaoluHl  as  great  v;iluo  lo 
their  peiligrees,  as  any  Biseayan 
or  Asturian  in  Old  Spain.  Lonjj 
after  the  Conquest,  they  refused, 
however  needy,  to  dishonor  their 
birth  by  resortinp  to  meehanical 
or  other  pK^beian  occupations,  ojic- 
ios  files  y  bajos.  "  Los  descoiidi- 
entes  de  estos  son  estiniados  por 
hoinbres  califioados,  quo  aunque 
scan  probrisinios  no  usan  ofieios 
mecAnicos  ni  tratos  bajos  ni  viU's, 
ni  jamas  se  pcrniiten  cargar  ni  ea- 
kar  con  coas  y  azadones,  dicieudo 
que  son  hijos  Idalgos  en  que  no 
han  de  aplicarse  a  est;is  cosas  soe- 
ces  y  bajas,  sino  servir  en  guorras 
y  fronter;u5,  eouio  Idalgos,  y  morir 
conu)  honibres  peleando."  Ciunar- 
jjo,  Ilisl.  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


3  "  (^ualquier 'roeulitli  que  for- 
niaba  un  Tecalii,  que  es  casa  de 
Mayorazgo,  todas  aquellas  tierras 
que  lo  eaian  en  suerte  de  reparli- 
miento,  con  montes,  fuentes,  rios, 
6  lagunas  tomasc  para  la  casa 
principal  la  mayor  y  mejor  suerte 
6  pages  do  tierra,  y  luego  las  de- 
mas  que  quedaban  se  partian  por 
sus  soKlados  amigos  y  parienles, 
iguahnente,  y  todos  estos  estan 
obligados  a  reeonoeer  la  easa  may- 
or y  acudir  k  ella,  k  alzarla  y  re- 
p-ararla,  y  k  ser  continues  en  re 
conocer  k  ella  de  aves,  caza,  (lores, 
y  ramos  para  el  sustento  de  la  ca- 
sa del  Mayorazgo,  y  el  que  lo 
cs  est&  obligado  a  sustentarlos  y  4 
regalarlos  oomo  amigos  de  aquella 
e;isa  y  parieutes  de  ella."  Ibid., 
MS. 


Ch.  II.]  ITS  INSTITUTIONS.  4"13 

have  so  long  continued,  undisturbed  by  violence  or 
faction  in  the  confederate  states,  and  should  have 
been  found  competent  to  protect  the  people  in  their 
rights,  and  the  country  from  foreign  invasion. 

The  lowest  order  of  the  people,  however,  do  not 
seem  to  have  enjoyed  higher  immunities  than  under 
the  monarchical  governments ;  and  their  rank  was 
carefully  defined  by  an  appropriate  dress,  and  by 
their  exclusion  from  the  insignia  of  the  aristocratic 
orders.^ 

The  nation,  agricultural  in  its  habits,  reserved  its 
highest  honors,  like  most  other  rude  —  unhappily  al- 
so, civilized  —  nations,  for  military  prowess.  Public 
games  were  instituted,  and  prizes  decreed  to  those 
who  excelled  in  such  manly  and  athletic  exercises, 
as  might  train  them  for  the  fatigues  of  war.  Tri- 
umphs were  granted  to  the  victorious  general,  who 
entered  the  city,  leading  his  spoils  and  captives  in 
long  procession,  while  his  achievements  were  com- 
memorated in  national  songs,  and  his  effigy,  whether 
in  wood  or  stone,  was  erected  in  the  temples.  It 
was  truly  in  the  martial  spirit  of  republican  Rome.^ 

An  institution  not  unlike  knighthood  was  intro- 
duced, very  similar  to  one  existing  also  among  the 
Aztecs.     The  aspirant  to  the  honors  of  this  barbaric 


*  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  de  triunfo,que  los  nietian  en  andas 

MS.  en  su  puebla,  trayendo  consigo  i 

5  "  Los    grandes  recibimientos  los  vencidos ;  y  por  eternizar  sus 

que  hacian  a  los  capitanes  que  ve-  hazaiias  se  las  cantaban  publica- 

nian  y  alcanzaban  victoria  en  las  mente,y  ansi  quedaban  meinoradaa 

guerras,  las  fiestas  y  solenidades  y  con  estatuas  que  las  ponian  en 

con   que  se  solenizaban  a  manera  los  templos."'     Ibid.,  MS. 


414  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book   III. 

chivalry  watched  his  arms  and  fasted  fifty  or  sixty 
days  in  the  temple,  then  listened  to  a  grave  discourse 
on  the  duties  of  his  new  profession.  Various  whim- 
sical ceremonies  followed,  when  his  arms  were  re- 
stored to  him ;  he  was  led  in  solemn  procession 
through  the  public  streets,  and  the  inauguration  was 
concluded  by  banquets  and  public  rejoicings.  —  The 
new  knight  was  distinguished  henceforth  by  cer- 
tain peculiar  privileges,  as  well  as  by  a  badge  inti- 
mating his  rank.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this 
honor  was  not  reserved  exclusively  for  military  mer- 
it ;  but  was  the  recompense,  also,  of  public  services 
of  other  kinds,  as  wisdom  in  council,  or  sagacity 
and  success  in  trade.  For  trade  was  held  in  as  high 
estimation  by  the  Tlascalans,  as  by  the  other  people 
of  Anahuac.'^ 

The  temperate  climate  of  the  table-land  furnished 
the  ready  means  for  distant  traffic.  The  fruitfulness 
of  the  soil  was  indicated  by  the  name  of  the  coun- 
try, —  Tlascala  signifying  the  "  land  of  bread.'*  Its 
wide  plains,  to  the  slopes  of  its  rocky  hills,  waved 
with  yellow  harvests  of  maize,  and  with  the  bounti- 
fij  maguey,  a  plant,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  sup- 
plied the  materials  for  some  important  fabrics.  With 
these,  as  well  as  the  products  of  agricultural  indus- 
try, the  merchant  found  his  way  down  the  sides  of 
the  Cordilleras,  wandered  over  the  sunny  regions  at 


*  For  the  whole  ceremony  of  merchant-knights,  —  see  Appen- 
inauguration,  —  thougli  asitseems,  dix,  Part  2,  No.  9,  where  the 
having  especial   reference  to   the     original  is  given  from  Camargo. 


Ch.  II.]  ITS   INSTITUTIONS.  415 

their  base,  and  brought  back  the  luxuries  which 
nature  had  denied  to  his  own/ 

The  various  arts  of  civilization  kept  pace  with 
increasing  wealth  and  public  prosperity;  at  least, 
these  arts  were  cultivated  to  the  same  limited  extent, 
apparently,  as  among  the  other  people  of  Anahuac. 
The  Tlascalan  tongue,  says  the  national  historian, 
simple  as  beseemed  that  of  a  mountain  region,  was 
rough  compared  with  the  polished  Tezcucan,  or  the 
popular  Aztec  dialect,  and,  therefore,  not  so  well 
fitted  for  composition.  But  they  made  like  profi- 
ciency with  the  kindred  nations  in  the  rudiments  of 
science.  Their  calendar  was  formed  on  the  same 
plan.  Their  religion,  their  architecture,  many  of 
their  laws  and  social  usages  were  the  same,  arguing 
a  common  origin  for  all.  Their  tutelary  deity  was 
the  same  ferocious  war-god  as  that  of  the  Aztecs, 
though  with  a  different  name ;  their  temples,  in  like 
manner,  were  drenched  with  the  blood  of  human 
victims,  and  their  boards  groaned  with  the  same 
cannibal  repasts.^ 

Though  not  ambitious  of  foreign  conquest,  the 
prosperity  of  the  Tlascalans,  in  time,  excited  the  jeal- 
ousy of  their  neighbours,  and  especially  of  the  opulent 
state  of  Cholula.    Frequent  hostilities  arose  between 

1  "Ha  bel  paese,"   says  the  8  A.  full  account  of  the  manners, 

Anonymous  Conqueror,  speaking  customs,  and  domestic  policy  of 

of  Tlascala,  atthetimeoftheinva-  Tlascala  is  given  by  the  national 

sion,  "  di  pianure  et  motagne,  et  e  historian,  throwing  much  light  on 

provincia  popolosa  et  vi  si  racco-  the  other  states  of  Anahuac,  whose 

gliemoltopane."    Rel.d'un  gent.,  social   institutions    seem   to   have 

an.  Ramusio,  tom.  III.  p.  308.  been  all  cast  in  the  same  mould. 


416  MARCH  TO   MEXICO.  [Book  UI. 

them,  in  which  the  advantage  was  almost  always  on 
the  side  of  the  former.  A  still  more  formidable  foe 
appeared  in  later  days  in  the  Aztecs  ;  who  could 
ill  brook  the  independence  of  Tlascala,  when  the 
surrounding  nations  had  acknowledged,  one  after 
another,  their  influence,  or  their  empire.  Under  the 
ambitious  Axayacatl,  they  demanded  of  the  Tlasca- 
lans  the  same  tribute  and  obedience  rendered  by 
other  people  of  the  country.  If  it  were  refused,  the 
Aztecs  would  raze  their  cities  to  their  foundations, 
and  deliver  the  land  to  their  enemies. 

To  this  imperious  summons,  the  little  republic 
proudly  replied,  "  Neither  they  nor  their  ancestors 
had  ever  paid  tribute  or  homage  to  a  foreign  power, 
and  never  would  pay  it.  If  their  country  was  in- 
vaded, they  knew  how  to  defend  it,  and  would  pour 
out  their  blood  as  freely  in  defence  of  their  freedom 
now,  as  their  fathers  did  of  yore,  when  they  routed 
the  Aztecs  on  the  plains  of  Poyauhtlan  !  "  '^ 

This  resolute  answer  brought  on  them  the  forces 
of  the  monarchy.  A  pitched  battle  followed,  and 
the  sturdy  republicans  were  victorious.  From  this 
period,  hostilities  between  the  two  nations  continued 
with  more  or  less  activity,  but  with  unsparing  feroci- 
ty. Every  captive  was  mercilessly  sacrificed.  The 
children  were  trained  from  the  cradle  to  deadly  ha- 
tred against  the  Mexicans;  and,  even  in  the  brief 
intervals  of  war,  none  of  those  intermarriages  took 
place  between  the  people  of  the  respective  countries, 

9  Camargo,  Hist,   de  Tlascala,  MS. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind 
lib.  2,  cap.  70. 


Ch.  II.]  EARLY   HISTORY.  4]7 

which  knit  together  in  social  bonds  most  of  the  other 
kindred  races  of  Anahuac. 

In  this  struggle,  the  Tlascalans  received  an  impor- 
tint  support  in  the  accession  of  the  Othomis,  or  Ot- 
omies,  —  as  usually  spelt  by  Castilian  writers,  —  a 
wild  and  warlike  race  originally  spread  over  the  ta- 
ble-land north  of  the  Mexican  Valley.  A  portion  of 
them  obtained  a  settlement  in  the  republic,  and  were 
speedily  incorporated  in  its  armies.  Their  courage 
and  fidelity  to  the  nation  of  their  adoption  showed 
them  worthy  of  trust,  and  the  frontier  places  were 
consigned  to  their  keeping.  The  mountain  barriers, 
by  which  Tlascala  is  encompassed,  afforded  many 
strong  natural  positions  for  defence  against  invasion. 
The  country  was  open  towards  the  east,  where  a 
valley,  of  some  six  miles  in  breadth,  invited  the  ap- 
proach of  an  enemy.  But  here  it  was,  that  the 
jealous  Tlascalans  erected  the  formidable  rampart 
which  had  excited  the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  which  they  manned  with  a  garrison  of  Oto- 
mies. 

Efforts  for  their  subjugation  were  renewed  on  a 
greater  scale,  after  the  accession  of  Montezuma. 
His  victorious  arms  had  spread  down  the  declivities 
of  the  Andes  to  the  distant  provinces  of  Vera  Paz 
and  Nicaragua, *°  and  his  haughty  spirit  was  chafed 
by  the  opposition  of  a  petty  state,  whose  territorial 
extent  did  not  exceed  ten  leagues  in  breadth  by  fif- 

1"  Camargo  (Hist,  de  Tlascala,     tezuma's  conquests,  —  a  debatable 
MS.)  notices  the  extent  of  Mon-    ground  for  the  historian. 

VOL.    I.  53 


418  MARCH  TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

teen  in  length."  He  sent  an  army  against  them 
under  the  command  of  a  favorite  son.  His  troops 
were  beaten,  and  his  son  was  slain.  The  enraged 
and  mortified  monarch  was  roused  to  still  greater 
preparations.  He  enlisted  the  forces  of  the  cities 
bordering  on  his  enemy,  together  with  those  of  the 
empire,  and  with  this  formidable  army  swept  over  the 
devoted  valleys  of  Tlascala.  But  the  bold  mountain- 
eers withdrew  into  the  recesses  of  their  hills,  and, 
coolly  awaiting  their  opportunity,  rushed  like  a  tor- 
rent on  the  invaders,  and  drove  them  back,  with 
dreadful  slaughter,  from  their  territories. 

Still,  notwithstanding  the  advantages  gained  over 
the  enemy  in  the  field,  the  Tlascalans  were  sorely 
pressed  by  their  long  hostilities  with  a  foe  so  far  su« 
perior  to  themselves  in  numbers  and  resources.  The 
Aztec  armies  lay  between  them  and  the  coast,  cut- 
ting off  all  communication  with  that  prolific  region, 
and  thus  limited  their  supplies  to  the  products  of 
their  own  soil  and  manufacture.  For  more  than  half 
a  century  they  had  neither  cotton,  nor  cacao,  nor 
salt.  Indeed,  their  taste  had  been  so  far  affected  by 
long  abstinence  from  these  articles,  that  it  required 
the  lapse  of  several  generations  after  the  Conquest, 
to  reconcile  them  to  the  use  of  salt  at  their  meals. '^ 
During  the  short  intervals  of  war,  it  is  said,   the 

11  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  Mejico,  lib.  3,  cap.  3.)     It  must 

lib.  3,  cap.  16. — Solis  says,  "  The  have  made  a  curious  figure  in  ge- 

Tlascalan  territory  was  fifty  leagues  ometry  !, 

in  circumference,   ten  long,  from        ^2  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala 

east  to  west,  and  four  broad,  from  MS. 
north  to  south."      (Conquista  de 


ch  ii]  early  history.  419 

Aztec  nobles,  in  the  true  spirit  of  chivalry,  sent  sup- 
plies of  these  commodities  as  presents,  with  many 
courteous  expressions  of  respect,  to  the  Tlascalari 
chiefs.  This  intercourse,  we  are  assured  by  the  In- 
dian chronicler,  was  unsuspected  by  the  people.  Nor 
did  it  lead  to  any  further  correspondence,  he  adds, 
between  the  parties,  prejudicial  to  the  liberties  of  the 
republic,  "which  maintained  its  customs  and  good 
government  inviolate,  and  the  worship  of  its  gods."  ^" 
Such  was  the  condition  of  Tlascala,  at  the  coming 
of  the  Spaniards;  holding,  it  might  seem,  a  preca- 
rious existence  under  the  shadow  of  the  formidable 
power  which  seemed  suspended  like  an  avalanche 
over  her  head,  but  still  strong  in  her  own  resources, 
stronger  in  the  indomitable  temper  of  her  people ; 
with  a  reputation  established  throughout  the  land, 
for  good  faith  and  moderation  in  peace,  for  valor  in 
war,  while  her  uncompromising  spirit  of  indepen- 
dence secured  the  respect  even  of  her  enemies. 
With  such  qualities  of  character,  and  with  an  ani- 
mosity sharpened  by  long,  deadly  hostility  with 
Mexico,  her  alliance  was  obviously  of  the  last  im- 
portance to  the  Spaniards,  in  their  present  enter- 
prise.    It  was  not  easy  to  secure  it.''* 

13  "  Los   Senores   Mejicanos   y  diindose  el  decoro  que  se  debian  : 

Tezcucanos  en  tiempo  que  ponian  mas   con   todos   estos   trabajos   i£» 

♦reguas  por   algunas    temporadas  6rden  de  su  republica  jamas  se  de- 

embiaban  a  los  Senores  de  Tlax-  jaba  de  gobernar  con  la  rectitud  de 

calla  grandes  presentes  y  dadivas  sus  costumbres  guardando  inviola 

de  oro,  ropa,  y  cacao,  y  sal,  y  de  blemente  el  culto  de  sus  Dioses." 

todas  las  cosas  de  que  carecian,  sin  Ibid.,  MS. 

que  la  gente  plebeyalo  entendiese,         ^^  The  Tlascalan  chronicler  dis- 

V  se  saludaban  secretamente,  guar-  cerns  in  this  deep-rooted  hatred  of 


420  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III 

The  Tlascalans  had  been  made  acquainted  with 
the  advance  and  victorious  career  of  the  Christians, 
the  intelligence  of  which  had  spread  far  and  wide 
over  the  plateau.  But  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
anticipated  the  approach  of  the  strangers  to  their 
own  borders.  They  were  now  much  embarrassed 
by  the  embassy  demanding  a  passage  through  their 
territories.  The  great  council  was  convened,  and  a 
considerable  difference  of  opinion  prevailed  in  its 
members.  Some,  adopting  the  popular  superstition, 
supposed  the  Spaniards  might  be  the  white  and 
bearded  men  foretold  by  the  oracles.'^  At  all  events, 
they  were  the  enemies  of  Mexico,  and  as  such  might 
cooperate  with  them  in  their  struggle  with  the  em- 
pire. Others  argued  that  the  strangers  could  have 
nothing  in  common  with  them.  Their  march 
throughout  the  land  might  be  tracked  by  the  broken 
images  of  the  Indian  gods,  and  desecrated  temples. 
How  did  the  Tlascalans  even  know  that  they  were 
foes  to  Montezuma  ?  They  had  received  his  em- 
bassies, accepted  his  presents,  and  were  now  in  the 
company  of  his  vassals  on  the  way  to  his  capital. 

These  last  were  the  reflections  of  an  aged  chief, 
one  of  the  four  who  presided  over  the  republic.  His 
name  was  Xicotencatl.     He  was  nearly  blind,  hav- 


Mexico  the  hand  of  Providence,  mo  han  de  venir  gentes  k  la  parte 

who  wrought  out  of  it  an  impor-  donde  sale   el  sol,  y  que  han   de 

tant  means  for  subverting  the  Az-  eraparentar  con   nosotros,   y  que 

tec  empire.      Hist,    de   Tlascala,  hemos  de  ser  todos  unos ;  y  que 

MS.  han  de  ser  blancos  y  barbudos." 

'5  "  Si   bien  os  acordais,  como  Ibid.,  MS. 
tenemos  de  nuestra  antiguedad  co- 


Ch.  II.]  DISCUSSIONS   IN  THE  SENATE.  421 

mg  lived,  as  is  said,  far  beyond  the  limits  of  a  cen- 
tury.^^  His  son,  an  impetuous  young  man  of  the 
same  name  with  himself,  commanded  a  powerful 
army  of  Tlascalan  and  Otomie  warriors,  near  the 
eastern  frontier.  It  would  be  best,  the  old  man  said, 
to  fall  with  this  force  at  once  on  the  Spaniards.  If 
victorious,  the  latter  would  then  be  in  their  power. 
If  defeated,  the  senate  could  disown  the  act  as  that 
of  the  general,  not  of  the  republic. "^  The  cunning 
counsel  of  the  chief  found  favor  with  his  hearers, 
though  assuredly  not  in  the  spirit  of  chivalry,  nor 
of  the  good  faith  for  which  his  countrymen  were  cel- 
ebrated. But  with  an  Indian,  force  and  stratagem, 
courage  and  deceit,  were  equally  admissible  in  war, 
as  they  were  among  the  barbarians  of  ancient 
Rome.^^ — The  Cempoallan  envoys  were  to  be  de- 
tained under  pretence  of  assisting  at  a  religious 
sacrifice. 

Meanwhile,  Cortes  and  his  gallant  band,  as  stated 
in  the  preceding  chapter,  had  arrived  before  the 
rocky  rampart  on  the  eastern  confines  of  Tlascala. 
From  some  cause  or  other,  it  was  not  manned  by  its 
Otomie  garrison,  and  the  Spaniards  passed  in,  as  we 

16  To  the  ripe  age  of  one  hun-  MS. —  Hetiera,    Hist.    General, 

dred  and  forty !    if  we  may  credit  dec.   2,  lib.   6,  cap.  3.  —  Torque- 

Camargo.      Solis,  who  confounds  mada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.   4,  cap. 

this  veteran  with  his  son,  has  put  27. 

a  flourishing  harangue  in  the  mouth  There  is  sufficient  contradiction, 
of  the  latter,  which  would  be  a  as  well  as  obscurity,  m  the  pro- 
rare  gem  of  Indian  eloquence,—  ceedings  reported  of  the  council, 
were  it  not  Castilian.  Conquista,  ^'hich  it  is  not  easy  to  reconcile 
lib.  2   cap.  16.  altogether  with  subsequent  events. 

\i  ^  -a-  ..    ;i      rr.i  i  18" Dolus  an  virtus,  quis  ia  host* 

"Camargo,  Hist.de  Tlascala,  requirat?" 


422  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  fBooK  III. 

have  seen,  without  resistance.  Cortes  rode  at  the 
head  of  his  body  of  horse,  and,  ordering  the  infantry 
to  come  on  at  a  quick  pace,  went  forward  to  recon- 
noitre. After  advancing  three  or  four  leagues,  he 
descried  a  small  party  of  Indians,  armed  with  sword 
and  buckler,  in  the  fashion  of  the  country.  They 
fled  at  his  approach.  He  made  signs  for  them  to 
halt,  but,  seeing  that  they  only  fled  the  faster,  he 
and  his  companions  put  spurs  to  their  horses,  and 
soon  came  up  with  them.  The  Indians,  finding 
escape  impossible,  faced  round,  and,  instead  of  show- 
ing the  accustomed  terror  of  the  natives  at  the 
strange  and  appalling  aspect  of  a  mounted  trooper, 
they  commenced  a  furious  assault  on  the  cavaliers. 
The  latter,  however,  were  too  strong  for  them,  and 
would  have  cut  their  enemy  to  pieces  without  much 
difficulty,  when  a  body  of  several  thousand  Indians 
appeared  in  sight,  and  coming  briskly  on  to  the  sup- 
port of  their  countrymen. 

Cortes,  seeing  them,  despatched  one  of  his  party, 
in  all  haste,  to  accelerate  the  march  of  his  infantry. 
The  Indians,  after  discharging  their  missiles,  fell  fu- 
riously on  the  little  band  of  Spaniards.  They  strove 
to  tear  the  lances  from  their  grasp,  and  to  drag  the 
riders  from  the  horses.  They  brought  one  cavalier  to 
the  ground,  who  afterwards  died  of  his  wounds,  and 
they  killed  two  of  the  horses,  cutting  through  their 
necks  with  their  stout  broadswords  —  if  we  may  be- 
lieve the  chronicler — at  a  blow!  '^     In  the  narrative 

*9  "  T  lea  mat&ron  dos  Caballos,  de  dos  cuchilladas,  i  segun  algu- 


Ch.  II.]  DESPERATE   BATTLES.  423 

of  these  campaigns,  there  is  sometimes  but  one  step 
—  and  that  a  short  one  —  from  history  to  romance. 
The  loss  of  the  horses,  so  important  and  so  few  in 
immber,  was  seriously  felt  by  Cortes,  who  could 
have  better  spared  the  life  of  the  best  rider  in  the 
troop. 

The  struggle  was  a  hard  one.  But  the  odds  were 
as  overwhelming  as  any  recorded  by  the  Spaniards 
in  their  own  romances,  where  a  handful  of  knights 
is  arrayed  against  legions  of  enemies.  The  lances 
of  the  Christians  did  terrible  execution  here  also ; 
but  they  had  need  of  the  magic  lance  of  Astolpho, 
that  overturned  myriads  with  a  touch,  to  carry  them 
safe  through  so  unequal  a  contest.  It  was  with  no 
little  satisfaction,  therefore,  that  they  beheld  their 
comrades  rapidly  advancing  to  their  support. 

No  sooner  had  the  main  body  reached  the  field 
of  battle,  than,  hastily  forming,  they  poured  such  a 
volley  from  their  muskets  and  crossbows  as  stag- 
gered the  enemy.  Astounded,  rather  than  intimi- 
dated, by  the  terrible  report  of  the  fire-arms,  now 
heard  for  the  fii'st  time  in  these  regions,  the  Indians 
made  no  further  effort  to  continue  the  fight,  but 
drew  off  in  good  order,  leaving  the  road  open  to  the 
Spaniards.  The  latter,  too  well  satisfied  to  be  rid 
of  the  annoyance,  to  care  to  follow  the  retreating 
foe,  again  held  on  their  way. 

Their  route  took  them  through  a  country  sprinkled 

nos,  que  lo  vidron,  cortaron  a  cer-  con  riendas,  i  todas."  Gomara, 
cen  de  un  golpe  cada  pescuego,     Cr<5nica,  cap.  45. 


424  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

over  with  Indian  cottages,  amidst  flourishing  fields 
of  maize  and  maguey,  indicating  an  industrious  and 
thriving  peasantry.  They  were  met  here  by  two 
Tlascalan  envoys,  accompanied  by  two  of  the  Cem- 
poallans.  The  former,  presenting  themselves  before 
the  general,  disavowed  the  assault  on  his  troops,  as 
an  unauthorized  act,  and  assured  him  of  a  friendly 
reception  at  their  capital.  Cortes  received  the  com- 
munication in  a  courteous  manner,  affecting  to  place 
more  confidence  in  its  good  faith,  than  he  probably 
felt. 

It  was  now  growing  late,  and  the  Spaniards  quick- 
ened their  march,  anxious  to  reach  a  favorable  ground 
for  encampment  before  nightfall.  They  found  such 
a  spot  on  the  borders  of  a  stream  that  rolled  slug- 
gishly across  the  plain.  A  few  deserted  cottages 
stood  along  the  banks,  and  the  fatigued  and  fam- 
ished soldiers  ransacked  them  in  quest  of  food.  All 
they  could  find  was  some  tame  animals  resembhng 
dogs.  These  they  killed  and  dressed  without  cere- 
mony, and,  garnishing  their  unsavory  repast  with 
the  fruit  of  the  tuna,  the  Indian  fig,  which  grew  wild 
in  the  neighbourhood,  they  contrived  to  satisfy  the 
cravings  of  appetite.  A  careful  watch  was  main- 
tained by  Cortes,  and  companies  of  a  hundred  men 
each  relieved  each  other  in  mounting  guard  through 
the  night.  But  no  attack  was  made.  Hostilities 
by  night  were  contrary  to  the  system  of  Indian 
tactics.^" 

'•^  Rel.  SetT.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo-     de  Tlascala,  MS.  —  Bernal  Diaz, 
renzana,  p.  50.  —  Camargo,  Hist.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  62.  — 


Ch.  II.]  DESPERATE  BATTLES.  425 

By  break  of  day  on  the  following  morning,  it  be- 
ing the  second  of  September,  the  troops  were  under 
arms.  Besides  the  Spaniards,  the  whole  number 
of  Indian  auxiliaries  might  now  amount  to  three 
thousand ;  for  Cortes  had  gathered  recruits  from 
the  friendly  places  on  his  route  ;  three  hundred  from 
the  last.  After  hearing  mass,  they  resumed  their 
march.  They  moved  in  close  array ;  the  general 
had  previously  admonished  the  men  not  to  lag  be- 
hind, or  wander  from  the  ranks  a  moment,  as  strag- 
glers would  be  sure  to  be  cut  off  by  their  stealthy 
and  vigilant  enemy.  The  horsemen  rode  three 
abreast,  the  better  to  give  one  another  support ;  and 
Cortes  instructed  them,  in  the  heat  of  fight  to  keep 
together,  and  never  to  charge  singly.  He  taught 
them  how  to  carry  their  lances,  that  they  might  not 
be  wrested  from  their  hands  by  the  Indians,  who 
constantly  attempted  it.  For  the  same  reason,  they 
should  avoid  giving  thrusts,  but  aim  their  weapons 
steadily  at  the  faces  of  their  foes.^^ 

They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they  were  met 
by  the  two  remaining  Cempoallan  envoys,  who  with 
looks  of  terror  informed  the  general  that  they  had 
been  treacherously  seized  and  confined,  in  order  to 
be  sacrificed  at  an  approaching  festival  of  the  Tlas- 

Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  45.  —  Ovie-  por  los  esquadrones,  que  Ueuassen 
do,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  las  lan5as  por  las  caras,  y  no  pa- 
cap.  3,  41.  —  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  rassen  a  dar  lancadas,  porquo  no 
Nueva  Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  les  echassen  mano  dellas."  Ber- 
10.  nal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista. 
21  "Que  quando  rompiessemos  cap.  62. 
VOL.    I.                       54 


426  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III 

calans,  but  in  the  night  had  succeeded  in  making 
their  escape.  They  gave  the  unwelcome  tidings, 
also,  that  a  large  force  of  the  natives  was  already 
assembled  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  Spaniards. 

Soon  after,  they  came  in  sight  of  a  body  of  Indi- 
ans, about  a  thousand,  apparently,  all  armed  and 
brandishing  their  weapons,  as  the  Christians  ap- 
proached, in  token  of  defiance.  Cortes,  when  he 
had  come  within  hearing,  ordered  the  interpret- 
ers to  proclaim  that  he  had  no  hostile  intentions ; 
but  wished  only  to  be  allowed  a  passage  through 
their  country,  which  he  had  entered  as  a  friend. 
This  declaration  he  commanded  the  royal  notary, 
Godoy,  to  record  on  the  spot,  that,  if  blood  were 
shed,  it  might  not  be  charged  on  the  Spaniards. 
This  pacific  proclamation  was  met,  as  usual  on  such 
occasions,  by  a  shower  of  darts,  stones,  and  arrows, 
which  fell  like  rain  on  the  Spaniards,  rattling  on 
their  stout  harness,  and  in  some  instances  penetrat- 
ing to  the  skin.  Galled  by  the  smart  of  their 
wounds,  they  called  on  the  general  to  lead  them  on, 
till  he  sounded  the  well  known  battle-cry,  "St.  Jago, 
and  at  them!"^~ 

The  Indians  maintained  their  ground  for  a  while 
with  spirit,  when  they  retreated  with  precipitation, 
but  not  in  disorder.^^  The  Spaniards,  whose  blood 
was  heated  by  the  encounter,  followed  up  their  ad- 
vantage with  more  zeal  than  prudence,  suffering  the 

82  "  Entonces  dixo  Cortes, '  San-     Gomara  of  this  skirmish.  Crdnica, 
tiago,  y  a  ellos.' "   Ibid.,  cap.  63.     cap.  46. 
23  "  Una  gentil  conticnda,"says 


Oh.  II.]  DESPERATE   BATTLES.  427 

wily  enemy  to  draw  them  into  a  narrow  glen  or 
defile,  intersected  by  a  little  stream  of  water,  where 
the  broken  ground  was  impracticable  for  artillery,  as 
well  as  for  the  movements  of  cavalry.  Pressing 
forward  with  eagerness,  to  extricate  themselves  from 
their  perilous  position,  to  their  great  dismay,  on  turn- 
ing an  abrupt  angle  of  the  pass,  they  came  in  presence 
of  a  numerous  army,  choking  up  the  gorge  of  the 
valley,  and  stretching  far  over  the  plains  beyond. 
To  the  astonished  eyes  of  Cortes,  they  appeared  a 
hundred  thousand  men,  while  no  account  estimates 
them  at  less  than  thirty  thousand.^ 

They  presented  a  confused  assemblage  of  helmets, 
weapons,  and  many-colored  plumes,  glancing  bright 
in  the  morning  sun,  and  mingled  with  banners,  above 
which  proudly  floated  one  that  bore  as  a  device  the 
heron  on  a  rock.  It  was  the  well  known  ensign 
of  the  house  of  Titcala,  and,  as  well  as  the  white 
and  yellow  stripes  on  the  bodies,  and  the  like  colors 
on  the  feather-mail  of  the  Indians,  showed  that  they 
were  the  warriors  of  Xicotencatl.^^ 

'•^  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo-  the  numbers  of  a  confused  throng 

renzana,  p.  51.    According  to  Go-  of  barbarians.     As  this  was  only 

mara,  (Crdnica,  cap.  46,)  the  en-  one  of  several  armies  kept  on  foot 

emy  mustered  80,000.     So,  also,  by   the  Tlascalans,   the   smallest 

Ixtlilxochitl.    (Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  amount   is,    probably,   too    large, 

cap.  83.)    Bernal  Diaz  says,  more  The  whole  population  of  the  state, 

than  40,000.     (Hist,   de  la  Con-  according  to  Clavigero,  who  would 

quista,    cap.    63.)      But    Herrera  not  be  likely  to  underrate  it,  did 

(Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  not  exceed  half  a  million  at  the 

5)    and    Torquemada    (Monarch,  time  of  the   invasion.     Stor.  del 

Tnd.,lib.  4,  cap.  20)  reduce  them  Messico,  torn.  I.  p.  156. 

to  30,000.     One  might  as  easily  25  "Ladivisa  y  armas  de  la  casa 

reckon  the  leaves  in  a  forest,  as  y  cabecera  de  Titcala  es  una  garga 


428  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book   III. 

As  the  Spaniards  came  in  sight,  the  Tlascalans 
set  up  a  hideous  war-cry,  or  rather  whistle,  piercing 
the  ear  with  its  shriUness,  and  which,  with  the  beat 
of  their  melancholy  drums,  that  could  be  heard  for 
half  a  league  or  more,^*^  might  well  have  filled  the 
stoutest  heart  with  dismay.  This  formidable  host 
came  rolling  on  towards  the  Christians,  as  if  to 
overwhelm  them  by  their  very  numbers.  But  the 
courageous  band  of  warriors,  closely  serried  together 
and  sheltered  under  their  strong  panoplies,  received 
the  shock  unshaken,  while  the  broken  masses  of  the 
enemy,  chafing  and  heaving  tumultuously  around 
them,  seemed  to  recede  only  to  return  with  new  and 
accumulated  force. 

Cortes,  as  usual,  in  the  front  of  danger,  in  vam 
endeavoured,  at  the  head  of  the  horse,  to  open  a  pas- 
sage for  the  infantry.  Still  his  men,  both  cavalry 
and  foot,  kept  their  array  unbroken,  offering  no 
assailable  point  to  their  foe.  A  body  of  the  Tlasca- 
ians,  however,  acting  in  concert,  assaulted  a  soldier 
named  Moran,  one  of  the  best  riders  in  the  troop. 
They  succeeded   in  dragging  him  from  his  horse, 

blanca  sobre  un  penasco."     (Ca-  hueco  por  de  dentro,  que  suena 

margo,  Hist,   de  Tlascala,  MS.)  algunas  veces  mas  de  media  legaa 

"El  capitan  general,"  says  Bernal  y  con  el  atarabor  hace  estrana  y 

Diaz,  "  que  se  dezia  Xicotenga,  y  suave  consonancia."     (Camargo, 

con  sus  diuisas  de  bianco  y  colora-  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.)    Clavige- 

do,  porque  aquella  diuisa  y  librea  ro,  who  gives  a  drawing  of  this 

era  de  aquel  Xicotenga."  Hist,  de  same  drum,  says  it  is  still  used  by 

la  Conquista,  cap.  63.  the  Indians,  and  may  be  heard  two 

26  "Llaman  Teponaztle  ques  de  or  three  miles.    Stor.  del  Messico, 

un  trozo  de  madero  concavado  y  de  torn.  H.  p.  179. 
una  pieza  rollizo  y,  como  deciraos, 


Ch.  II.l  DESPERATE  BATTLES.  429 

which  they  despatched  with  a  thousand  blows.  The 
Spaniards,  on  foot,  made  a  desperate  effort  to  rescue 
their  comrade  from  the  hands  of  the  enemy, — and 
from  the  horrible  doom  of  tlie  captive.  A  fierce 
struggle  now  began  over  the  body  of  the  prostrate 
horse.  Ten  of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded,  when 
they  succeeded  in  retrieving  the  unfortunate  cavalier 
from  his  assailants,  but  in  so  disastrous  a  plight  that 
he  died  on  the  following  day.  The  horse  was  borne 
off  in  triumph  by  the  Indians,  and  his  mangled  re- 
mains were  sent,  a  strange  trophy,  to  the  different 
towns  of  Tlascala.  The  circumstance  troubled  the 
Spanish  commander,  as  it  divested  the  animal  of  the 
supernatural  terrors  with  which  the  superstition  of 
the  natives  had  usually  surrounded  it.  To  prevent 
such  a  consequence,  he  had  caused  the  two  horses, 
killed  on  the  preceding  day,  to  be  secretly  buried  on 
the  spot. 

The  enemy  now  began  to  give  ground  gradually, 
borne  down  by  the  riders,  and  trampled  under  the 
hoofs  of  their  horses.  Through  the  whole  of  this 
sharp  encounter,  the  Indian  allies  were  of  great  ser- 
vice to  the  Spaniards.  They  rushed  into  the  water, 
and  grappled  their  enemies,  with  the  desperation  of 
men  who  felt  that  "  their  only  safety  was  in  the 
despair  of  safety."  "^  "  I  see  nothing  but  death  for 
us,"  exclaimed  a  Cempoallan  chief  to  Marina ;  "  we 
shall  never  get  through  the  pass  alive."     "  The  God 

27  "  Una  illis  fuit  spes  salatis,    It  is  said  with  the  classic  energy 
desperasse  de  saJute."     (P.  Mar-     of  Tacitus. 
tyr,De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  1,  cap.  1.) 


430  MARCH  TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

of  the  Christians  is  with  us,"  answered  the  intrepid 
woman ;  "  and  He  will  carry  us  safely  through."^' 

Amidst  the  din  of  battle,  the  voice  of  Cortes  was 
heard,  cheering  on  his  soldiers.  "  If  we  f^iil  now," 
he  cried,  "  the  cross  of  Christ  can  never  be  planted 
in  the  land.  Forward,  comrades !  When  was  it  ever 
known  that  a  Castilian  turned  his  back  on  a  foe  ?"^^ 
Animated  by  the  words  and  heroic  bearing  of  their 
general,  the  soldiers,  with  desperate  efforts,  at  length 
succeeded  in  forcing  a  passage  through  the  dark  col- 
umns of  the  enemy,  and  emerged  from  the  defile  on 
the  open  plain  beyond. 

Here  they  quickly  recovered  their  confidence  with 
their  superiority.  The  horse  soon  opened  a  space 
for  the  manoeuvres  of  the  artillery.  The  close  files 
of  their  antagonists  presented  a  sure  mark ;  and 
the  thunders  of  the  ordnance  vomiting  forth  tor- 
rents of  fire  and  sulphurous  smoke,  the  wide  des- 
olation caused  in  their  ranks,  and  the  strangely 
mangled  carcasses  of  the  slain,  filled  the  barbarians 
with  consternation  and  horror.  They  had  no  weap- 
ons to  cope  with  these  terrible  engines,  and  their 
clumsy  missiles,  discharged  from  uncertain  hands, 
seemed  to  fall  inefiectual  on  the  charmed  heads  Of 
the  Christians.  What  added  to  their  embarrassment 
was,  the  desire  to  carry  off  the  dead  and  wounded 
from  the  field,  a  general  practice  among  the  people 


28  "  Respondidle  Marina,  que  no  ria  de  peligro."     Herrera,  Hist, 

tuviese  miedo,  porque  el  Dios  de  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  5. 

los  Christianos,  que  es  muy  pode-  29  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 
roso,  i  los  queria  mucho,  los  saca- 


Ch.  II. J  DESPERATE   BATTLES.  431 

of  Anahuac,  but  which  necessarily  exposed  them, 
while  thus  employed,  to  still  greater  loss. 

Eight  of  their  principal  chiefs  had  now  fallen ; 
and  Xicotencatl,  finding  himself  wholly  unable  to 
make  head  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  open  field, 
ordered  a  retreat.  Far  from  the  confusion  of  a 
panic-struck  mob,  so  common  among  barbarians,  the 
Tlascalan  force  moved  off  the  ground  with  all  the 
order  of  a  well  disciplined  army.  Cortes,  as  on  the 
preceding  day,  was  too  well  satisfied  with  his  pres- 
ent advantage  to  desire  to  follow  it  up.  It  was 
within  an  hour  of  sunset,  and  he  was  anxious  before 
nightfall  to  secure  a  good  position,  where  he  might 
refresh  his  wounded  troops,  and  bivouac  for  the 
night.'^ 

Gathering  up  his  wounded,  he  held  on  his  way, 
without  loss  of  time  ;  and  before  dusk  reached  a 
rocky  eminence,  called  Tzompachtepetl,  or  "  the  hill 
of  Tzompach."  It  was  crowned  by  a  sort  of  tower 
or  temple,  the  remains  of  which  are  still  visible.^' 
His  first  care  was  given  to  the  wounded,  both  men 
and  horses.  Fortunately,  an  abundance  of  provis- 
ions was  found  in  some  neighbouring  cottages ;  and 
the  soldiers,  at  least  all  who  were  not  disabled  by 
their  injuries,  celebrated  the  victory  of  the  day  with 
feasting  and  rejoicing. 


30   Oviedo,   Hist,   de  las  Ind.,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  63.  —  Go- 

MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3,  45.  — Ixtlilx-  mara,  Cronica,  cap.  40. 

ochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83.  3i  Viaje  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren- 

—  Rel.  Seg-.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren-  zana,  p.  ix. 
zana,  p.  51.  —  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 


432  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III 

As  to  the  number  of  killed  or  wounded  on  either 
side,  it  is  matter  of  loosest  conjecture.  The  Indians 
must  have  suffered  severely,  but  the  practice  of  car- 
rying off  the  dead  from  the  field  made  it  impossible 
to  know  to  what  extent.  The  injury  sustained  by 
the  Spaniards  appears  to  have  been  principally  in 
the  number  of  their  wounded.  The  great  object  of 
the  natives  of  Anahuac  in  their  battles  was,  to  make 
prisoners,  who  might  grace  their  triumphs,  and  sup- 
ply victims  for  sacrifice.  To  this  brutal  superstition 
the  Christians  were  indebted,  in  no  slight  degree,  for 
their  personal  preservation.  To  take  the  reports  of 
the  Conquerors,  their  own  losses  in  action  were 
always  inconsiderable.  But  whoever  has  had  occa- 
sion to  consult  the  ancient  chroniclers  of  Spain  in  re- 
lation to  its  wars  with  the  infidel,  whether  Arab  or 
American,  will  place  little  confidence  in  numbers.^ 

The  events  of  the  day  had  suggested  many  topics 
for  painful  reflection  to  Cortes.  He  had  nowhere 
met  with  so  determined  a  resistance  within  the  bor 
ders  of  Anahuac ;  nowhere  had  he  encountered  na- 
tive troops  so  formidable  for  their  weapons,  their 
discipline,  and    their   valor.     Far  from  manifesting 

32  According  to  Cortes  not   a  bloody  roll,  only  five  and  twenty 

Spaniard  fell, —  though  many  were  Christians!     See  the  estimate  in 

wounded,  —  in  this  action  so  fatal  Alfonso  IX. 's  veracious  letter,  ap. 

to  the  infidel !     Diaz  allows  one.  Mariana  (Hist,  de  Espafia,  lib.  2, 

In  the  famous  battle  of  Navas  de  cap.  24).     The  official  returns  of 

Tolosa,  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  old  Castilian  crusaders,  wheth- 

Arabs,  in  1212,  equally  matched  er  in  the  Old  World  or  the  New, 

in  military  science  at  that  time,  are  scarcely  more  trustworthy  than 

there  were  left  200,000  of  the  lat-  a  French  imperial  bulletin  in  our 

ter  on  the  field;  and,  to  balance  this  day. 


Ch.  II.]  DESPERATE  BATTLES.  433 

the  superstitious  terrors  felt  by  the  other  Indians,  at 
the  strange  arms  and  aspect  of  the  Spaniards,  the 
Tlascalans  had  boldly  grappled  with  their  enemy, 
and  only  yielded  to  the  inevitable  superiority  of  his 
military  science.  How  important  would  the  alliance 
of  such  a  nation  be  in  a  struggle  with  those  of  their 
own  race,  —  for  example,  with  the  Aztecs!  But 
how  was  he  to  secure  this  alliance  ?  Hitherto,  all 
overtures  had  been  rejected  with  disdain ;  and  it 
seemed  probable,  that  every  step  of  his  progress  in 
this  populous  land  was  to  be  fiercely  contested. 
His  army,  especially  the  Indians,  celebrated  the 
events  of  the  day  with  feasting  and  dancing,  songs 
of  merriment,  and  shouts  of  triumph.  Cortes  en- 
couraged it,  well  knowing  how  important  it  was  to 
keep  up  the  spirits  of  his  soldiers.  But  the  sounds 
of  revelry  at  length  died  away ;  and  in  the  still 
watches  of  the  night,  many  an  anxious  thought  must 
have  crowded  on  the  mind  of  the  general,  while  his 
little  army  lay  buried  in  slumber  in  its  encampment 
around  the  Indian  hill. 


VOL    1  55 


CHAPTER   III. 

Obcisive  Victory. — Indian  Council. — Night  Attack.  —  Nego- 
tiations WITH  THE  Enemy. — Tlasc.\lan  Hero. 

1519. 

The  Spaniards  were  allowed  to  repose  undisturbed 
the  following  day,  and  to  recruit  their  strength  after 
the  fatigue  and  hard  fighting  of  the  preceding.  They 
found  sufficient  employment,  however,  in  repairing 
and  cleaning  their  weapons,  replenishing  their  di- 
minished stock  of  arrows,  and  getting  every  thing  in 
order  for  further  hostilities,  should  the  severe  lesson 
they  had  inflicted  on  the  enemy  prove  insufficient  to 
discourage  him.  On  the  second  day,  as  Cortes  re- 
ceived no  overtures  from  the  Tlascalans,  he  deter- 
mined to  send  an  embassy  to  their  camp,  proposing 
a  cessation  of  hostilities,  and  expressing  his  intention 
to  visit  their  capital  as  a  friend.  He  selected  two 
of  the  principal  chiefs  taken  in  the  late  engagement, 
as  the  bearers  of  the  message. 

Meanwhile,  averse  to  leaving  his  men  longer  in  a 
dangerous  state  of  inaction,  which  the  enemy  might 
interpret  as  the  result  of  timidity  or  exhaustion,  he 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry  and  such  light 
troops  as  were  most  fit  for  service,  and  made  a  foray 


Ch.  Ill]  DECISIVE   VICTORY.  435 

into  the  neighbouring  country.  It  was  a  mountain- 
ous region,  formed  by  a  ramification  of  the  great 
sierra  of  Tlascala,  with  verdant  slopes  and  valley? 
teeming  with  maize  and  plantations  of  maguey, 
while  the  eminences  were  crowned  with  populous 
towns  and  villages.  In  one  of  these,  he  tells  us,  he 
found  three  thousand  dwellings.'  In  some  places 
he  met  with  a  resolute  resistance,  and  on  these  oc- 
casions took  ample  vengeance  by  laying  the  country 
waste  with  fire  and  sword.  After  a  successful  in- 
road he  returned  laden  with  forage  and  provisions, 
and  driving  before  him  several  hundred  Indian  cap- 
tives. He  treated  them  kindly,  however,  when  ar- 
rived in  camp,  endeavouring  to  make  them  under- 
stand that  these  acts  of  violence  were  not  dictated 
by  his  own  wishes,  but  by  the  unfriendly  policy  of 
their  countrymen.  In  this  way  he  hoped  to  impress 
the  nation  with  the  conviction  of  his  power  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  his  amicable  intentions,  if  met  by 
them  in  the  like  spirit,  on  the  other. 

On  reaching  his  quarters,  he  found  the  two  envoys 
returned  from  the  Tlascalan  camp.  They  had  fallen 
in  with  Xicotencatl  at  about  two  leagues'  distance, 
where  he  lay  encamped  with  a  powerful  force.  The 
cacique    gave    them    audience   at   the    head   of  his 

1  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo-  sign  for  a  thousand,  in  Spanish  no- 

ronzana,  p.  53.  tation,  bearing  great  resemblance 

Oviedo,  who  made  free  use  of  to  the  figure  9.    Martyr,  who  had 

the  manuscripts  of  Cortes,  writes  access,  also,    to   the   Conqueror's 

thirty-nine  houses.     (Hist,  de  las  manuscript,  confirms    the   larger, 

tnd.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3.)     This  and,  a  priori,  less  probable  num- 

may,  perhaps,  be  explained  by  the  ber. 


436  MARCH  TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III 

troops.  He  told  them  to  return  with  the  answer, 
"  That  the  Spaniards  might  pass  on  as  soon  as  they 
chose  to  TIascala ;  and,  when  they  reached  it,  their 
flesh  would  be  hewn  from  their  bodies,  for  sacrifice 
to  the  gods !  If  they  preferred  to  remain  in  their 
own  quarters,  he  would  pay  them  a  visit  there  the 
next  day."-  The  ambassadors  added,  that  the 
chief  had  an  immense  force  with  him,  consisting  of 
five  battalions  of  ten  thousand  men  each.  They 
were  the  flower  of  the  Tlascalan  and  Otomie  war- 
riors, assembled  under  the  banners  of  their  respec- 
tive leaders,  by  command  of  the  senate,  who  were 
resolved  to  try  the  fortunes  of  the  state  in  a  pitched 
battle,  and  strike  one  decisive  blow  for  the  extermi- 
nation of  the  invaders.^ 

This  bold  defiance  fell  heavily  on  the  ears  of  the 
Spaniards,  not  prepared  for  so  pertinacious  a  spirit 
in  their  enemy.  They  had  had  ample  proof  of  his 
courage  and  formidable  prowess.  They  were  now, 
in  their  crippled  condition,  to  encounter  him  with 
a  still  more  terrible  arraj  of  numbers.  The  war, 
too,  from  the  horrible  fate  with  which  it  menaced 

^  "  Que  fuessemos  k  su  pueblo  ions,  at  this  time,  to  the  famished 

adonde  estasu  padre,  q  alia  harian  army   of  the   Spaniards;    to   put 

las  pazes  co  hartarse  de  nuestras  them  in  stomach,  it  may  be,  for 

.jarnes,  y  honrar  sus  dioses  con  the  fight.    (Gomara,  Cronica,  cap. 

miestros  coracones,    y   sangre,  6  46.  —  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.    Chich., 

que  para  otro  dia  de  manana  veria-  MS.,  cap.  83.)      This  ultra-chiv- 

mos  su  respuesta."     Bernal  Diaz,  alrous  display  from  the  barbarian 

Hist,  de  la  Conquistaj  cap.  64.  is  not  very  probable,  and  Cortes' 

3  More  than  one  writer  repeats  own  account  of  his  successful  foray 

a  story  of  the  Tlascalan  general's  may  much  better  explain  the  abun- 

sending  a  good  supply  of  provis-  dance  which  reigned  in  his  camp. 


Ch.  III.]  DECISIVE   VICTORY.  437 

the  vanquished,  wore  a  peculiarly  gloomy  aspect, 
that  pressed  heavily  on  their  spirits.  "We  feared 
death,"  says  the  lion-hearted  Diaz,  with  his  usual 
simplicity,  "  for  we  were  men."  There  was  scarce- 
ly one  in  the  army,  that  did  not  confess  himself 
that  night  to  the  reverend  father  Olmedo,  who  was 
occupied  nearly  the  whole  of  it  with  administ?'*- 
ing  absolution,  and  with  the  other  solemn  offices 
of  the  Church.  Armed  with  the  blessed  sacraments, 
the  Catholic  soldier  lay  tranquilly  down  to  rest,  pre- 
pared for  any  fate  that  might  betide  him  under  the 
banner  of  the  Cross.^ 

As  a  battle  was  now  inevitable,  Cortes  resolved 
to  march  out  and  meet  the  enemy  in  the  field.  This 
would  have  a  show  of  confidence,  that  might  serve 
the  double  purpose  of  intimidating  the  Tlascalans, 
and  inspiriting  his  own  men,  whose  enthusiasm 
might  lose  somewhat  of  its  heat,-  if  compelled  tp 
await  the  assault  of  their  antagonists,  inactive  in 
their  own  intrenchments.  The  sun  rose  bright  on 
the  following  morning,  the  5th  of  September,  1519, 
an  eventful  day  in  the  history  of  the  Spanish  Con- 
quest. The  general  reviewed  his  army,  and  gave 
them,  preparatory  to  marching,  a  few  words  of  en- 
couragement and  advice.  The  infantry  he  instructed 
to  rely  on  the  point  rather  than  the  edge  of  their 
swords,  and  to  endeavour  to  thrust  their  opponents 

4  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren-  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 

zana,  p.  52.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  cap.   3.  —  Bernal   Diaz,  Hist    de 

ChiRh.,  MS.,  cap.  83.  — Gomara,  la  Conquista,  cap.  64. 
Cronica,   cap.    46,   47.  —  Oviedo, 


438 


MARCH  TO  MEXICO. 


[Book  III 


through  the  body.  The  horsemen  were  to  charge  at 
half  speed,  with  their  lances  aimed  at  the  eyes  of 
the  Indians.  The  artillery,  the  arquebusiers,  and 
crossbow-men,  were  to  support  one  another,  some 
loading  while  others  discharged  their  pieces,  that 
there  should  be  an  unintermitted  firing  kept  up 
through  the  action.  Above  all,  they  were  to  main- 
tain their  ranks  close  and  unbroken,  as  on  this  de- 
pended their  preservation. 

They  had  not  advanced  a  quarter  of  a  league, 
when  they  came  in  sight  of  the  Tlascalan  army. 
Its  dense  array  stretched  far  and  wide  over  a  vast 
plain  or  meadow  ground,  about  six  miles  square. 
Its  appearance  justified  the  report  which  had  been 
given  of  its  numbers.^  Nothing  could  be  more  pic- 
turesque than  the  aspect  of  these  Indian  battalions, 
with  the  naked  bodies  of  the  common  soldiers  gaud- 
ily painted,  the  fantastic  helmets  of  the  chiefs  glitter- 
ing with  gold  and  precious  stones,  and  the  glowing 
panoplies  of  feather-work,  which  decorated  their  per- 
sons.^    Innumerable   spears  and  darts   tipped  with 


5  Through  the  magnifying  lens 
of  Cortes,  they  appeared  to  be 
150,000  men  ;  (Rel.  Seg.,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana,  p.  53;)  a  number  usu- 
ally preferred  by  succeeding  wri- 
ters. 

6  '■  Nol  half  so  gorgeous,  for  their  May-day 
mirlh 
All  wreathed  and  ribanded,  our  youths 

and  maids, 
Ab  these  elKrn  Tlascalans  in  war  attire  ! 
Tha  golden  glitleranco,  and  the  feather- 
mail 
More  gay  than  glittering  gold ;  and  round 
the  helm 


A  coronal  of  high  upstanding  plumes, 
Green  as  the  spring  grass  in  a  sunny 

shower ; 
Or  scarlet  bright,  as  in  th^  wintry  wood 
The  clustered  holly ;  or  of  purple  tint; 
Whereto  shall  that  be  likened?    to  what 

gem 
Indiademed,  what  flower,  what  insect's 

wing  J 
With  war  songs  and  wild  music  they 

came  on  ; 
We,  the  while  kneeling,  raised  with  one 

accord 
The  hymn  of  supplication." 

Southey's  Madoc,  Part  1,  canto  7. 


Ch.  III.]  DECISIVE    VICTORY.  439 

points  of  txansparent  itztli,  or  fiery  copper,  sparkled 
bright  in  the  morning  sun,  like  the  phosphoric  gleams 
playing  on  the  surface  of  a  troubled  sea,  while  the 
rear  of  the  mighty  host  was  dark  with  the  shadows 
of  banners,  on  which  were  emblazoned  the  armorial 
bearings  of  the  great  Tlascalan  and  Otomie  chief- 
tains/ Among  these,  the  white  heron  on  the  rock, 
the  cognizance  of  the  house  of  Xicotencatl,  was 
conspicuous,  and,  still  more,  the  golden  eagle  with 
outspread  wings,  in  the  fashion  of  a  Roman  signum, 
richly  ornamented  with  emeralds  and  silver-work, 
the  great  standard  of  the  republic  of  Tlascala.^ 

The  common  file  wore  no  covering  except  a  girdle 
round  the  loins.  Their  bodies  were  painted  with  the 
appropriate  colors  of  the  chieftain  whose  banner 
they  followed.     The  feather-mail  of  the  higher  class 


'  The  standards  of  the  Mexicans  ^  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala, 
were  carried  in  the  centre,  those  MS.  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General, 
of  the  Tlascalans  in  the  rear  of  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap.  6.  ^  Gomara, 
the  army.  (Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Cronica,  cap.  46.  —  Bernal  Diaz, 
Messico,  vol.  H.  p.  145.)  Accord-  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  64. — 
ing  to  the  Anonymous  Conqueror,  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
the  banner  staff  was  attached  to  lib.  33,  cap.  45. 
the  back  of  the  ensign,  so  that  it  The  two  last  authors  speak  of 
vas  impossible  to  be  torn  away,  the  device  of  "  a  white  bird  like 
"  Ha  ogni  copagnia  il  suo  Alfiere  an  ostrich,"  as  that  of  the  repub- 
con  la  sua  insegna  inhastata,  et  in  lie.  They  have  evidently  cen- 
tal modo  ligata  sopra  le  spalle,  che  founded  it  with  that  of  the  Indian 
non  gli  da  alcuu  disturbo  di  poter  general.  Camargo,  who  has  given 
combattere  ne  far  cio  che  vuole,  et  the  heraldic  emblems  of  the  four 
la  porta  cosi  ligata  bene  al  corpo,  great  famiUes  of  Tlascala,  ncitices 
che  se  no  fanno  del  suo  corpo  the  white  heron,  as  that  of  Xico- 
pezzi,  non  se  gli  puo  sligare,  ne  tencatl. 
torgliela  mai."  Rel.  d'  un  gent., 
ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  HI.  fol.  305. 


440  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

of  warriors  exhibited,  also,  a  similar  selection  of 
colors  for  the  like  object,  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  color  of  the  tartan  indicates  the  peculiar  clan  of 
the  Highlander.^  The  caciques  and  principal  war- 
riors were  clothed  in  a  quilted  cotton  tunic,  two 
inches  thick,  which,  fitting  close  to  the  body,  pro- 
tected, also,  the  thighs  and  the  shoulders.  Over 
this  the  wealthier  Indians  wore  cuirasses  of  thin 
gold  plate,  or  silver.  Their  legs  were  defended  by 
leathern  boots  or  sandals,  trimmed  with  gold.  But 
the  most  brilliant  part  of  their  costume  was  a  rich 
mantle  of  the  plumaje  or  feather-work,  embroidered 
with  curious  art,  and  furnishing  some  resemblance 
to  the  gorgeous  surcoat  worn  by  the  European  knight 
over  his  armor  in  the  Middle  Ages.  This  graceful 
and  picturesque  dress  was  surmounted  by  a  fantastic 
head-piece  made  of  wood  or  leather,  representing 
the  head  of  some  wild  animal,  and  frequently  dis- 
playing a  formidable  array  of  teeth.  With  this  cov- 
ering the  warrior's  head  was  enveloped,  producing 
a  most  grotesque   and  hideous  effect. '°     From  the 


*  The  accounts  of  the  Tlascalan  — Camargo,   Hist,   de    Tlascala, 

chronicler   arc   confirmed   by   the  MS.  —  Rel.   d' un  gent.,  ap.  Ra- 

Anonymous    Conqueror    and    by  musio,  torn.  ITT.  fol.  305. 
Bemal  Diaz,   both  eyewitnesses;         ^^  "  Portano  in  testa,"  says  the 

though  the  latter  frankly  declares.  Anonymous  Conqueror,  "  per  di- 

that,  had  he  not  seen  them  witii  fcsa  una  cosa  come  teste  di  scrpeti, 

his  own   eyes,   he  should    never  6  di  tigri,  6  di  leoni,  6  di  lupi,  che 

have  credited  the  existence  of  or-  ha  le  mascelle,  et  e  la  testa  deli' 

ders  and  badges  among  the  barba-  huomo  mcssa  nella  testa  di  qsto  an 

rians,  like  those  found  among  the  imale  come  se  lo  volesse  diuorare  : 

civilized  nations  of  Europe.     Hist,  sono   di    legno,  et   sopra  vi  6  la 

-de  la  Conquista,  cap.  64,  et  alibi,  pena,  etdi  piastrad'oro  et  di  pietre 


Ch.  III.]  DECISIVE   VICTORY  441 

crown  floated  a  splendid  panache  of  the  richly  va- 
riegated plumage  of  the  tropics,  indicating,  by  its 
form  and  colors,  the  rank  and  family  of  the  wearer. 
To  complete  their  defensive  armor,  they  carried 
shields  or  targets,  made  sometimes  of  wood  covered 
with  leather,  but  more  usually  of  a  light  frame  of 
reeds  quilted  with  cotton,  which  were  preferred,  as 
tougher  and  less  liable  to  fracture  than  the  former. 
They  had  other  bucklers,  in  which  the  cotton  was 
covered  with  an  elastic  substance,  enabling  them  to 
be  shut  up  in  a  more  compact  form,  like  a  fan  or 
umbrella.  These  shields  were  decorated  with  showy 
ornaments,  according  to  the  taste  or  wealth  of  the 
wearer,  and  fringed  with  a  beautifiil  pendant  of 
feather-work. 

Their  weapons  were  slings,  bows  and  arrows, 
javelins,  and  darts.  They  were  accomplished  arch- 
ers, and  would  discharge  two  or  even  three  arrows 
at  a  time.  But  they  most  excelled  in  throwing  the 
javelin.  One  species  of  this,  with  a  thong  attached 
to  it,  which  remained  in  the  slinger's  hand,  that  he 
might  recall  the  weapon,  was  especially  dreaded  by 
the  Spaniards.  These  various  weapons  were  pointed 
with  bone,  or  the  mineral  itztli,  (obsidian,)  the  hard 
vitreous  substance,  already  noticed,  as  capable  of 
taking  an  edge  like  a  razor,  though  easily  blunted. 
Their  spears  and  arrows  were  also  frequently  head- 
ed with  copper.     Instead  of  a  sword,  they  bore  a 


preciose  copte,  che  e  cosa  marauigliosa  da  vedere."     Rel.  d'  un  gent., 
ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  III.  fol.  305. 

VOL.    I.  66 


442  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

two-handed  staff,  about  three  feet  and  a  half  long, 
in  which,  at  regular  distances,  were  inserted,  trans- 
versely, sharp  blades  of  itztli,  —  a  formidable  wea- 
pon, which,  an  eyewitness  assures  us,  he  had  seen 
fell  a  horse  at  a  blow.'^ 

Such  was  the  costume  of  the  Tlascalan  warrior, 
and,  indeed,  of  that  great  family  of  nations  gener- 
ally, who  occupied  the  plateau  of  Anahuac.  Some 
parts  of  it,  as  the  targets  and  the  cotton  mail  or 
escaupil,  as  it  was  called  in  Castilian,  were  so  ex- 
cellent, that  they  were  subsequently  adopted  by  the 
Spaniards,  as  equally  effectual  in  the  way  of  protec- 
tion, and  superior,  on  the  score  of  lightness  and 
convenience,  to  their  own.  They  were  of  sufficient 
strength  to  turn  an  arrow,  or  the  stroke  of  a  javelin, 
although  impotent  as  a  defence  against  fne-arms. 
But  what  armor  is  not  ?  Yet  it  is  probably  no  ex- 
aggeration to  say,  that,  in  convenience,  gracefulness, 
and  strength,  the  arms  of  the  Indian  warrior  were 
not  very  inferior  to  those  of  the  polished  nations  of 
antiquity.'^ 


1^  "  lo  viddi  che  cobattedosi  un  ^  Particular  notices  of  the  nrul- 

di,  diede  un  Indiano  una  cortellata  itary  dress   and  appointments  of 

a  un  cauallo  sopra  il  qual  era  un  the  American  tribes  on   the  pla- 

caualliero  c6  chi  cobatteua,  nel  pet-  teau   may  be  found  in  Camargo. 

to,che  glieloapersefin  alle  iteriora,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS., —  Clavi- 

et  cadde  icolanete  morto,  et  il  me-  gero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  II. 

desimo  giorno  viddi  che  un  altro  p.  101,  et  seq., —  Acosta,  lib.   6, 

Indiano  diede  un  altra  cortellata  a  cap.  26,  —  Rel.   d'un  gent.,  ap. 

un  altro  cauallo  su  il  collo  che  se  Ramusio,   torn.    III.  fol.    305,  et 

lo  getto  morto  a  i  piedi."     Rel.  auct.  al. 
d'un  gent.,  ap.  Ramusio,  tom.  III. 
fol.  305. 


Oh.  III.]  DECISIVE   VICTORY.  445 

As  soon  as  the  Castilians  came  in  sight,  the  Tlas- 
calans  set  up  their  jell  of  defiance,  rising  high  above 
the  wild  barbaric  minstrelsy  of  shell,  atabal,  and 
trumpet,  with  which  they  proclaimed  their  triumph- 
ant anticipations  of  victory  over  the  paltry  forces  of 
the  invaders.  When  the  latter  had  come  within 
bowshot,  the  Indians  hurled  a  tempest  of  missiles, 
that  darkened  the  sun  for  a  moment  as  with  a  pass- 
ing cloud,  strewing  the  earth  around  with  heaps  of 
stones  and  arrows. ^^  Slowly  and  steadily  the  little 
band  of  Spaniards  held  on  its  way  amidst  this  ar- 
rowy shower,  until  it  had  reached  what  appeared 
the  proper  distance  for  delivering  its  fire  with  full 
effect.  Cortes  then  halted,  and,  hastily  forming  his 
troops,  opened  a  general  well-directed  fire  along  the 
whole  line.  Every  shot  bore  its  errand  of  death ; 
and  the  ranks  of  the  Indians  were  mowed  down 
faster  than  their  comrades  in  the  rear  could  carry 
off  their  bodies,  according  to  custom,  from  the  field. 
The  balls  in  their  passage  through  the  crowded 
files,  bearing  splinters  of  the  broken  harness,  and 
mangled  limbs  of  the  warriors,  scattered  havoc  and 
desolation  in  their  path.  The  mob  of  barbarians 
stood  petrified  with  dismay,  till,  at  length,  galled  to 
desperation  by  their  intolerable  sufl'ering,  they  poured 
forth  simultaneously  their  hideous  war-shriek,  and 
rushed  impetuously  on  the  Christians. 

13  "  Que  granizo  de  piedra  de  qualquiera  arma,  y   las  entraiiaa 

los  honderos!     Pues  flechas  todo  adonde  no  ay  defensa."     Bernal 

el  suelo    hecho    parva  de   varas  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap 

todas  de  &  dos  gajos,  que  passan  65. 


444  MARCH  TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

On  they  came  like  an  avalanche,  or  mountain 
torrent,  shaking  the  solid  earth,  and  sweeping  away 
every  obstacle  in  its  path.  The  little  army  of 
Spaniards  opposed  a  bold  front  to  the  overwhelming 
mass.  But  no  strength  could  withstand  it.  They 
faltered,  gave  way,  were  borne  along  before  it,  and 
their  ranks  were  broken  and  thrown  into  disorder. 
It  was  in  vain  the  general  called  on  them  to  close 
again  and  rally.  His  voice  was  drowned  by  the  din 
of  fight  and  the  fierce  cries  of  the  assailants.  For 
a  moment,  it  seemed  that  all  was  lost.  The  tide  of 
battle  had  turned  against  them,  and  the  fate  of  the 
Christians  was  sealed. 

But  every  man  had  that  within  his  bosom,  which 
spoke  louder  than  the  voice  of  the  general.  Despair 
gave  unnatural  energy  to  his  arm.  The  naked  body 
of  the  Indian  afforded  no  resistance  to  the  sharp 
Toledo  steel ;  and  with  their  good  swords,  the 
Spanish  infantry  at  length  succeeded  in  staying  the 
human  torrent.  The  heavy  guns  from  a  distance 
thundered  on  the  flank  of  the  assailants,  which, 
shaken  by  the  iron  tempest,  was  thrown  into  disor- 
der. Their  very  numbers  increased  the  confusion, 
cis  they  were  precipitated  on  the  masses  in  front. 
The  horse  at  the  same  moment,  charging  gallantly 
under  Cortes,  followed  up  the  advantage,  and  at 
length  compelled  the  tumultuous  throng  to  fall  back 
with  gr(iater  precipitation  and  disorder  than  that 
with  which  they  had  advanced. 

More  than  once  in  the  course  of  the  action,  a 
similar  assault  was  attempted  by  the  Tlascalans,  but 


Ch-  iii.j  decisive  victory.  445 

each  time  with  less  spirit,  and  greater  loss.  The^r 
were  too  deficient  in  military  science  to  profit  hy 
their  vast  superiority  in  numbers.  They  were  dis- 
tributed into  companies,  it  is  true,  each  serving 
under  its  own  chieftain  and  banner.  But  they  were 
not  arranged  by  rank  and  file,  and  moved  in  a  con- 
fused mass,  promiscuously  heaped  together.  They 
knew  not  how  to  concentrate  numbers  on  a  given 
point,  or  even  how  to  sustain  an  assault,  by  employ- 
ing successive  detachments  to  support  and  relieve 
one  another.  A  very  small  part  only  of  their  array 
could  be  brought  into  contact  with  an  enemy  inferior 
to  them  in  amount  of  forces.  The  remainder  of  the 
army,  inactive  and  worse  than  useless,  in  the  rear, 
served  only  to  press  tumultuously  on  the  advance, 
and  embarrass  its  movements  by  mere  weight  of 
numbers,  while,  on  the  least  alarm,  they  were  seized 
with  a  panic  and  threw  the  whole  body  into  inextri- 
cable confusion.  It  was,  in  short,  the  combat  of  the 
ancient  Greeks  and  Persians  over  again. 

Still,  the  great  numerical  superiority  of  the  Indians 
might  have  enabled  them,  at  a  severe  cost  of  their 
own  lives,  indeed,  to  wear  out,  in  time,  the  con- 
stancy of  the  Spaniards,  disabled  by  wounds  and 
incessant  fatigue.  But,  fortunately  for  the  latter, 
dissensions  arose  among  their  enemies.  A  Tlasca- 
lan  chieftain,  commanding  one  of  the  great  divisions, 
had  taken  umbrage  at  the  haughty  demeanour  of 
Xicotencatl,  who  had  charged  him  with  misconduct 
or  cowardice  in  the  late  action.  The  injured  ca- 
cique challenged  his  rival  to  single  combat.     This 


446  MARCH  TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

did  not  take  place.  But,  burning  with  resentment, 
he  chose  the  present  occasion  to  indulge  it,  by  draw- 
ing off  his  forces,  amounting  to  ten  thousand  men, 
from  the  field.  He  also  persuaded  another  of  the 
commanders  to  follow  his  example. 

Thus  reduced  to  about  half  his  original  strength, 
and  that  greatly  crippled  by  the  losses  of  the  day, 
Xicotencatl  could  no  longer  maintain  his  ground 
against  the  Spaniards.  After  disputing  the  field 
with  admirable  courage  for  four  hours,  he  retreated 
and  resigned  it  to  the  enemy.  The  Spaniards  were 
too  much  jaded,  and  too  many  were  disabled  by 
wounds,  to  allow  them  to  pursue ;  and  Cortes,  satis- 
fied with  the  decisive  victory  he  had  gained,  returned 
in  triumph  to  his  position  on  the   hill  of  Tzompach. 

The  number  of  killed  in  his  own  ranks  had  been 
very  small,  notwithstanding  the  severe  loss  inflicted 
on  the  enemy.  These  few  he  was  careful  to  bury 
where  they  could  not  be  discovered,  anxious  to  con- 
ceal not  only  the  amount  of  the  slain,  but  the  fact 
that  the  whites  were  mortal."^  But  very  many  of 
the  men  were  wounded,  and  all  the  horses.  The 
trouble  of  the  Spaniards  was  much  enhanced  by  the 
want  of  many  articles  important  to  them  in  their 
present  exigency.  They  had  neither  oil,  nor  salt, 
wliich,  as  before  noticed,  was  not  to  be  obtained  in 
Tlascala.     Their  clothing,  accommodated  to  a  softer 

1*  So  says  Bernal  Diaz  ;  who,  only  one  Christian  fell  in  the  fight. 

It  the  same  time,  by  the  epithets,  (Ilist.  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  65.) 

ios  murr/os,   los   cunyos,    plainly  Cort6s   has   not   the  grace  to  ac 

contradicts  his  previous  boast  that  knowledge  that  one. 


Oh.  III.]  DECISIVE  VICTORY.  447 

climate,  was  ill  adapted  to  the  rude  air  of  the  moun- 
tains ;  and  bows  and  arrows,  as  Bernal  Diaz  sar- 
castically remarks,  formed  an  indifferent  protection 
against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.'^ 

Still,  they  had  much  to  cheer  them  in  the  events 
of  the  day ;  and  they  might  draw  from  them  a  rea- 
sonable ground  for  confidence  in  their  own  resources, 
such  as  no  other  experience  could  have  supplied. 
Not  that  the  results  could  authorize  any  thing  like 
contempt  for  their  Indian  foe.  Singly  and  with  the 
same  weapons,  he  might  have  stood  his  ground 
against  the  Spaniard.  ^^  But  the  success  of  the 
day  established  the  superiority  of  science  and  disci- 
pline over  mere  physical  courage  and  numbers.  Jt 
was  fighting  over  again,  as  we  have  said,  the  old 
battle  of  the  European  and  the  Asiatic.  But  the 
handful  of  Greeks  who  routed  the  hosts  of  Xerxes 


^5  Oviedo,Hist. delasInd.,MS.,  it  may  be  pardoned  in  the  hero  of 

lib.  33,  cap.  3.  —  Rel.  Seg.  deCor-  more  than  a  hundred  battles,  and 

tes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  52.  — Her-  almost  as  many  wounds, 

rera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  ^^  The  Anonymous  Conqueror 

cap.  6. — Ixtlilxochitl,Hist.Chich.,  bears   emphatic   testimony  to  the 

MS.,  cap.  83.  —  Gomara,  Cronica,  valor  of  the  Indians,  specifying  in- 

cap.  46. — Torquemada,  Monarch,  stances  in  which  he  had   seen  a 

Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  32.  —  Bernal  Di-  .single  warrior  defend  himself  for  a 

az,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  65,  long  time  against  two,  three,  and 

66.  even  four  Spaniards !     "  Sono  fra 

The  warm,  chivalrous  glow  of  loro  di  valetissimi  huomini  et  che 

•eeling,  which  colors  the  rude  com-  ossano    morir    ostinatissimamete. 

position  of  the  last  chronicler,makes  Et  io  ho  veduto  un  d'  essi  difen- 

him  a  better  painter  than  his  more  dersi  valetemente  da  duoi  caualli 

correct  and  classical  rivals.     And,  leggieri,  et  un  altro  da  tre,  ct  quat- 

if  there  is  somewhat  too  much  of  tro."    Rel.  d'  un  gent.,  ap.  Ramu- 

the  self-complacent  tone  of  the  (/wo-  sio,  torn.  HI.  fol.  305. 
rum  pars  magna  fui  in  his  writing, 


448  MARCH  TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

and  Darius,  it  must  be  remembered,  had  not  so  ob- 
vious an  advantage  on  the  score  of  weapons,  as  was 
enjoyed  by  the  Spaniards  in  these  wars.  The  use 
of  fire-arms  gave  an  ascendency  which  cannot  easily 
l)e  estimated ;  one  so  great,  that  a  contest  between 
nations  equally  ci^dlized,  which  should  be  similar  in 
all  other  respects  to  that  between  the  Spaniards  and 
the  Tlascalans,  would  probably  be  attended  with  a 
similar  issue.  To  all  this  must  be  added  the  effect 
produced  by  the  cavalry.  The  nations  of  Anahuac 
had  no  large  domesticated  animals,  and  were  unac- 
quainted with  any  beast  of  burden.  Their  imagina- 
tions were  bewildered,  when  they  beheld  the  strange 
apparition  of  the  horse  and  his  rider  moving  in  unison 
and  obedient  to  one  impulse,  as  if  possessed  of  a 
common  nature  ;  and  as  they  saw  the  terrible  animal, 
with  his  "  neck  clothed  in  thunder,"  bearing  down 
their  squadrons  and  trampling  them  in  the  dust,  no 
wonder  they  should  have  regarded  him  with  the 
mysterious  terror  felt  for  a  supernatural  being.  A 
very  little  reflection  on  the  manifold  grounds  of  su- 
periority, both  moral  and  physical,  possessed  by  the 
Spaniards  in  this  contest,  will  surely  explain  the 
issue,  without  any  disparagement  to  the  courage  or 
capacity  of  their  opponents.''^ 

Cortes,  thinking  the  occasion  favorable,  followed 
up  the  important  blow  he  had  struck  by  a  new  mis 


17  The  appalling  effect  of  the  strange  appearance  of  the  elephants 

cavalry  on  the  natives  reminds  one  in   their   first    engagements   with 

of  the  confusion  into  which  the  Ro-  Pyrrhus,   as  told  by  Plutarch   in 

man  legions  were  thrown  by  the  his  life  of  that  prince. 


Ch.  III.]  INDIAN   COUNCIL.  449 

sion  to  the  capital,  bearing  a  message  of  similar  im- 
port with  that  recently  sent  to  the  camp.  But  the 
senate  was  not  yet  sufficiently  humbled.  The  late 
defeat  caused,  indeed,  general  consternation.  Max- 
ixcatzin,  one  of  the  four  great  lords  who  [)resided 
over  the  republic,  reiterated  with  greater  force  the 
arguments  before  urged  by  him  for  embracing  the 
proffered  alhance  of  the  strangers.  The  armies  of 
the  state  had  been  beaten  too  often  to  allow  any 
reiasonable  hope  of  successful  resistance ;  and  he 
enlarged  on  the  generosity  shown  by  the  politic 
Conqueror  to  his  prisoners,  —  so  unusual  in  Anahu- 
ac,  —  as  an  additional  motive  for  an  alliance  with 
men  who  knew  how  to  be  friends  as  well  as  foes. 

But  in  these  views  he  was  overruled  by  the  war- 
party,  whose  animosity  was  sharpened,  rather  than 
subdued,  by  the  late  discomfiture.  Their  hostih^ 
feelings  were  further  exasperated  by  the  younger 
Xicotencatl,  who  burned  for  an  opportunity  to  re- 
trieve his  disgrace,  and  to  wipe  away  the  stain 
which  had  fallen  for  the  first  time  on  the  arms  of 
the  republic. 

In  their  perplexity,  they  called  in  the  assistance 
of  the  priests,  whose  authority  was  frequently  in- 
voked in  the  deliberations  of  the  American  chiefs. 
The  latter  inquired,  with  some  simplicity,  of  these 
interpreters  of  fate,  whether  the  strangers  were  su- 
pernatural beings,  or  men  of  flesh  and  blood  like 
themselves.  The  priests,  after  some  consultation, 
are  said  to  have  made  the  strange  answer,  that  tlie 
Spaniards,  though  not  gods,  were  children  of  the 

VOL.    I.  57 


ioO  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book   III. 

Sun ;  that  they  derived  their  strength  from  that  lu- 
minary, and,  when  his  beams  were  withdrawn,  their 
powers  would  also  fail.  They  recommended  a  night 
attack,  therefore,  as  one  which  afforded  the  best 
chance  of  success.  This  apparently  childish  re- 
sponse may  have  had  in  it  more  of  cunning  than 
credulity.  It  was  not  improbably  suggested  by  Xi- 
cotencatl  himself,  or  by  the  caciques  in  his  interest, 
TO  reconcile  the  people  to  a  measure,  which  was 
contrary  to  the  military  usages,  —  indeed,  it  may 
be  said,  to  the  public  law  of  Anahuac.  Wheth- 
er the  fruit  of  artifice  or  superstition,  it  prevailed ; 
and  the  Tlascalan  general  was  empowered,  at  the 
head  of  a  detachment  of  ten  thousand  warriors,  to 
try  the  effect  of  an  assault  by  night  on  the  Christian 
camp. 

The  affair  was  conducted  with  such  secrecy,  that 
it  did  not  reach  the  ears  of  the  Spaniards.  But 
their  general  was  not  one  who  allowed  himself, 
sleeping  or  waking,  to  be  surprised  on  his  post. 
Fortunately,  the  night  appointed  was  illumined  by 
the  full  beams  of  an  autumnal  moon  ;  and  one  of 
the  videttes  perceived  by  its  light,  at  a  considerable 
distance,  a  large  body  of  Indians  moving  towards 
the  Christian  lines.  He  was  not  slow  in  giving  the 
alarm  to  the  garrison. 

The  Spaniards  slept,  as  has  been  said,  with  their 
arms  by  their  side ;  while  their  horses,  picketed  near 
them,  stood  ready  saddled,  with  the  bridle  hanging 
at  the  bow.  In  five  minutes,  the  whole  camp  was 
under  arms ;  Avhen  they  beheld  the  dusky  columns 


C"-  i"]  NIGHT  ATTACK.  45J 

of  the  Indians  cautiously  advancing  over  the  plain, 
their  heads  just  peering  above  the  tall  maize  with 
which  the  land  was  partially  covered.  Cortes  deter- 
mined not  to  abide  the  assault  in  his  intrenchments, 
but  to  sally  out  and  pounce  on  the  enemy  when  hv 
had  reached  the  bottom  of  the  hill. 

Slowly  and  stealthily  the  Indians  advanced,  while 
the  Christian  camp,  hushed  in  profound  silence,  seem- 
ed to  them  buried  in  slumber.  But  no  sooner  had 
they  reached  the  slope  of  the  rising  ground,  than 
they  were  astounded  by  the  deep  battle-cry  of  the 
Spaniards,  followed  by  the  instantaneous  apparition 
of  the  whole  army,  as  they  sallied  forth  from  the 
works,  and  poured  down  the  sides  of  the  hill. 
Brandishing  aloft  their  weapons,  they  seemed  to 
the  troubled  fancies  of  the  Tlascalans,  like  so  many 
spectres  or  demons  hurrying  to  and  fro  in  mid  air, 
while  the  uncertain  light  magnified  their  numbers, 
and  expanded  the  horse  and  his  rider  into  gigantic 
and  unearthly  dimensions. 

Scarcely  waiting  the  shock  of  their  enemy,  the 
panic-struck  barbarians  let  off  a  feeble  volley  of 
arrows,  and,  offering  no  other  resistance,  fled  rapidly 
and  tumultuously  across  the  plain.  The  horse  easily 
overtook  the  fugitives,  riding  them  down  and  cutting 
them  to  pieces  without  mercy,  until  Cortes,  weary 
with  slaughter,  called  off  his  men,  leaving  the  field 
loaded  with  the  bloody  trophies  of  victory.'^ 

18  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  cap.  3.  —  P.  Martyr,  De  Orbe 
Lorenzana,  pp.  53,54.  —  Oviedo,  Novo,  dec.  2,  cap.  2.  —  Torque- 
Hist.   de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.   33,     mada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap. 


452  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book   III, 

The  next  day,  the  Spanish  commander,  with  his 
usual  pohcy  after  a  decisive  blow  had  been  struck, 
sent  a  new  embassy  to  the  Tlascalan  capital.  The 
envoys  received  their  instructions  through  the  inter- 
preter, Marina.  That  remarkable  woman  had  at- 
tracted general  admiration  by  the  constancy  and 
cheerfulness  with  which  she  endured  all  the  priva- 
tions of  the  camp.  Far  from  betraying  the  natural 
weakness  and  timidity  of  her  sex,  she  had  shrunk 
from  no  hardship  herself,  and  had  done  much  to 
fortify  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  soldiers ;  while 
her  sympathies,  whenever  occasion  offered,  had  been 
actively  exerted  in  mitigating  the  calamities  of  her 
Indian  countrymen. ^^ 

Through  his  faithful  interpreter,  Cortes  communi- 
cated the  terms  of  his  message  to  the  Tlascalan 
envoys.  He  made  the  same  professions  of  amity  as 
before,  promising  oblivion  of  all  past  injuries  ;  but, 
if  this  proffer  were  rejected,  he  would .  \isit  their 
capital  as  a  conqueror,  raze  every  house  in  it  to  the 
ground,  and  put  every  inhabitant  to  the  sword  !  He 
then  dismissed  the  ambassadors  with  the  symbolical 
presents  of  a  letter  in  one  hand,  and  an  arrow  in 
the  other. 


32. — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  auernos  visto  cercados  en  his  ba- 

9,  lib.  6,  cap.  8.  —  Bernal  Diaz,  tallas  passadas,  y  que  aora  todos 

Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  66.  estauamos  heridos,  y  dolientes,  ja- 

19  "  Digamos  come  Dona  Mari-  mas  vimos  flaqueza  en  ella,  sine 

i;a,  con  ser  muger  dc  la  tierra,  que  muy  mayor  esfuergo  que  de  inu- 

esfuerco  tan  varonil  tenia,  que  con  ger."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 

oir  cada  dia  que  nos  auian  de  ma-  Conquista,  cap.  66. 
"ar,   V  corner   nuestras   carnes,   v 


Ch.  Ill]  NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   THE  ENEMY.  453 

The  envoys  obtained  respectful  audience  from  the 
council  of  Tlascala,  whom  they  found  plunged  in 
deep  dejection  by  their  recent  reverses.  The  failure 
of  the  night  attack  had  extinguished  every  spark  of 
hope  in  their  bosoms.  Their  armies  had  been  beat- 
en again  and  again,  in  the  open  field  and  in  secret 
ambush.  Stratagem  and  courage,  all  their  resources, 
had  alike  proved  ineffectual  against  a  foe  whose 
hand  was  never  weary,  and  whose  eye  was  never 
closed.  Nothing  remained  but  to  submit.  They 
selected  four  principal  caciques,  whom  they  intrusted 
with  a  mission  to  the  Christian  camp.  They  were 
to  assure  the  strangers  of  a  free  passage  through  the 
country,  and  a  friendly  reception  in  the  capital. 
The  proffered  friendship  of  the  Spaniards  was  cor- 
dially embraced,  with  many  awkward  excuses  for 
the  past.  The  envoys  were  to  touch  at  the  Tlasca- 
lan  camp  on  their  way,  and  inform  Xicotencatl  of 
their  proceedings.  They  were  to  require  him,  at 
the  same  time,  to  abstain  from  all  further  hostilities, 
and  to  furnish  the  white  men  with  an  ample  supply 
of  provisions. 

But  the  Tlascalan  deputies,  on  arriving  at  the 
quarters  of  that  chief,  did  not  find  him  in  the  humor 
to  comply  with  these  instructions.  His  repeated 
collisions  with  the  Spaniards,  or,  it  may  be,  his  con- 
stitutional courage,  left  him  inaccessible  to  the  vulgar 
terrors  of  his  countrymen.  He  regarded  the  stran- 
gers not  as  supernatural  beings,  but  as  men  like  him- 
self. The  animosity  of  a  warrior  had  rankled  into  a 
deadly  hatred  from  the  mortifications  he  had  endured 


454  iMARCH   TO   MEXICO.  l^ook   III. 

at  their  hands,  and  his  head  teemed  with  plans  for 
recovering  his  fallen  honors,  and  for  taking  ven- 
geance on  the  invaders  of  his  country.  He  refused 
to  disband  any  of  the  force,  still  formidable,  under 
his  command;  or  to  send  supplies  to  the  enemy's 
camp.  He  further  induced  the  ambassadors  to  re- 
main in  his  quarters,  and  relinquish  their  visit  to  the 
Spaniards.  The  latter,  in  consequence,  were  kept 
in  ignorance  of  the  movements  in  their  favor,  which 
had  taken  place  in  the  Tlascalan  capital. -"^ 

The  conduct  of  Xicotencatl  is  condemned  by 
Castihan  writers,  as  that  of  a  ferocious  and  san- 
guinary barbarian.  It  is  natural  they  should  so  re- 
gard it.  But  those,  who  have  no  national  prejudice 
to  warp  their  judgments,  may  come  to  a  different 
conclusion.  They  may  find  much  to  admire  in  that 
high,  unconquerable  spirit,  like  some  proud  column, 
standing  alone  in  its  majesty  amidst  the  fragments 
and  ruins  around  it.  They  may  see  evidences  of  a 
clear-sighted  sagacity,  which,  piercing  the  thin  veil 
of  insidious  friendship  proffered  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  penetrating  the  future,  discerned  the  coming 
miseries  of  his  country  ;  the  noble  patriotism  of  one 
who  would  rescue  that  country  at  any  cost,  and, 
amidst  the  gathering  darkness,  would  infuse  his  own 
intrepid  spirit  into  the  hearts  of  his  nation,  to  ani- 
mate them  to  a  last  struggle  for  independence. 

^  Ibid.,  cap.  67.  —  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.  — Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

DrSCONTENTS  IN  THE  ArMY.  —  TlASCALAN  SpIES.  — PeaCK  WITH  THP 

Republic. — Embassy  from  Montezuma. 
1519. 

Desirous  to  keep  up  the  terror  of  the  CastiUau 
name,  by  leaving  the  enemy  no  respite,  Cortes,  on 
the  same  day  that  he  despatched  the  embassy  to 
Tlascala,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  small  corps 
of  cavalry  and  light  troops  to  scour  the  neighbouring 
country.  He  was  at  that  time  so  ill  from  fever, 
aided  by  medical  treatment,'  that  he  could  hardly 
keep  his  seat  in  the  saddle.  It  was  a  rough  country, 
and  the  sharp  winds  from  the  frosty  summits  of  the 
mountains  pierced  the  scanty  covering  of  the  troops, 
and  chilled  both  men  and  horses.  Four  or  five  of 
the  animals  gave  out,  and  the  general,  alarmed  for 
their  safety,  sent  them  back  to  the  camp.  The 
soldiers,  discouraged  by  this  i!I  omen,  would  have 


1  The  effect  of  the  medicine  —  Sandoval  does.     (Hist,  de  Carlos 

though  rather  a  severe  dose,  ac-  Quinto,  torn.   I.   p.   127.)     Soli.s, 

cording  to  the  precise  Diaz — was  after  a  conscientious  inquiry  intu 

suspended    during    the    general's  this  ]>erplexing  matter,  decides  — 

active   exertions.     Gomara,  how-  strange  as  it  may  seem  —  against 

ever,  does  not  consider  this  a  mir-  the  father!   Conquista,  lib.  2  cap. 

acle.    (Cronica,  cap.  49.)    Father  20. 


456  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Boob  Ih 

persuaded  him  to  return.  But  he  made  answer, 
"  We  fight  under  the  banner  of  the  Cross ;  God  is 
stronger  than  nature,"-  and  continued  his  march. 

It  led  through  the  same  kind  of  chequered  scenery 
of  rugged  hill  and  cultivated  plain  as  that  already  de- 
scribed, well  covered  with  towns  and  villages,  some 
of  them  the  frontier  posts  occupied  by  the  Otomies. 
Practising  the  Roman  maxim  of  lenity  to  the  submis- 
sive foe,  he  took  full  vengeance  on  those  who  resist- 
ed," and,  as  resistance  too  often  occurred,  marked  his 
path  with  fire  and  desolation.  After  a  short  absence, 
he  returned  in  safety,  laden  with  the  plunder  of  a 
successful  foray.  It  would  have  been  more  honorable 
to  him,  had  it  been  conducted  with  less  rigor.  The 
excesses  are  imputed  by  Bernal  Diaz  to  the  Indian 
allies,  whom  in  the  heat  of  victory  it  was  found  im- 
possible to  restrain.^  On  whose  head  soever  tliey 
fallj  they  seem  to  have  given  little  uneasiness  to  the 
general,  who  declares  in  his  letter  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth,  ^'  As  we  fought  under  the  stand- 
ard of  the  Cross,"*  for  the  true  Faith,  and  the  service 
of  your  Highness,  Heaven  crowned  our  arms  with 
such  success,  that,  while  multitudes  of  the  infidel 
were  slain,  little  loss  was  suffered  by  tlie   Castili 


2  «'  Dios  es  sobre  natura.''  Rel.  the  Indian  towns  destroyed  by  him, 
Scg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  in  his  forays.  Viaje,  ap.  Loren- 
p.  54.  zana,  pp.  ix. -xi. 

3  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  64.         "*  The  famous  banner  of  the  Cpn- 
Not  so  Cortes,  who  says  boldly,  queror,  with  the  Cross  emblazoned 

"  Quem6  mas  de  diez  pueblos."  on  it,  has  been  preserved  in  Mexi- 

(Ibid.,  p.  52.)    His  reverend  com-  co  to  our  day. 
mcntator  specifies  the  localities  of 


Ln.  IV.]  DISCONTENTS   IN   THE   ARMY.  457 

ans."^  The  Spanish  Conquerors,  to  judge  from  their 
writings,  unconscious  of  any  worldly  motive  lurking 
in  the  bottom  of  their  hearts,  regarded  themselves 
as  soldiers  of  the  Church,  fighting  the  great  batde 
of  Christianity ;  and  in  the  same  edifying  and  com- 
fortable light  are  regarded  by  most  of  the  national 
historians  of  a  later  day.^ 

On  his  return  to  the  camp,  Cortes  found  a  new 
cause  of  disquietude  in  discontents  which  had  bro- 
ken out  among  the  soldiery.  Their  patience  was 
exhausted  by  a  life  of  fatigue  and  peril  to  which 
there  seemed  to  be  no  end.  The  battles  they  had 
won  against  such  tremendous  odds  had  not  advanced 
them  a  jot.  The  idea  of  their  reaching  Mexico, 
says  the  old  soldier  so  often  quoted,  "  was  treated  as 
a  jest  by  the  whole  army  "  ;  "^  and  the  indefinite  pros- 
pect of  hostilities  with  the  ferocious  people  among 
whom  they  were  now  cast,  threw  a  deep  gloom  over 
their  spirits. 

Among  the  malecontents  were  a  number  of  noisy, 
vaporing  persons,  such  as  are  found  in  every  camp, 
who,  like  empty  bubbles,  are  sure  to  rise  to  the 
surface    and  make    themselves   seen  in  seasons  of 

5  "  E  como  trayamos  la  Bande-  claims  Ilerrera,  "  Con  quanta  h li- 
ra de  la  Cruz,  y  pufiabamos  por  mildad,  i  devocion,  bolvian  todos 
nuestra  Fe,  y  por  servicio  de  Vu-  alabando  a  Dios,  que  tan  milagro- 
pstra  Sacra  Magestad,  en  su  muy  sas  victorias  les  daba  ;  dc  donde  se 
Keal  Ventura  nos  dio  Dios  tanta  conocia  claro,  que  los  favorecia  con 
victoria,  que  les  matamos  mucha  su  Divina  asistencia." 
gente,  sin  que  los  nuestros  recibi-  ^  "  Porque  entrar  on  Mexico, 
essen  dano."  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cor-  teniamosU)  porcosade  risa.acausa 
les,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  62.  de  sus  grsndes  fuercas."     Bemal 

6"Y   fue  cosa  notable,"   ex-  Diaz.Hist.  delaCvnquisla.cap.ee 

vol,.    I.  58 


468  MARCH   TO   MEXICO,  [Book   III 

agitation.  They  were,  for  the  most  part,  of  the  old 
faction  of  Velasquez,  and  had  estates  in  Cuba,  to 
which  they  turned  many  a  wistful  glance  as  they  re- 
ceded more  and  more  from  the  coast.  They  now 
waited  on  the  general,  not  in  a  mutinous  spirit  of 
resistance,  (for  they  remembered  the  lesson  in  Villa 
Rica,)  but  with  the  design  of  frank  expostulation,  as 
with  a  brother  adventurer  in  a  common  cause.^  The 
tone  of  familiarity  thus  assumed  was  eminently  char- 
acteristic of  the  footing  of  equality  on  which  the 
parties  in  the  expedition  stood  with  one  another. 

Their  sufferings,  they  told  him,  were  too  great  to 
be  endured.  All  the  men  had  received  one,  most  of 
them,  two  or  three  wounds.  More  than  fifty  had  per- 
ished, in  one  way  or  another,  since  leaving  Vera  Cruz. 
There  was  no  beast  of  burden  but  led  a  life  prefer- 
able to  theirs.  For,  when  the  night  came,  the  for- 
mer could  rest  from  his  labors  ;  but  they,  fighting  or 
watching,  had  no  rest,  day  nor  night.  As  to  con- 
quering Mexico,  the  very  thought  of  it  was  madness. 
If  they  had  encountered  such  opposition  from  the 
petty  republic  of  Tlascala,  what  might  they  not  ex- 
pect from  the  great  Mexican  empire  ?  There  was 
now  a  temporary  suspension  of  hostilities.  They 
should  avail  themselves  of  it,  to  retrace  their  steps 

8  Diaz  indignantly  disclaims  the  muy  bien,  y  lealmete  ;    y  no  es 

idea  of  mutiny,  which  Gomara  at-  mucho  que  en  los  exdrcitos  algu- 

tached  to  this  proceeding.     "  Las  nos   buenos  soldados  aconsejen  a 

palabras  que  le  dezian  era  por  via  su  Capitan,  y  mas  si   se  ven  tan 

de  acosejarle,  y  porque  les  parecia  trabajados  como  nosotros  andaua- 

que  eran  bien  dichas,  y  no  por  otra  mos."     Ibid.,  cap.  71. 
Tia,  porque  siempre   le  siguieron 


Ch.  iv]  discontents  in  the  army.  459 

to  Vera  Cruz.  It  is  true,  the  fleet  there  was  de- 
stroyed ;  and  by  this  act,  unparalleled  for  rashness 
even  in  Roman  annals,  the  general  had  become 
responsible  for  the  fate  of  the  whole  army.  Still 
there  was  one  vessel  left.  That  might  be  despatched 
to  Cuba,  for  reinforcements  and  supplies ;  and,  when 
these  arrived,  they  would  be  enabled  to  resume  op- 
erations with  some  prospect  of  success. 

Cortes  listened  to  this  suagular  expostulation  with 
perfect  composure.  He  knew  his  men,  and,  instead 
of  rebuke  or  harsher  measures,  replied  in  the  same 
frank  and  soldier-like  vein  which  they  had  affected. 

There  was  much  truth,  he  allowed,  in  what  they 
said.  The  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  had  been 
great ;  greater  than  those  recorded  of  any  heroes  in 
Greek  or  Roman  story.  So  much  the  greater  would 
be  their  glory.  He  had  often  been  filled  with  admi- 
ration as  he  had  seen  his  little  host  encircled  by 
myriads  of  barbarians,  and  felt  that  no  people  but 
Spaniards  could  have  triumphed  over  such  formid- 
able odds.  Nor  could  they,  unless  the  arm  of  the 
Almighty  had  been  over  them.  And  they  might 
reasonably  look  for  his  protection  hereafter  ;  for  was 
it  not  in  his  cause  they  were  fighting  ?  They  had 
encountered  dangers  and  difficulties,  it  was  true. 
But  they  had  not  come  here  expecting  a  life  of  idle 
dalliance  and  pleasure.  Glory,  as  he  had  told  them 
at  the  outset,  was  to  be  won  only  by  toil  and  dan- 
ger. They  would  do  him  the  Justice  to  acknow- 
ledge, that  he  had  never  shrunk  from  his  share  of 
both. — This  was  a  truth,  adds  the  honest  chronicler 


460  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

who  heard  and  reports  the  dialogue,  which  no  one 
could  deny. — But,  if  they  had  met  with  hardships, 
he  continued,  they  had  been  everywhere  victorious. 
Even  now,  they  were  enjoying  the  fruits  of  this,  in 
the  plenty  which  reigned  in  the  camp.  And  they 
would  soon  see  the  Tlascalans,  humbled  by  their 
late  reverses,  suing  for  peace  on  any  terms.  To  go 
back  now  was  impossible.  The  very  stones  would 
rise  up  against  them.  The  Tlascalans  would  hunt 
them  in  triumph  down  to  the  water's  edge.  And 
how  would  the  Mexicans  exult  at  this  miserable  is- 
sue of  their  vainglorious  vaunts!  Their  former  friends 
would  become  their  enemies ;  and  the  Totonacs,  to 
avert  the  vengeance  of  the  Aztecs,  from  which  the 
Spaniards  could  no  longer  shield  them,  would  join 
in  the  general  cry.  There  was  no  alternative,  then, 
but  to  go  forward  in  their  career.  And  he  besought 
them  to  silence  their  pusillanimous  scruples,  and, 
instead  of  turning  their  eyes  toward  Cuba,  to  fix 
them  on  Mexico,  the  great  object  of  their  enterprise. 
While  this  singular  conference  was  going  on, 
many  other  soldiers  had  gathered  round  the  spot ; 
and  the  discontented  party,  emboldened  by  the  pres- 
ence of  their  comrades,  as  well  as  by  the  general's 
forbearance,  replied,  that  they  were  far  from  being 
convinced.  Another  such  victory  as  the  last  would 
be  their  ruin.  They  were  going  to  Mexico  only  to 
be  slaughtered.  Until,  at  length,  the  general's  pa- 
tience being  exhausted,  he  cut  the  argument  short, 
by  quoting  a  verse  from  an  old  song,  implying  that 
it  was  better  to  die  with  honor,  than  to  live  dis- 


Ch.  IV.]  TLASCALAN   SPIES.  4t)| 

graced  ;  a  sentiment  which  was  loudly  echoed  by 
the  greater  part  of  his  audience,  who,  notwithstand- 
ing their  occasional  murmurs,  had  no  design  to 
abandon  the  expedition,  still  less  the  commander,  to 
whom  they  were  passionately  devoted.  The  male- 
contents,  disconcerted  by  this  rebuke,  slunk  back  to 
their  own  quarters,  muttering  half-smothered  execra- 
tions on  the  leader  who  had  projected  the  enterprise, 
the  Indians  who  had  guided  him,  and  their  own 
countrymen  who  supported  him  in  it.** 

Such  were  the  difficulties  that  lay  in  the  path 
of  Cortes :  a  ^vily  and  ferocious  enemy ;  a  climate 
uncertain,  often  unhealthy ;  illness  in  his  own  per- 
son, much  aggravated  by  anxiety  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  his  conduct  would  be  received  by  his  sov- 
ereign ;  last,  not  least,  disaffection  among  his  sol- 
diers, on  whose  constancy  and  union  he  rested  for 
the  basis  of  his  operations,  —  the  great  lever  by 
which  he  was  to  overturn  the  empire  of  Montezuma. 

On  the  morning  following  this  event,  the  camp 
was  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  a  small  body  of 
Tlascalans,  decorated  with  badges,  the  white  color 
of  which  intimated  peace.  They  brought  a  quanti- 
ty of  provisions,  and  some  trifling  ornaments,  which, 

9  This  conference  is  reported,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  6,  cap. 

with  some  variety,  indeed,  by  near-  9.  —  P.  Martyr,  De   Orbe   Novo, 

ly  every  historian.     (Rel.  Seg.  de  dec.  5,  cap.  2.)     I  have  abridged 

Cortes,  ap.   Lorenzana,  p.  55.  —  the  account  given  by  Bernal  Diaz, 

Oviedo,   Hist,   de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  one  of  the  audience,   though  not 

lib.  33,  cap.  3.  — Gomara,  Cronica,  one  of  the  parties  to  the  dialogue, 

cap.  51,  52.  — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist,  —for  that  reason,  the  better  au- 

Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  80.  —  HCiTcra,  thority. 


462  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III 

rhcy  said,  were  sent  by  the  Tlascalan  general,  who 
was  weary  of  the  war,  and  desired  an  accommoda- 
tion with  the  Spaniards.  He  would  soon  present 
himself  to  arrange  this  in  person.  The  intelligence 
diffused  general  joy,  and  the  emissaries  received  a 
friendly  welcome. 

A  day  or  two  elapsed,  and  while  a  few  of  the  party 
left  the  Spanish  quarters,  the  others,  about  fifty  in 
number,  who  remained,  excited  some  distrust  in  the 
bosom  of  Marina.  She  communicated  her  suspicions 
to  Cortes  that  they  were  spies.  He  caused  several 
of  them,  in  consequence,  to  be  arrested,  examined 
them  separately,  and  ascertained  that  they  were  em- 
ployed by  Xicotencatl  to  inform  him  of  the  state  of 
the  Christian  camp,  preparatory  to  a  meditated  as- 
sault, for  which  he  was  mustering  his  forces.  Cortes, 
satisfied  of  the  truth  of  this,  determined  to  make  such 
an  example  of  the  delinquents,  as  should  intimidate 
his  enemy  from  repeating  the  attempt.  He  ordered 
their  hands  to  be  cut  off,  and  in  that  condition  sent 
them  back  to  their  countrymen,  with  the  message, 
"  that  the  Tlascalans  might  come  by  day  or  night ; 
they  would  find  the  Spaniards  ready  for  them."^° 

The  doleful  spectacle  of  their  comrades  returning 
in  this  mutilated  state  filled  the  Indian  camp  with 
horror   and   consternation.      The  haughty  crest  of 

1"  Diaz  says  only  seventeen  lost  cincuenta,  y  cortarles  las  manos,  y 

their  hands,  the  rest  their  thumbs,  los  embie,  que  dixessen  a  su  SeBor, 

(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  70.)  que  de  noche,  y  de  dia,  y  cada,  y 

Cortes  does  not  flinch  from  con-  quando   el  viniesse,  verian   quien 

fessing^,  the  hands  of  the   whole  eramos."   Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap. 

fifty.     "  Los  mande  tomar  a  todos  Lorenzana,  p.  53. 


Ch.  IV.]  TLASCALAN   SPIES.  463 

their  chief  was  humbled.  From  that  moment,  he 
lost  his  wonted  buoyancy  and  confidence.  His  sol- 
diers, filled  with  superstitious  fear,  refused  to  serve 
longer  against  a  foe  who  could  read  their  very 
thoughts,  and  divine  their  plans  before  they  were 
ripe  for  execution.  ^^ 

The  punishment  inflicted  by  Cortes  may  well 
shock  the  reader  by  its  brutality.  But  it  should  be 
considered  in  mitigation,  that  the  victims  of  it  were 
spies,  and,  as  such,  by  the  laws  of  war,  whether 
among  civilized  or  savage  nations,  had  incurred  the 
penalty  of  death.  The  amputation  of  the  limbs 
was  a  milder  punishment,  and  reserved  for  inferior 
offences.  If  we  revolt  at  the  barbarous  nature  of 
the  sentence,  we  should  reflect  that  it  was  no  un- 
common one  at  that  day ;  not  more  uncommon,  in- 
deed, than  whipping  and  branding  with  a  hot  iron 
were  in  our  own  country,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century,  or  than  cropping  the  ears  was  in 
the  preceding  one.  A  higher  civilization,  indeed,  re- 
jects such  punishments,  as  pernicious  in  themselves, 
and  degrading  to  humanity.  But  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  they  were  openly  recognised  by  the  laws 
of  the  most  polished  nations  in  Europe.  And  it  is 
too  much  to  ask  of  any  man,  still  less  one  bred  to 
the  iron  trade  of  war,  to  be  in  advance  of  the  refine- 
ment of  his  age.  We  may  be  content,  if,  in  circum- 
stances so  unfavorable  to  humanity,  he  does  not  fall 
below  it. 

11  "De  que  los  Tlascaltecas  se     Ixtlilxochitl,   Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 
admiraron,  entendiendo  que  Cortes     cap.  83. 
les  entendia   sus  pensamientos." 


464  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  111. 

All  thoughts  of  further  resistance  being  abandoned, 
the  four  delegates  of  the  Tlascalan  republic  were 
now  allowed  to  proceed  on  their  mission.  They 
were  speedily  followed  by  Xicotencatl  himself,  at- 
tended by  a  numerous  train  of  military  retainers. 
As  they  drew  near  the  Spanish  lines,  they  were 
v.dsily  recognised  by  the  white  and  yellow  colors  of 
their  uniforms,  the  livery  of  the  house  of  Titcala. 
The  joy  of  the  army  was  great  at  this  sure  intima- 
tion of  the  close  of  hostilities :  and  it  was  with  dif- 
ficulty that  Cortes  was  enabled  to  restore  the  men 
to  tranquillity,  and  the  assumed  indifference  which 
it  was  proper  to  maintain  in  presence  of  an  enemy. 

The  Spaniards  gazed  with  curious  eye  on  the 
valiant  chief  who  had  so  long  kept  his  enemies  at 
bay,  and  who  now  advanced  with  the  firm  and  fear- 
less step  of  one  who  was  coming  rather  to  bid  de- 
fiance than  to  sue  for  peace.  He  was  rather  above 
the  middle  size,  with  broad  shoulders,  and  a  muscu 
lar  frame  intimating  great  activity  and  strength. 
His  head  was  large,  and  his  countenance  marked 
with  the  lines  of  hard  service  rather  than  of  age,  for 
he  was  but  thirty-five.  When  he  entered  the  pres- 
ence of  Cortes,  he  made  the  usual  salutation,  by 
touching  the  ground  with  his  hand,  and  carrying  it 
to  his  head ;  while  the  sweet  incense  of  aromatic 
gums  rolled  up  in  clouds  from  the  censers  carried  by 
his  slaves. 

Far  from  a  pusillanimous  attempt  to  throw  the 
blame  on  the  senate,  he  assumed  the  whole  responsi- 
bility of  the  war.     He   had  considered  the   white 


Ch.  IV.]  PEACE   WITH  THE  REPUBLIC.  46f. 

men,  he  said,  as  enemies,  for  they  came  with  the  al- 
lies and  vassals  of  Montezuma.  He  loved  his  coun- 
try, and  wished  to  preserve  the  independence  which 
she  had  maintained  through  her  long  wars  with  the 
Aztecs.  He  had  been  beaten.  They  might  be  the 
strangers,  who,  it  had  been  so  long  predicted,  would 
come  from  the  east,  to  take  possession  of  the  country. 
He  hoped  they  would  use  their  victory  with  modera- 
tion, and  not  trample  on  the  liberties  of  the  republic. 
He  came  now  in  the  name  of  his  nation,  to  tender 
their  obedience  to  the  Spaniards,  assuring  them  they 
would  find  his  countrymen  as  faithful  in  peace  as 
they  had  been  firm  in  war. 

Cortes,  far  from  taking  umbrage,  was  filled  with 
admiration  at  the  lofty  spirit  which  thus  disdain- 
ed to  stoop  beneath  misfortunes.  The  brave  man 
knows  how  to  respect  bravery  in  another.  He  as- 
sumed, however,  a  severe  aspect,  as  he  rebuked  the 
chief  for  having  so  long  persisted  in  hostilities.  Had 
Xicotencatl  believed  the  word  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
accepted  their  proffered  friendship  sooner,  he  would 
have  spared  his  people  much  suffering,  which  they 
well  merited  by  their  obstinacy.  But  it  was  impos- 
sible, continued  the  general,  to  retrieve  the  past. 
He  was  willing  to  bury  it  in  oblivion,  and  to  receive 
the  Tlascalans  as  vassals  to  the  emperor,  his  master. 
If  they  proved  true,  they  should  find  him  a  sure  col- 
unm  of  support ;  if  false,  he  would  take  such  ven- 
gean'-e  on  them  as  he  had  intended  to  take  on  their 
capital,  had  they  not  speedily  given  in  their  subinis- 

VOL.    I.  59 


466  MARCH   TO    MEXICO.  [Book  III 

sion.  —  It  proved  an  ominous  menace  for  the  chief 
to  whom  it  was  addressed. 

The  cacique  then  ordered  his  slaves  to  bring  for- 
ward some  trifling  ornaments  of  gold  and  feather- 
embroidery,  designed  as  presents.  They  were  of  little 
value,  he  said,  with  a  smile,  for  the  Tlascalans  were 
poor.  They  had  little  gold,  not  even  cotton,  nor  salt. 
The  Aztec  emperor  had  left  them  nothing  but  their 
freedom  and  their  arms.  He  offered  this  gift  only 
as  a  token  of  his  good-will.  "As  such  I  receive  it,'' 
answered  Cortes,  "and,  coming  from  the  Tlascalans, 
set  more  value  on  it,  than  1  should  from  any  other 
source,  though  it  were  a  house  full  of  gold  " ;  —  a 
politic,  as  well  as  magnanimous  reply,  for  it  was  by 
the  aid  of  this  good-will,  that  he  was  to  win  the  gold 
of  Mexico.^^ 

Thus  ended  the  bloody  war  with  the  fierce  repub- 
lic of  Tlascala,  during  the  course  of  which,  the  for- 
tunes of  the  Spaniards,  more  than  once,  had  trem- 
bled in  the  balance.  Had  it  been  persevered  in  but 
a  little  longer,  it  must  have  ended  in  their  confusion 
and  ruin,  exhausted  as  they  were  by  wounds,  watch- 
ing, and  fatigues,  with  the  seeds  of  disaffection 
rankling  among  themselves.  As  it  was,  they  came 
out  of  the  fearful  contest  with  untarnished  glory. 
To  the  enemy,  they  seemed  invulnerable,  bearing 
charmed  lives,  proof  alike  against  the  accidents  of 

12  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo-  nal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 

renzana,pp.  56,  57.  — Oviedo,  Hist.  cap.  71,  et  seq.  —  Sahagun,  Hist, 

de  lasIiid.,MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  3. —  de  Nueva  Espafia,  MS.,  lib.  12, 

Gomara,  Crdnica,  cap.  53.  —  Ber-  cap.  II. 


Ch.  IV.]  EMBASSY   FROM   MONTEZUMA  467 

fortune  and  the  assaults  of  man.  No  wonder  that 
they  indulged  a  similar  conceit  in  their  own  bosoms, 
and  that  the  humblest  Spaniard  should  have  fancied 
himself  the  subject  of  a  special  interposition  of  Prov- 
idence, which  shielded  him  in  the  hour  of  battle,  and 
reserved  him  for  a  higher  destiny. 

While  the  TlascaJans  were  still  in  the  camp,  an 
embassy  was  announced  from  Montezuma.  Tidings 
of  the  exploits  of  the  Spaniards  had  spread  far  and 
wide  over  the  plateau.  The  emperor,  in  particular, 
had  watched  every  step  of  their  progress,  as  they 
climbed  the  steeps  of  the  Cordilleras,  and  advanced 
over  the  broad  table-land,  on  their  summit.  He  had 
seen  them,  with  great  satisfaction,  take  the  road  to 
Tlascala,  trusting,  that,  if  they  were  mortal  men,  they 
would  find  their  graves  there.  Great  was  his  dis- 
may, when  courier  after  courier  brought  him  intelli- 
gence of  their  successes,  and  that  the  most  redoubt- 
able warriors  on  the  plateau  had  been  scattered 
like  chaff,  by  the  swords  of  this  handful  of  strangers. 

His  superstitious  fears  returned  in  full  force.  He 
saw  in  the  Spaniards  "  the  men  of  destiny,"  who 
were  to  take  possession  of  his  sceptre.  In  his  alarm 
and  uncertainty,  he  sent  a  new  embassy  to  the 
Christian  camp.  It  consisted  of  five  great  nobles  of 
his  court,  attended  by  a  train  of  two  hundred  slaves. 
They  brought  with  them  a  present,  as  usual,  dictat- 
ed partly  by  fear,  and,  in  part,  by  the  natural  munifi- 
cence of  his  disposition.  It  consisted  of  three  thou- 
sand ounces  of  gold,  in  grains,  or  in  various  nianu 
factured  articles,  with  several  hundred  mandes  am 


468  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

dresses  of  embroidered  cotton,  and  the  picturesque 
feather-work.  As  they  hiid  these  at  the  feet  of  Cor- 
tes, they  told  him,  they  had  come  to  offer  the  con- 
gratulations of  their  master  on  the  late  victories  of 
the  white  men.  The  emperor  only  regretted  that  it 
would  not  be  in  his  power  to  receive  them  in  his 
capital,  where  the  numerous  population  was  so  unru- 
ly, that  their  safety  would  be  placed  in  jeopardy. 
The  mere  intimation  of  the  Aztec  emperor's  wishes, 
in  the  most  distant  way,  would  have  sufficed  with 
the  Indian  nations.  It  had  very  little  weight  with 
the  Spaniards ;  and  the  envoys,  finding  this  puerile 
expression  of  them  ineffectual,  resorted  to  another 
argument,  offering  a  tribute  in  their  master's  name 
to  the  Castilian  sovereign,  provided  the  Spaniards 
would  relinquish  their  visit  to  his  capital.  This  was 
a  greater  error ;  it  was  displaying  the  rich  casket 
with  one  hand,  which  he  was  unable  to  defend  with 
the  other.  Yet  the  author  of  this  pusillanimous  poli- 
cy, the  unhappy  victim  of  superstition,  M^as  a  mon- 
arch renowned  among  the  Indian  nations  for  his  in- 
trepidity and  enterprise,  —  the  terror  of  Anahuac  ! 

Cortes,  while  he  urged  his  own  sovereign's  com 
mands  as  a  reason  for  disregarding  the  wishes  of 
Montezuma,  uttered  expressions  of  the  most  profound 
respect  for  the  Aztec  prince,  and  declared  that  if 
he  had  not  the  means  of  requiting  his  munificence, 
as  he  could  wish,  at  present,  he  trusted  to  repay  him^ 
at  some  future  day,  with  good  works  !  ^^ 

^^  "  Cortes  recibid  con  alegria  ria  al  sefior  Monteguma  en  buenaa 
aquel  presente,  y  dixo  que  se  lo  obras."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
tenia  en  merced,  y  que  €\  lo  paga-     Coiiquista,  cap.  73. 


Ch.  IV.]  EMBASSY   FROM   MONTEZUMA.  469 

The  Mexican  ambassadors  were  not  inucli  "rati- 
fied  with  finding  the  war  at  an  end,  and  a  reconcilia- 
tion established  between  their  mortal  enemies  and 
the  Spaniards.  The  mutual  disgust  of  the  two  par- 
lies with  each  other  was  too  strong  to  be  repressed 
even  in  the  presence  of  the  general,  who  saw  \\ith 
satisfaction  the  evidences  of  a  jealousy,  which,  un- 
dermining the  strength  of  the  Indian  emperor,  was 
to  prove  the  surest  source  of  his  own  success.'^ 

Two  of  the  Aztec  mission  returned  to  Mexico,  lo 
acquaint  their  sovereign  with  the  state  of  affairs  in 
the  Spanish  camp.  The  others  remained  with  the 
army,  Cortes  being  willing  that  they  should  be  per- 
sonal spectators  of  the  deference  shown  him  by  the 
Tlascalans.  Still  he  did  not  hasten  his  departure 
for  their  capital.  Not  that  he  placed  reliance  on  the 
injurious  intimations  of  the  Mexicans  respecting 
their  good  faith.  Yet  he  was  willing  to  put  this  to 
some  longer  trial,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  reestab- 
lish his  own  health  more  thoroughly,  before  his  visit. 
Meanwhile,  messengers  daily  arrived  from  the  city, 
pressing  his  journey,  and  were  finally  followed  by 
some  of  the  aged  rulers  of  the  republic,  attended  by 
a   numerous  retinue,  impatient  of  his   long   delay. 

^4  He  dwells  on  it  in  his  letter  Evangelica .  ^ue  dice  :    Omne  Reg- 

to  the  Emperor.  "  Vista  la  discor-  num  in  seipsum  divisum  desolabitur: 

dia  y  desconformidad  de  los  unos  y  con  los  unos  y  con  los  otros  ma- 

y  de  losotros,  no  huve  poco  placer,  neaba,  y  a  cada  uno  en  secrete  le 

porque  me  parecio  hacer  mucho  k  agradecia  el  aviso,  que  me  daba,  y 

mi  proposito,  y  que  podria  tener  le  daba  credito  de  mas  amistad  que 

manera  de  mas  ayna  sojuzgarlos,  al  otro."    Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap. 

e  aun  acordeme  de  una  autoridad  Lorenzana,  p.  61. 


470  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

They  brought  with  them  a  body  of  five  hundred 
tamanes,  or  men  of  burden,  to  drag  his  cannon,  and 
relieve  his  own  forces  from  this  fatiguing  part  of 
their  duty.  It  was  impossible  to  defer  his  depart- 
ure longer ;  and  after  mass,  and  a  solemn  thanks- 
giving to  the  great  Being  who  had  crowned  their 
arms  with  triumph,  the  Spaniards  bade  adieu  to  the 
quarters  which  they  had  occupied  for  nearly  three 
weeks  on  the  hill  of  Tzompach.  The  strong  tower, 
or  teocalli,  which  commanded  it,  was  called,  in  com- 
memoration of  their  residence,  "  the  tower  of  victo- 
ry " ;  and  the  few  stones,  which  still  survive  of  its 
ruins,  point  out  to  the  eye  of  the  traveller  a  spot 
ever  memorable  in  history  for  the  courage  and  con- 
stancy of  the  early  Conquerors.'^ 

15  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  tyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  2. 

8,  lib.  6,  cap.  10.  —  Oviedo,  Hist.  — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 

de  lasInd.,MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  4. —  quista,  cap.  72-74. — Ixllilxochitl, 

Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  54.  — Mar-  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  83. 


CHAPTER   V. 

Spaniards   enter   Tlascala.  — Description   of   the    Capital.— 
Attempted  Conversion. —  Aztec  Embassy. —Invited  to  Cho- 

LULA. 

1519. 

The  city  of  Tlascala,  the  capital  of  the  republic 
of  the  same  name,  lay  at  the  distance  of  about  six 
leagues  from  the  Spanish  camp.  The  road  led  into 
a  hilly  region,  exhibiting  in  every  arable  patch  of 
ground  the  evidence  of  laborious  cultivation.  Over 
a  deep  barranca,  or  ravine,  they  crossed  on  a  bridge 
of  stone,  which,  according  to  tradition,  —  a  slippery 
authority, — is  the  same  still  standing,  and  was  con- 
structed originally  for  the  passage  of  the  army.'  They 
passed  some  considerable  towns  on  their  route,  where 
they  experienced  a  full  measure  of  Indian  hospital- 
ity. As  they  advanced,  the  approach  to  a  poj)ulous 
city  was  intimated  by  the  crowds  who  flocked  out  to 

1  "  A  distancia  de  un  quarto  de  xi.)  If  the  antiquity  of  this  arched 

legua  caminando  a  esta  dicha  ciu-  stone  bridge  could  be  estabhshed, 

dad    se    enciientra    una   barranca  it  would  settle  a  point  much  moot- 

honda,  que  tiene  para  pasar  un  Pu-  ed  in  respect  to  Indian  architecture. 

snte  de  cal  y  canto  de  boveda,  y  es  But  the  construction  of  so  solid  a 

tradicion  en  el  pueblo  de  San  Sal-  work  in  so  short  a  time  is  a  fact 

vador,  que  se  hizo  en  aquellos  dias,  requiring  a  better  voucher  than  the 

que  estubo  alH  Cortes  paraque  pa-  villagers  of  San  Salvador. 
Basse."    (Viaje,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p. 


472  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

see  and  welcome  the  strangers  ;  men  and  women  in 
their  picturesque  dresses,  with  bunches  and  wreaths 
of  roses,  which  they  gave  to  the  Spaniards,  or  fast- 
ened to  the  necks  and  caparisons  of  their  horses,  in 
the  same  manner  as  at  Cempoalla.  Priests,  with 
their  white  robes,  and  long  matted  tresses  floating 
over  them,  mingled  in  the  crowd,  scattering  volumes 
of  incense  from  their  burning  censers.  In  this 
way,  the  multitudinous  and  motley  procession  defiled 
through  the  gates  of  the  ancient  capital  of  Tlascala. 
It  was  the  twenty-third  of  September,  1519,  the 
anniversary  of  which  is  still  celebrated  by  the  inhab- 
itants, as  a  day  of  jubilee.^ 

The  press  was  now  so  great,  that  it  was  with  dif- 
ficulty the  police  of  the  city  could  clear  a  passage 
for  the  army ;  while  the  azoteas,  or  flat  terraced  roofs 
of  the  buildings,  were  covered  with  spectators,  eager 
to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  wonderful  strangers.  The 
houses  were  hung  with  festoons  of  flowers,  and 
arches  of  verdant  boughs,  intertwined  with  roses  and 
honeysuckle,  were  thrown  across  the  streets.  Th(^ 
whole  population  abandoned  itself  to  rejoicing  ;  and 
the  air  was  rent  with  songs  and  shouts  of  triumj)h 
mingled  with  the  wild  music  of  the  national  instru- 
ments, that  might  have  excited  apprehensions  in  the 
breasts  of  the  soldiery,  had  they  not  gathered  their 

2  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  that  "  more  than  a  hundred  thou- 

tom.  III.  p.  53.  sand   men  flocked  out   to  receive 

"  Recibimiento  el  mas  solene  y  the  Spaniards;    a  thing   that  ap 

famoso  que  en  cl  mundo  se  ha  vis-  pears  impossible,"  que  parece  cosrt 

to,"  exclaims  the  enthusiastic  his-  imposille  .'     It  does  indeed.      Cn- 

torian  of  the  republic.     lie  adds,  margo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


ch.  v.]  description  of  tlascala.  473 

peaceful  import  from  the  assurance  of  Marina,  and 
the  joyous  countenances  of  the  natives. 

With  these  accompaniments,  the  procession  moved 
along  the  principal  streets  to  the  mansion  of  Xico- 
tencatl,  the  aged  father  of  the  TIascalan  general,  and 
one  of  the  four  rulers  of  the  republic.  Cortes  dis- 
mounted from  his  horse,  to  receive  the  old  chieftain's 
embrace.  He  was  nearly  blind  ;  and  satisfied,  as 
far  as  he  could,  a  natural  curiosity  respecting  the 
person  of  the  Spanish  general,  by  passing  his  hand 
over  his  features.  He  then  led  the  way  to  a  spa- 
cious hall  in  his  palace,  where  a  banquet  was  served 
to  the  army.  In  the  evening,  they  were  shown  to 
their  quarters,  in  the  buildings  and  open  ground  sur- 
rounding one  of  the  principal  teocallis ;  while  the 
Mexican  ambassadors,  at  the  desire  of  Cortes,  had 
apartments  assigned  them  next  to  his  own,  that  he 
might  the  better  watch  over  their  safety,  in  this  city 
of  their  enemies.^ 

Tlascala  was  one  of  the  most  important  and  popu- 
lous towns  on  the  table-land.  Cortes,  in  his  letter 
to  the  Emperor,  compares  it  to  Granada,  affirming, 
that  it  was  larger,  stronger,  and  more  populous  than 
the  Moorish  capital,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  and 
quite  as  well  built.^     But,  notwithstanding  we  are 

3  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es-         ^  "  Laqual  ciudad  estan  grande, 

pana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  11.  — Rel.  y  de  tanta  admiracion,  que  aunquo 

Seg.    de   Cortes,    ap.  Lorenzana,  mucho  de  lo,  que  de  ella  podriu 

p.  59. — Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlasca-  decir,  dexe,  lo  poco  que  dire  creo 

la,  MS.— Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  es  casi  increible,  porque  es  muy 

54.  — Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  mayor  que  Granada,  y  muy  mas 

2  lib.  6,  cap.  11.  fuerte,  y  de  tan  buenos  Edificios 

VOL.    I.  60 


474  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

assured  by  a  most  respectable  writer  at  the  close  of 
the  last  century,  that  its  remains  Justify  the  assertion,^ 
we  shall  be  slow  to  believe  that  its  edifices  could 
have  rivalled  those  monuments  of  Oriental  magnifi- 
cence, whose  light,  aerial  forms  still  survive  after  the 
lapse  of  ages,  the  admiration  of  every  traveller  of 
sensibility  and  taste.  The  truth  is,  that  Cortes,  like 
Columbus,  saw  objects  through  the  warm  medium 
of  his  own  fond  imagination,  giving  them  a  higher 
tone  of  coloring  and  larger  dimensions  than  were 
strictly  warranted  by  the  fact.  It  was  natural  that 
the  man  who  had  made  such  rare  discoveries  should 
unconsciously  magnify  their  merits  to  his  own  eyes, 
and  to  those  of  others. 

The  houses  were  built,  for  the  most  part,  of  mud 
or  earth ;  the  better  sort  of  stone  and  lime,  or  bricks 
dried  in  the  sun.  They  were  unprovided  with  doors 
or  windows,  but  in  the  apertures  for  the  former 
hung  mats  fringed  with  pieces  of  copper  or  some- 
thing which,  by  its  tinkling  sound,  would  give  notice 
of  any  one's  entrance.  The  streets  were  narrow 
and  dark.  The  population  must  have  been  consid- 
erable, if,  as  Cortes  asserts,  thirty  thousand  souls 
were  often  gathered  in  the  market  on  a  public  day. 
These  meetings  were  a  sort  of  fairs,  held,  as  usual 
n  all  the  great  towns,  every  fifth  day,  and  attended 
by  the   inhabitants   of   the   adjacent   country,  who 


y  de  muy  mucha  mas  gente,  que  5  '<  En  las  Ruinas,  que  aun  hoy 

Granada  tenia  al    tiempo   que  se  se  ven  en  Tlaxcala,  se  conoce,  que 

gano."     Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  no  es  ponderacion."     Ibid.,  p.  58 

Lorenzana,  pc  58  Nota  del  editor,  Lorenzana. 


Ch.  v.]  description  of  tlascala.  475 

brought  there  for  sale  every  description  of  domestic 
produce  and  manufacture,  with  which  they  were  ac- 
quainted. They  peculiarly  excelled  in  pottery,, 
which  was  considered  as  equal  to  the  best  in  Eu- 
rope.^ It  is  a  further  proof  of  civilized  habits,  that 
the  Spaniards  found  barbers'  shops,  and  baths  both 
of  vapor  and  hot  water,  familiarly  used  by  the  inhab- 
itants. A  still  higher  proof  of  refinement  may  be 
discerned  in  a  vigilant  police  which  repressed  every 
thing  like  disorder  among  the  people. '^ 

The  city  was  divided  into  four  quarters,  which 
might  rather  be  called  so  many  separate  towns, 
since  they  were  built  at  different  times,  and  separ- 
ated from  each  other  by  high  stone  walls,  defining 
their  respective  limits.  Over  each  of  these  districts 
ruled  one  of  the  four  great  chiefs  of  the  republic, 
occupying  his  own  spacious  mansion,  and  surrounded 
by  his  own  immediate  vassals.  Strange  arrange- 
ment, —  and  more  strange,  that  it  should  have  been 
compatible  with  social  order  and  tranquillity !  The 
ancient  capital,  through  one  quarter  of  which  flowed 
the  rapid  current  of  the  Zahuad,  stretched  along  the 
summits  and  sides  of  hills,  at  whose  base  are  now 
gathered  the  miserable  remains  of  its  once  flourishing 

6  "Nullum  est  fictile  vas  apud  — Ixtlilxochitl,Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 

nos,  quod  arte  superet  ab  illis  vasa  cap.  83. 

formata."    Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,        The   last  historian   enumeratea 

dec.  5,  cap.  2.  such  a  number   of  contemporary 

"^  Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  Indian  authorities  for  his  narrative, 

MS.  — Rel.   Seg.   de  Cortes,  ap.  as  of  itself  argues  no  inconsidera- 

Lorenzana,  p.  59. — Oviedo,  Hist,  ble   degree   of  civilization  in  the 

de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap  4.  people. 


476  MARCH   TO    MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

population.^  Far  bejoiid,  to  the  south-east,  extended 
the  bold  sierra  of  Tlascala,  and  the  huge  Malinche, 
crowned  with  the  usual  silver  diadem  of  the  highest 
Andes,  having  its  shaggy  sides  clothed  with  dark- 
green  forests  of  firs,  gigantic  sycamores,  and  oaks 
whose  towering  stems  rose  to  the  height  of  forty  or 
fifty  feet,  unincumbered  by  a  branch.  The  clouds, 
which  sailed  over  from  the  distant  Atlantic,  gathered 
round  the  lofty  peaks  of  the  sierra,  and,  settling  into 
torrents,  poured  over  the  plains  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  city,  converting  them,  at  such  seasons,  into 
swamps.  Thunder  storms,  more  frequent  and  terri 
ble  here,  than  in  other  parts  of  the  table-land,  swept 
down  the  sides  of  the  mountains,  and  shook  the  frail 
tenements  of  the  capital  to  their  foundations.  But, 
although  the  bleak  winds  of  the  sierra  gave  an  auster- 
ity to  the  climate,  unlike  the  sunny  skies  and  genial 
temperature  of  the  lower  regions,  it  was  far  more 
favorable  to  the  development  of  both  the  physical 
and  moral  energies.  A  bold  and  hardy  peasantry 
was  nurtured  among  the  recesses  of  the  hills,  fit 
equally  to  cultivate  the  land  in  peace,  and  to  defend 
it  in  war.  Unlike  the  spoiled  child  of  Nature,  who 
derives  such  facilities  of  subsistence  from  her  too 
prodigal  hand,  as  supersede  the  necessity  of  exertion 
on  his  own  part,  the  Tlascalan  earned  his  bread  — 


8  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  ning    of   the   present  century    to 

2,  lib.  6,  cap.  12.  3,400  inhabitants,   of   which   less 

The  population  of  a  place,  which  than  a  thousand  were  of  the  In- 

Cortes  could  compare  with   Gra-  dian  stock.     See  Humboldt,  Essai 

nada,  had  dwindled  by  the  begin-  Politique,  torn.  H.  p.  158. 


ch.  v.]  description  of  tlascala.  477 

from  a  soil  not  ungrateful,  it  is  true  —  by  the  sweat 
of  his  brow.  He  led  a  life  of  temperance  and  toil. 
Cut  off  by  his  long  wars  with  the  Aztecs  from  com- 
mercial intercourse,  he  was  driven  chielly  to  agricul- 
tural labor,  the  occupation  most  propitious  to  pur- 
ity of  morals  and  sinewy  strength  of  constitution. 
His  honest  breast  glowed  with  the  patriotism,  —  or 
local  attachment  to  the  soil,  which  is  the  fruit  of  its 
diligent  culture ;  while  he  was  elevated  by  a  proud 
consciousness  of  independence,  the  natural  birth- 
right of  the  child  of  the  mountains.  —  Such  was  the 
race  with  whom  Cortes  was  now  associated,  for  the 
achievement  of  his  great  work. 

Some  days  were  given  by  the  Spaniards  to  festiv- 
ity, in  which  they  were  successively  entertained  at 
the  hospitable  boards  of  the  four  great  nobles,  in 
their  several  quarters  of  the  city.  Amidst  these 
friendly  demonstrations,  however,  the  general  never 
relaxed  for  a  moment  his  habitual  vigilance,  or  the 
strict  discipline  of  the  camp  ;  and  he  was  careful 
to  provide  for  the  security  of  the  citizens  by  prohib- 
iting, under  severe  penalties,  any  soldier  from  leaving 
his  quarters  without  express  permission.  Indeed, 
the  severity  of  his  discipline  provoked  the  remon- 
strance of  more  than  one  of  his  officers,  as  a  super- 
fluous caution ;  and  the  Tlascalan  chiefs  took  some 
exception  at  it,  as  inferring  an  unreasonable  distrust 
of  them.  But,  when  Cortes  explained  it,  as  in  obe- 
dience to  an  established  military  system,  they  tes- 
tified  their   admiration,    and    the    ambitious  young 


478  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

general  of  the  republic  proposed  to  introduce  it,  if 
possible,  into  his  own  ranks.^ 

The  Spanish  commander,  having  assured  himself 
of  the  loyalty  of  his  new  allies,  next  proposed  to 
accomplish  one  of  the  great  objects  of  his  mission, 
their  conversion  to  Christianity.  By  the  advice  of 
father  Olmedo,  always  opposed  to  precipitate  meas- 
ures, he  had  deferred  this  till  a  suitable  opportunity 
presented  itself  for  opening  the  subject.  Such  a 
one  occurred  when  the  chiefs  of  the  state  proposed 
to  strengthen  the  alliance  with  the  Spaniards,  by 
the  intermarriage  of  their  daughters  with  Cortes  and 
his  officers.  He  told  them,  this  could  not  be,  while 
they  continued  in  the  darkness  of  infidelity.  Then, 
with  the  aid  of  the  good  friar,  he  expounded  as  well 
as  he  could  the  doctrines  of  the  Faith ;  and,  exhibit- 
ing the  image  of  the  Virgin  with  the  infant  Re- 
deemer, told  them  that  there  was  the  God,  in  whose 
worship  alone  they  would  find  salvation,  while  that 
of  their  own  false  idols  would  sink  them  in  eternal 
perdition. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  burden  the  reader  with  a  re- 
capitulation of  his  homily,  which  contained,  proba- 
bly, dogmas  quite  as  incomprehensible  to  the  untu- 
tored Indian,  as  any  to  be  found  in  his  own  rude 
mythology.  But,  though  it  failed  to  convince  his 
audience,    they    listened    with   a   deferential    awe. 


^  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Es-  —  Herrera,  Hist.  General,  dec.  2, 

pafia,   MS.,   lib.    12,   cap.    11. —  lib.    6,   cap.    13.  —  Bernal   Diaz, 

Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  75. 
—  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  54,  55. 


Ch.  v.]  attempted  conversion.  479 

When  he  had  finished,  they  replied,  they  had  no 
doubt  that  the  God  of  the  Christians  must  be  a 
good  and  a  great  God,  and  as  such  they  were  willing 
to  give  him  a  place  among  the  divinities  of  Tlascala. 
The  polytheistic  system  of  the  Indians,  like  that  of 
the  ancient  Greeks,  was  of  that  accommodating 
kind  which  could  admit  within  its  elastic  folds  the 
deities  of  any  other  religion,  without  violence  to 
itself.^°  But  every  nation,  they  continued,  must 
have  its  own  appropriate  and  tutelary  deities.  Nor 
could  they,  in  their  old  age,  abjure  the  service  of 
those  who  had  watched  over  them  from  youth.  It 
would  bring  down  the  vengeance  of  their  gods,  and 
of  their  own  nation,  who  were  as  warmly  attached 
to  their  religion  as  their  liberties,  and  would  defend 
both  with  the  last  drop  of  their  blood  ! 

It  was  clearly  inexpedient  to  press  the  matter 
further,  at  present.  But  the  zeal  of  Cortes,  as  usual, 
waxing  warm  by  opposition,  had  now  mounted  too 
hiffh  for  him  to  calculate  obstacles :  nor  would  he 
have  shrunk,  probably,  from  the  crown  of  martyrdom 
in  so  good  a  cause.  But,  fortunately,  at  least  for 
the  success  of  his  temporal  cause,  this  crown  was 
not  reserved  for  him. 

The  good  monk,  his  ghostly 'adviser,  seeing  the 

10  Camargo  notices  this  elastic  que  le  rescibiesen  admitiendole  por 

property  in  the  religions  of  Ana-  tal,  porque  otras  gentes  adveiiedi- 

huac.     "  Este  mode  de  hablar  y  zas   trujeron    muchos    idolos   que 

decir  que  les  querra  dar  otro  Dios,  tubieron  por  Dioses,  y  a  este  fin  y 

es  saber  que  cuando  estas  gentes  proposito  decian,  que  Cortes    lea 

tenian    noticia  de  algun    Dios  de  traia  otro  Dios."     Hist,  de  Tlas- 

buenas  propiedades  y  costumbres,  cala,  MS. 


480  MARCH   TO   MEXICO  [Book  III. 

course  things  were  likely  to  take,  with  better  judg- 
ment interposed  to  prevent  it.  He  had  no  desire, 
he  said,  to  see  the  same  scenes  acted  over  again  as 
at  Cempoalla.  He  had  no  relish  for  forced  conver- 
sions. They  could  hardly  be  lasting.  The  growth 
of  an  hour  might  well  die  with  the  hour.  Of  what 
use  was  it  to  overturn  the  altar,  if  the  idol  remained 
enthroned  in  the  heart  ?  or  to  destroy  the  idol 
itself,  if  it  were  only  to  make  room  for  another  r 
Better  to  wait  patiently  the  effect  of  time  and  teach- 
ing to  soften  the  heart  and  open  the  understanding, 
without  which  there  could  be  no  assurance  of  a 
sound  and  permanent  conviction.  These  rational 
views  were  enforced  by  the  remonstrances  of  Alva- 
rado,  Velasquez  de  Leon,  and  those  in  whom  Cortes 
placed  most  confidence  ;  till,  driven  from  his  original 
purpose,  the  military  polemic  consented  to  relinquish 
the  attempt  at  conversion,  for  the  present,  and  to  re- 
frain from  a  repetition  of  the  scenes,  which,  consid- 
ering the  different  mettle  of  the  population,  might 
have  been  attended  with  very  different  results  from 
those  at  Cozumel  and  Cempoalla. ^^ 

In  the  course  of  our  narrative,  we  have  had  occa- 

^1    Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  was  himself  a  Christianized  Indian, 

MS.,  cap.  84. — Gomara,  Cronica,  who  lived  in  the  next  generation 

cap.  56.  —  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  after  the  Conquest ;  and  may  very 

la  Conquista,  cap.  76,  77.  likely  have  felt  as  much  desire  to 

This  is,  not  the  account  of  Ca-  relieve  his  nation  from  the  reproach 

margo.    According  to  him,  Cortes  of  infidelity,  as  a  modern  Spaniard 

gained  his  point ;   the  nobles  led  would  to  scour  out   the   stain  — 

the  way  by  embracing  Christianity,  mala  raza  y  mancha  —  of  Jewish 

and  the  idols  were  broken.    (Hist,  or  Moorish  lineage,  from  his  es- 

de  Tlascala,  MS.)     But  Camargo  cutcheon. 


Ch.  y.J  ATTEMPTED   CONVERSION.  481 

sion  to  witness  more  than  once  the  good  effects  of 
the  interposition  of  father  Olmedo.  Indeed,  it  is 
scarcely  too  much  to  say,  that  his  discretion  in  spir- 
itual matters  contributed  as  essentially  to  the  success 
of  the  expedition,  as  did  the  sagacity  and  courage 
of  Cortes  in  temporal.  He  was  a  true  disciple  in 
the  school  of  Las  Casas.  His  heart  was  unscathed 
by  that  fiery  fanaticism  which  sears  and  hardens 
whatever  it  touches.  It  melted  with  the  warm  glow 
of  Christian  charity.  He  had  come  out  to  the  New 
World,  as  a  missionary  among  the  heathen,  and  he 
shrunk  from  no  sacrifice,  but  that  of  the  welfare  of 
the  poor  benighted  flock  to  whom  he  had  conse- 
crated his  days.  If  he  followed  the  banners  of  the 
warrior,  it  was  to  mitigate  the  ferocity  of  war,  and 
to  turn  the  triumphs  of  the  Cross  to  a  good  account 
for  the  natives  themselves,  by  the  spiritual  labors  of 
conversion.  He  afforded  the  uncommon  example  — 
not  to  have  been  looked  for,  certainly,  in  a  Spanish 
monk  of  the  sixteenth  century — of  enthusiasm  con- 
trolled by  reason,  a  quickening  zeal  tempered  by  the 
mild  spirit  of  toleration. 

But,  though  Cortes  abandoned  the  ground  of  con- 
version for  the  present,  he  compelled  the  Tlascalans 
to  break  the  fetters  of  the  unfortunate  victims  re- 
served for  sacrifice ;  an  act  of  humanity  unhappily 
only  transient  in  its  effects,  since  the  prisons  were 
filled  with  fresh  victims,  on  his  departure. 

He  also  obtained  permission  for  the  Spaniards 
to  perform  the  services  of  their  own  religion  unmo- 
lested.    A  large  cross  was  erected  in  one  of  the 

VOL.    I.  61 


482  MARCH   TO  MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

great  courts  or  squares.  Mass  was  celebrated  every 
day  in  the  presence  of  the  army  and  of  crowds  of  na- 
tives, who,  if  they  did  not  comprehend  its  full  import, 
were  so  far  edified,  that  they  learned  to  reverence 
the  religion  of  their  conquerors.  The  direct  inter- 
position of  Heaven,  however,  wrought  more  for  their 
conversion  than  the  best  homily  of  priest  or  soldier. 
Scarcely  had  the  Spaniards  left  the  city, — the  tale 
is  told  on  very  respectable  authority,  —  when  a  thin, 
transparent  cloud  descended  and  settled  like  a  col- 
umn on  the  cross,  and,  wrapping  it  round  in  its 
luminous  folds,  continued  to  emit  a  soft,  celestial 
radiance  through  the  night,  thus  proclaiming  the 
sacred  character  of  the  symbol,  on  which  was  shed 
the  halo  of  divinity  ! '~ 

The  principle  of  toleration  in  religious  matters 
being  established,  the  Spanish  general  consented  to 
receive  the  daughters  of  the  caciques.  Five  or  six 
of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  Indian  maidens  were 
assigned  to  as  many  of  his  principal  officers,  after 
they  had  been  cleansed  from  the  stains  of  infidelity 
by  the  waters  of  baptism.  They  received,  as  usual, 
on  this  occasion,  good  Castilian  names,  in  exchange 
for  the  barbarous  nomenclature  of  their  own  vernac- 
ular.'^    Among  them,  Xicotencatl's  daughter.  Dona 

'2  Tlie   miracle  is  reported  by  to  all  the  Indians  baptized  on  the 

llcrrera,   (Hist.  General,  dec.  2,  same  day.    Thus,  one  day  was  set 

lib.  6,  cap.   15,)   and  believed  by  apart  for  the  Johns,   another  for 

Solis.     Conquista  de  Mejico,  lib.  the  Peters,  and  so  on  ;  an  ingeni- 

3,  cap.  5.  ous  arrangement,  much  more  for 

13  To  avoid  the   perplexity  of  the  convenience  of  the  clergy,  than 

selection,  it  was  common  for  the  of  the  converts.     See  Camargo, 

missionary  to  give  the  same  names  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


Ch.  v.]  AZTEC   EMBASSY.  483 

Luisa,  as  she  was  called  after  her  baptism,  was  a 
princess  of  the  highest  estimation  and  authority  in 
Tlascala.  She  was  given  by  her  father  to  Alvarado, 
and  their  posterity  intermarried  with  the  noblest 
families  of  Castile.  The  frank  and  joyous  manners 
of  this  cavalier  made  him  a  great  favorite  with  the 
Tlascalans ;  and  his  bright,  open  countenance,  fair 
complexion,  and  golden  locks,  gave  him  the  name 
of  Tonatiuh,  the  "Sun."  The  Indians  often  pleased 
their  fancies  by  fastening  a  sobriquet,  or  some  char- 
acteristic epithet  on  the  Spaniards.  As  Cortes  wa-; 
always  attended,  on  public  occasions,  by  Dona  Mari- 
na, or  Malinche,  as  she  was  called  by  the  natives, 
they  distinguished  him  by  the  same  name.  By 
these  epithets,  originally  bestowed  in  Tlascala,  the 
two  Spanish  captains  were  popularly  designated 
among  the  Indian   nations. 

While  these  events  were  passing,  another  embassy 
arrived  from  the  court  of  Mexico.  It  was  charged, 
as  usual,  with  a  costly  donative  of  embossed  gold 
plate,  and  rich  embroidered  stuffs  of  cotton  and 
feather-work.  The  terms  of  the  message  might 
well  argue  a  vacillating  and  timid  temper  in  the 
monarch,  did  they  not  mask  a  deeper  policy.  He 
now  invited  the   Spaniards  to  his  capital,  with  the 

14   Ibid.,    MS.  —  Bernal   Diaz,  led  some  of  the  chiefs  to  surrender 

Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  74,  77.  their  own  daughters,  "  con  propds- 

According    to    Caraargo,    the  ito  de  que  si  acaso  algunas  se  ein- 

Tlascalans  gave  the  Spanish  com-  preaasen  quedase  entre  ellos  gen- 

mander  three  hundred  damsels  to  eracion  de  hombres  tan  valientes  y 

wait  on  Marina ;  and  the  kind  treat-  temidos. ' ' 
mcnt  and  instruction  they  received 


484  MARCH  TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

assurance  of  a  cordial  welcome.  He  besought  them 
to  enter  into  no  alliance  with  the  base  and  barbarous 
TIascalans ;  and  he  invited  them  to  take  the  route 
of  the  friendly  city  of  Cholula,  where  arrangements, 
according  to  his  orders,  were  made  for  their  recep- 
tion.'^ 

The  TIascalans  viewed  with  deep  regret  the  gen- 
eral's proposed  visit  to  Mexico.  Their  reports  fully 
confirmed  all  he  had  before  heard  of  the  powei 
and  ambition  of  Montezuma.  His  armies,  they 
said,  were  spread  over  every  part  of  the  continent. 
His  capital  was  a  place  of  great  strength,  and  as, 
from  its  insular  position,  all  communication  could  be 
easily  cut  off  with  the  adjacent  country,  the  Span- 
iards, once  entrapped  there,  would  be  at  his  mercy. 
His  policy,  they  represented,  was  as  insidious,  as  his 
ambition  was  boundless.  "  Trust  not  his  fair  words," 
they  said,  "  his  courtesies,  and  his  gifts.  His  profes- 
sions are  hollow,  and  his  friendships  are  false."  When 
Cortes  remarked,  that  he  hoped  to  bring  about  a  bet- 
ter understanding  between  the  emperor  and  them, 
they  replied,  it  would  be  impossible  ;  however  smooth 
his  words,  he  would  hate  them  at  heart. 

'5  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con-  yond  it,  that  it  is  not  always  easy 

quista,   cap.   80.  —  Rel.    Seg.    de'  to  decide  between  them.    Diaz  did 

Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  60.  —  not  compile  his  narrative  till  some 

Martyr,  De   Orbe  Novo,  dec.   5,  fifty  years  after  the  Conquest ;  a 

cap.  2.  lapse  of  time,  which  may  excuse 

Cortes  notices  only  one  Aztec  many  errors,  but  must  considerably 
mission,  while  Diaz  speaks  of  impair  our  confidence  in  the  mi- 
three.  The  former,  from  brevity,  nute  accuracy  of  his  details.  A 
falls  so  much  short  of  the  whole  more  intimate  acquaintance  with 
truth,  and  the  latter,  from  forget-  his  chronicle  does  not  strengthen 
fulness  perhaps,  goes  so  much  be-  this  confidence. 


Ch.  V.J  AZTEC   EMBASSY  485 

The  J  warmly  protested,  also,  against  the  general's 
taking  the  route  of  Cholula.  The  inhabitants,  not 
brave  in  the  open  field,  were  more  dangerous  from 
their  perfidy  and  craft.  They  were  Montezuma's 
tools,  and  would  do  his  bidding.  The  Tlascalans 
seemed  to  combine  with  this  distrust  a  superstitious 
dread  of  the  ancient  city,  the  head -quarters  of  the 
religion  of  Anahuac.  It  was  here  that  the  god 
Quetzalcoatl  held  the  pristine  seat  of  his  empire. 
His  temple  was  celebrated  throughout  the  land,  and 
the  priests  were  confidently  believed  to  have  the  pow- 
er, as  they  themselves  boasted,  of  opening  an  inunda- 
tion from  the  foundations  of  his  shrine,  which  should 
bury  their  enemies  in  the  deluge.  The  Tlascalans 
further  reminded  Cortes,  that,  while  so  many  other 
and  distant  places  had  sent  to  him  at  Tlascala,  to 
testify  their  good-will,  and  offer  their  allegiance  to 
his  sovereigns,  Cholula,  only  six  leagues  distant,  had 
done  neither.  —  The  last  suggestion  struck  the  gen- 
eral more  forcibly  than  any  of  the  preceding.  He 
instantly  despatched  a  summons  to  the  city,  requiring 
a  formal  tender  of  its  submission. 

Among  the  embassies  from  different  quarters  which 
had  waited  on  the  Spanish  commander,  while  at 
Tlascala,  was  one  from  Ixtlilxochitl,  son  of  the 
great  Nezahualpilli,  and  an  unsuccessfiil  competi- 
tor with  his  elder  brother  —  as  noticed  in  a  former 
part  of  our  narrative  —  for  the  crown  of  Tezcuco.''^ 
Though  defeated  in  his  pretensions,  he  had  obtained 

16  Ante,  p.  311. 


486  MARCH    TO   MEXICO.  [Book  III. 

a  part  of  the  kingdom,  over  which  he  ruled  with  a 
deadly  feeling  of  animosity  towards  his  rival,  and  to 
Montezuma,  who  had  sustained  him.  He  now  of- 
fered his  services  to  Cortes,  asking  his  aid,  in  re- 
turn, to  place  him  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors 
The  politic  general  returned  such  an  answer  to  the 
aspiring  young  prince,  as  might  encourage  his  ex- 
pectations, and  attach  him  to  his  interests.  It  was 
his  aim  to  strengthen  his  cause,  by  attracting  to  him- 
self every  particle  of  disaffection  that  was  floating 
through  the  land. 

It  was  not  long  before  deputies  arrived  from  Cho- 
lula,  profuse  in  their  expressions  of  good-will,  and  in- 
viting the  presence  of  the  Spaniards  in  their  capital. 
The  messengers  were  of  low  degree,  far  beneath  the 
usual  rank  of  ambassadors.  This  was  pointed  out  by 
the  TIascalans ;  and  Cortes  regarded  it  as  a  fresh  ii 
dignity.  He  sent  in  consequence  a  new  summons, 
declaring,  if  they  did  not  instantly  send  him  a  deputa- 
tion of  their  principal  men,  he  would  deal  with  then, 
as  rebels  to  his  own  sovereign,  the  rightful  lord  of 
these  realms  ! ''  The  menace  had  the  desired  effect. 
The  Cholulans  were  not  inclined  to  contest,  at  least, 
for  the   present,  his   magnificent  pretensions.     An- 

^'  "  Si  no  viniessen,  iria  sobrc  term,  fastened  in  like  manner  by 

cllos,  y  los  destruiria,  y  procedcria  the  countrymen  of  Cortes  on  the 

contra  ellos  como  contra  personas  Moors,  for   defending  the  posses 

rebeldes  ;  diciendoles,  como  todas  sions  which  they  had  held  for  eight 

ostas  Partes,  y  otras  muy  mayores  centuries  in  the  Peninsula.    It  jus- 

Tierras,  y  Scnorios  cran  de  Vues-  tified  very   rigorous   reprisals.  — 

tra  Alteza."     (Rel.  Sog.  do  Cor-  (See  the  History  of  Ferdinand  and 

tes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  63.)     "  Re-  Isabella,  Part  T.  Chap.  13,  et  alibi.) 
be] linn  "    was   a   verv  convenient 


ch.  v.]  invited  to  cholula.  187 

other  embassy  appeared  in  the  camp,  consisting  ot 
some  of  the  highest  nobles ;  who  repeated  the  invi- 
tation for  the  Spaniards  to  visit  their  city,  and  ex- 
cused their  own  tardy  appearance  by  apprehensions 
for  their  personal  safety  in  the  capital  of  their  ene- 
mies. The  explanation  was  plausible,  and  was  ad- 
mitted by  Cortes. 

The  Tlascalans  were  now  more  than  ever  opposed 
to  his  projected  visit.  A  strong  Aztec  force,  tl)c\ 
had  ascertained,  lay  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Chohi- 
la,  and  the  people  were  actively  placing  their  city  in 
a  posture  of  defence.  They  suspected  some  insidi- 
ous scheme  concerted  by  Montezuma  to  destroy  the 
Spaniards. 

These  suggestions  disturbed  the  mind  of  Cortes, 
but  did  not  turn  him  from  his  purpose.  He  felt  a 
natural  curiosity  to  see  the  venerable  city  so  celebrat- 
ed in  the  history  of  the  Indian  nations.  He  had, 
besides,  sone  too  far  to  recede,  too  far.  at  least,  to  do 
so  without  a  show  of  apprehension,  inij)lying  a  dis- 
trust in  his  own  resources,  which  could  not  fail  to 
have  a  bad  effect  on  his  enemies,  his  allies,  and  his 
own  men.  After  a  brief  consultation  with  his  offi- 
cers, he  decided  on  the  route  to  Cholula.'" 

It  was  now  three  weeks  since  tlie  Spaniards  had 
taken  up  their  residence  within  the  hospitable  walls 

W  Rel.  Seg.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo-  cap.  58.  —  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo, 

renzana,    pp.°  62,   63   —  Oviedo,  dec.  5,  cap.  2.— Hcrrcra,  Hist. 

Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  General,  dec.  2,  lib.  C,  cap.  18.— 

4.  —  Ixtlilxochitl,    Hist.    Chich.,  Sahajrun,  Hist,  de  Nueva  Eapafia. 

MS.,  cap.  84.  — Gomara,  Cronica,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  H. 


4,88  MARCH   TO   MEXICO.  [Book  111. 

of  TIascala ;  and  nearly  six,  since  they  entered  her 
territory.  They  had  been  met  on  the  threshold  as 
an  enemy,  with  the  most  determined  hostility.  They 
were  now  to  part  mth  the  same  people,  as  friends 
and  allies  ;  fast  friends,  who  were  to  stand  by  them, 
side  by  side,  through  the  whole  of  their  arduous 
struggle.  The  result  of  their  visit,  therefore,  was 
of  the  last  importance ;  since  on  the  cooperation  of 
these  brave  and  warlike  republicans,  greatly  depend- 
ed the  ultimate  success  of  the  expedition. 


END    OF    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


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